为您找到与最经典优美的英文诗朗诵相关的共200个结果:
2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文经典演讲文章,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Dr. Conant, members of the Board of Overseers, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am
overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position. But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of Europe and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.
In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the German war machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.
There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery, as I have said, is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.
Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So, the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from America -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character.
The remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the people of Europe in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to question.
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States. It is already evident that before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.
I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions. But, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Thank you very much.
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诗歌是高度集中地概括反映社会生活的一种文学体裁,它饱含着作者的思想感情与丰富的想象,语言凝练而形象性强,具有鲜明的节奏,和谐的音韵,富于音乐美,语句一般分行排列,注重结构形式的美。下面读文网小编整理了优美诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
《莫远游》
作者:塞宾的左手
我活在一个小小的圈子里
一个有土壤和鲜花的圈子
你让我挑选一种颜色
来命名雨后的阳光
麦田何时已被焚毁
留下的劣迹
是一群麻雀的祷告
我还能走得更远吗
离开小小的城池
做风信子或是信天翁
不想再多说什么
我的声音越发稀薄
在阳光的炙烤下
就会转眼沉没
不知道我到底是什么
是空气的一部分
水的一部分
麦子的一部分
还是候鸟的一部分
或许空气与水饱满了麦子
喂饱了被寄望的候鸟
来年的麦田候鸟依旧经过
稻草人早已形同虚设
没有一朵蒲公英不想被风带走
谁的轻叹成为了咒语的钥匙
如果你就站在我的前面
我不敢打点行装
我怕你泛红的眼眶
怕从背后被你抱住
我的手里依旧有一封凭信
一座圣域还在向我招手
还有一道密诏
欲图将你赐死
让你转生还阳后
与我陌路
我还在一言不语
你在号令这秋风的过境
你的眼里忽闪冷漠与柔弱
忽而浮现你衣带渐宽的模样
我的心便碎成琉璃
不走了
陪你
看过“优美诗朗诵 诗歌朗诵”
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诗诗歌的表现手法是很多的,而且历代以来不断地发展创造,运用也灵活多变,夸张、复沓、重叠、跳跃等等,难以尽述。但是各种方法都离不开想象,丰富的想象既是诗歌的一大特点,也是诗歌最重要的一种表现手法。下面读文网小编整理了优美散文诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
《追赶冬天》
作者:紫藤晴儿
认识你时在春天
走在你的三月
我偷偷折下一枝桃花
品尝它的味道
天空的雨滴
淋湿我刚破土的嫩芽
你便为我撑起枫叶的天
原来温暖不只是一片叶
而是一片林
姐姐,你陪着我,我跟着你
夏天我不怕梅雨的天
你说是那是爱情的滋味
你送我一盆玫瑰的土壤
我将沉年的心情全部栽植
秋天,你的一片红燃烧着十月天
太阳都被烤到云层
黑夜里我与明月倾听你的笑声
你一步步追赶冬天
蒙山的第一片雪花
一定落入你的磁场
冰与火的温度能静止一座山的表情
一片片枫叶赶赴红尘
你便穿起冬雪过冬
山不会冷,你更不会冷
就这样老去的是荒山
而我写下的是姐姐的幸福
看过“优美散文诗朗诵”
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中国古代不合乐的称为诗,合乐的称为歌,现代一般统称为诗歌。它按照一定的音节、韵律的要求,表现社会生活和人的精神世界。下面读文网小编整理了优美英文诗歌朗诵,供你阅读参考。
Three passions
Three passions, simple but overwhelmingly strong, have governed my life: the longing for love, the search for knowledge, and unbearable pity for the suffering of mankind. These passions, like great winds, have blown me hither and thither, in a wayward course, over a deep ocean of anguish, reaching to the very verge of despair.
I have sought love, first, because it brings ecstasy –ecstasy so great that I would often have sacrificed all the rest of life for a few hours of this joy. I have sought it, next, because it relieves loneliness--that terrible loneliness in which one shivering consciousness looks over the rim of the world into the cold unfathomable lifeless abyss. I have sought it, finally, because in the union of love I have seen, in a mystic miniature, the prefiguring vision of the heaven that saints and poets have imagined. This is what I sought, and though it might seem too good for human life, this is what- at last- I have found.
With equal passion I have sought knowledge. I have wished to understand the hearts of men. I have tried to apprehend the Pythagorean power by which number holds sway above the flu. A little of this, but not much, I have achieved.
Love and knowledge, so far as they were possible, led upward toward the heavens. But always pity brought me back to earth. Echoes of cries of pain reverberate in my heart. Children in famine, victims tortured by oppressors, helpless old people a hated burden to their sons, and the whole world of loneliness, poverty, and pain make a mockery of what human life should be. I long to alleviate the evil, but I cannot, and I too suffer.
This has been my life. I have found it worth living, and would gladly live it again if the chance were offered me.
三种激情 -----罗素
三种激情虽然简单,却异常强烈,它们统治着我的生命,那便是:对爱的渴望,对知识的追求,以及对人类苦难的难以承受的同情。这三种激情像变化莫测的狂风任意地把我刮来刮去,把我刮入痛苦的深海,到了绝望的边缘。
我曾经寻找爱,首先是因为它能使我欣喜若狂——这种喜悦之情如此强烈,使我常常宁愿为这几个小时的愉悦而牺牲生命中的其他一切。我寻求爱,其次是因为爱能解除孤独——在这种可怕的孤独中,一颗颤抖的良心在世界的边缘,注视着下面冰凉、毫无生气、望不见底的深渊。我寻求爱还因为在爱的融合中,我能以某种神秘的图像看到曾被圣人和诗人想象过的天堂里未来的景象。这就是我所追求的东西,虽然这似乎对于人类的生命来说过于完美,但这确实是我最终发现的东西。 我怀着同样的激情去寻找知识,我曾渴望着理解人心,我曾渴望知道为何星星会闪烁,我还企图弄懂毕达哥拉斯所谓的用数字控制变化的力量,但在这方面,我只知道一点点。
爱的力量和知识的力量引我接近天堂,但同情之心往往又把我拉回大地。痛苦的哭泣回响、震荡在我的心中。饥饿的儿童,被压迫、受折磨的人们,成为儿孙们讨厌的包袱的、无助的老人们,充斥着整个世界的孤独的气氛,贫穷和苦难,所有这一切都是对人类生活原本该具有的样子所作的讽刺。我渴望消除一切邪恶,但我办不到,因为我自己也处于苦难之中。 这就是我的生活,我认为值得一过。而且,如果有第二次机会,我将乐意地再过一次。
#p#副标题#e#
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古时候,古代信息技术不发达,所以人们从这一个地区到那一个地区传递信息都非常不方便,于是他们将写好的诗编成歌,而诗歌就从人们的口中传递。诗歌起源于上古的社会生活,因劳动生产、两性相恋、原始宗教等而产生的一种有韵律、富有感情色彩的语言形式。下面读文网小编整理了优美英文朗诵诗歌,供你阅读参考。
I remember quite clearly now when the story happened. The autumn leaves were floating in measure down to the ground, recovering the lake, where we used to swim like children, under the sun was there to shine. That time we used to be happy. Well, I thought we were. But the truth was that you had been longing to leave me, not daring to tell me. On that precious night, watching the lake, vaguely conscious, you said: "Our story is ending."
The rain was killing the last days of summer. You had been killing my last breath of love, since a long time ago. I still don't think I'm gonna make it through another love story. You took it all away from me. And there I stand, I knew I was going to be the one left behind. But still I'm watching the lake, vaguely conscious, and I know my life is ending.
我仍清晰地记得故事发生的时候。秋叶翻飞,飘落一地。我们曾经孩子般戏水畅游过的小湖盖满落叶,在太阳下闪着光。那时我们幸福过。哦,我是这样认为的。可事实上你早就想离开我,只是不敢告诉我罢了。在那美丽的夜晚,眼望湖水,恍惚中听见你说:我们的故事已到尽头。
雨水扼杀着所剩无几的夏日,而你很久以来也在扼杀我奄奄一息的爱。我仍不认为自己会再去经历另一段爱情故事。你把一切都带走了。我只有悄然伫立,早已明白自己将会是那个被遗弃的人。而我依然凝望着湖水,恍惚中,生命正离我而去。
看过“优美英文朗诵诗歌”
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英语是一门语言,我相信只要有心坚持每天朗诵一篇英文散文,无论是你的朗诵能力还是英语能力都会大大提高,下面读文网小编整理了优美英文散文朗诵,供你阅读参考。
every day is a new leg&nb
life is often compared to be a long journey everyone has to start and finish one way or another.i find there is little to say about today for i have been incrediblly exausted with the hesvy workload my boss assainged to me the last day. but when i consider the fact that i have greatly improved my speed of typing ,such happy feelings keep welling up in heart . yesterday evening i waited for bus 210 at the yamei mansion stop ,i felt it might be the worst and meanwhile the most exciting day in my life but now i only think my harsh and mesmerising days are just looming on the horison before me. it is the best of times, it is the worst of times.i can never disregard winston churchill's time-held wisdom ---attitude is a littile thing that makes a big difference!
sometimes i cannot refrain from thinking about thingsinrelivant to me ,whereas from the perspective of philosophy, all the world is interwined together so i cannot deny that the necessity for us to care more. on the world's most insanely overloaded bus , no one seemed to be less hostile. especially young people who have never in their life believe that how worse off we have degenarated since the introduction of pubic transportation in china.speaking of the current traffic situation in xi'an , an image conjures up in my memory that the indian government or its people allow passengers tosit or even stand on the top of the bus and trains . how innovative they are. for some people like me , it does feel better to choose the top than the terriblly stufferd in-side of bus 210.
i find for the time being people are actually less happier than before, because when you carefully observepeople around me it is not hard to sense those sad eyes, angry puffs andbuffs, and rude language .the question is whethere it is imperative for each of us to present them withour smiling faces in the face of less happier people . emotion like a vaccine is agod given gift to eradicate ailments in the seemingly harsh world, so let's inject positive signals with our smileintothe world for the sake of others . we are here to cure rather than contract others and that's the purpose of god to make us, be you a believer or not .we are human but we should live above mere being like animals, which is the cretirion that sets us from lower beings.
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在诗歌中,还有一种重要的表现手法是象征。象征,简单说就是“以象征义”,但在现代诗歌中,象征则又表现为心灵的直接意象,这是应予注意的。下面读文网小编整理了优美诗朗诵稿,供你阅读参考。
《月色温柔》
作者:呆贝贝
(一)思念
今夜,我的思念
囚禁在一口井里
然后,从幽深的井口
爬出一枚月儿。探头、张望
被一阵狗叫,惊上屋顶
(二)情怯
芙蓉、白菊、桂花
齐聚在我的窗外,说着悄悄话
你看,我终于能叫出它们的名字
在你手把手教过的多年之后
时间变了,地点变了
依稀的香味与乡音相遇
不好意思进屋,就开一扇窗吧
你要知道啊!近乡情怯的
不止是你们,还有趴在窗口的
顽皮的月影
(三)无语
坐在一些回忆里。背光的
暗淡与顺光的明亮
交替上演。
听风、观月
不说话。
(四)苏醒
握一缕青丝,想象着
辗转反侧的你,三分之二处
暮雪,成霜
村庄快要苏醒了
最先响起的咳嗽声
惊落屋檐上,摇摇欲坠的
玉兔
(五)温柔
千里之外,我一遍遍听着:
“夜色多温柔
你有多爱我”
像多年前一样,滚一身泥土
沾一路芬芳,在月光的清洗下
还原成你眼中,最干净的
孩子
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王国维以西方美学崇高的理论糅合中国古代美学阴阳柔刚说而提出。“美之为物有二种:一曰优美,一曰壮美。”下面读文网小编整理了优美的现代诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
《我不该学会爱》
作者:离开水的鱼
空心
你可以一步走过我
从身后到身前
我的经年和未年成河
温度还在
风让我紧张
水让我懦弱
你拍一下我的水面
听不见我心脏的回应
你可以一箭射穿我
从正面到负面
你看不透我的虫洞
温度不在
我的冷和黑成灾
冷了热爱,黑了行程
你撞一下我的世界
只能听见不带感情的回音
于是
我停下
像一颗梧桐
年年开花
岁岁空心
渺小
有一个角色叫渺小
人间太大,大得看不见你
每一次蜕变
人间太小,小得容不下你
每一次转身
将你看成一小点涟漪
无限放大,才看清
你波动的纹路
决定
做一只小小的浮游
在显微镜下生活
渴望获得轮回的衍变
渴望永不在阴暗繁衍
多想,冲开生的规则
那要命的天堂啊,皈依
在哪里
须臾
冲过天堂漏雨的房檐
藏身地狱繁华的街头
方寸之间
我猜测着世界的大小
我不该学会爱
如果是糖
却为何甜到绝望
如果是药
又为何毒到忧伤
人群中,我漂浮着
从凝实到融化
带着破碎的声音
蝴蝶总被花朵出卖
你,不能只是我的梦
不用,画一颗心供我充饥
你看那一只枯叶蝶
习惯收紧自己的疼痛
放开的翅膀又那么柔软
也许,他从未畏惧死亡
也从不回避对花丛的热爱
它惧怕的是另一只蝶的离去
我不是蝴蝶
车来人往的夹缝
还如何冲动
我本不该学会爱
回到没有棱角的躯体
象征的河不被赋予浪漫
路灯一如既往地抽象
我吧我的具体放下帷幕
一张蛛网恰到好处遮住目光
远方的亮和暗无法亲近
看过“优美的现代诗朗诵”
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优美是外观形式与美的内容的统一,具有静态、柔性的美,没有冲突、矛盾。下面读文网小编整理了优美的英语诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
So often, when I'm alone with my thoughts,
I feel your presence enter me
like the morning sun's early light,
filling my memories and dreams of us
with a warm and clear radiance.
You have become my love, my life,
and together we have shaped our world
until it seems now as natural as breathing.
But I remember when it wasn't always so -
times when peace and happiness seemed more
like intruders in my life than
the familiar companions they are today;
times when we struggled to know each other,
but always smoothing out those rough spots
until we came to share ourselves completely.
We can never rid our lives entirely
of sadness and difficult times
but we
can understand them together, and grow
stronger as individuals and as a loving couple.
If I don't tell you as often as I'd like,
it's because I could never tell you enough -
that I'm grateful for you
sharing your life with mine,
and that my love for you will live forever.
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我们如果掌握了用声音塑造形象的手法,那将为诗歌创作开拓一个更加广阔的领域。无论是比拟、夸张或借代,都有赖于诗人对客观事物进行敏锐的观察,融入自己的情感,加以大胆的想象,甚至幻想。下面读文网小编整理了优美的英文诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
However mean your life is, meet it and live it; do not shun it and call it hard names.It is not so bad as you are.
It looks poorest when you are richest.The fault-finder will find faults in paradise. Love your life, poor as it is.
You may perhaps have some pleasant, thrilling, glorious hours, even in a poor-house. The setting sun is reflected from the windows of the alms-house as brightly as from the rich man's abode; the snow melts before its door as early in the spring. I do not see but a quiet mind may live as contentedly there, and have as cheering thoughts, as in a palace.
The town's poor seem to me often to live the most independent lives of any. Maybe they are simply great enough to receive without misgiving. Most think that they are above being supported by the town; but it often happens that they are not above supporting themselves by dishonest means. which should be more disreputable.
Cultivate poverty like a garden herb, like sage.Do not trouble yourself much to get new things, whether clothes or friends. Turn the old, return to them.
Things do not change; we change. Sell your clothes and keep your thoughts.
看过“优美的英文诗朗诵”
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熟能成诵,既然已能成诵,那基本上能背下来了,随着孩子诵读的诗词越来越多,他积累的诗词也越来越多,与此同时孩子的记忆力在提高,拥有超强的记忆力对孩子的今后的学习将起到推波助澜的作用。下面读文网小编整理了优美的英文诗歌朗诵稿,供你阅读参考。
真爱
An ancient Hebraic text says:" love is as strong as death". It seems that not everyone experiences this kind of strong love. The increasing probably,crime and war tells us that the world is in indispensable need of true love. But what is true love?
Love is something we all need.But how do we know when we experience it?
True love is best seen as the promotion and action, not an emotion. Love is not exclusively based how we feel.Certainly our emotions are involved.But they cannot be our only criteria for love.True love is when you care enough about another person that you will lay down your life for them. When this happens,then love truly is as strong as death.How many of you have a mother, or father,husband or wife,son or daughter or friend who would sacrifice his or her own life on yours? Those of you who truly love your spells but unchildren, would unselfishly lay your life on the line to save them from death? Many people in an emergency room with their loved ones and prayed"please, God,take me instead of them".Find true love and be a true lover as well.May you find a love which is not only strong as death, but to leave to a truly for feeling life.
看过“优美的英文诗歌朗诵稿”
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让孩子从小就爱上诵读诗词,利用小学阶段对诗词进行广泛的诵读,古今中外,这将为孩子将来的学习打下坚实的基础。下面读文网小编整理了优美的英文朗诵,供你阅读参考。
Never give up,
Never lose hope.
Always have faith,
It allows you to cope.
Trying times will pass,
As they always do.
Just have patience,
Your dreams will come true.
So put on a smile,
You’ll live through your pain.
Know it will pass,
And strength you will gain.
永 不 放 弃
永不放弃,
永不心灰意冷。
永存信念,
它会使你应付自如。
难捱的时光终将过去,
一如既往。
只要有耐心,
梦想就会成真。
露出微笑,
你会走出痛苦。
相信苦难定会过去,
你将重获力量。
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英语诗歌是高校专业英国文学课程教学中要的一门课,中国有优美诗歌,英国也有优美诗歌,需要介绍诗人生平,分析诗歌语言,讲解诗歌内容。针对诗歌审美特点,发挥想象的翅膀,感受优美的英语诗歌情趣,欣赏诗歌的美。下面读文网小编整理了优美的西方诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
Stopping By Woods On a Snowy Evening
Whose woods these are I think I know,
His house is in the village though;
He will not see me stopping here
to watch his woods filled up with snow.
My little horse must think it queer
to stop without a farmhouse near
between the woods and frozen lake.
The darkest night of the year.
He gives his harness bells a shake
to ask if there is some mistake.
The only other sound's the sweep
of easy wind and downy flake.
The woods are lovely, dark and deep.
But I have promises to keep
And miles to go before I sleep,
And miles to go before I sleep.
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腹有诗书气自华,培养孩子从小开始诵读古诗,用诗陶冶孩子的性情,塑造高尚情操,提高孩子的文化素养。另外通过声情并茂,抑扬顿挫的诵读,让孩子的胸怀更宽广,眼界更开阔的同时,提高孩子的文化品味。下面读文网小编整理了优美的诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
作者:风中落花
那夜,喝多了XO
眩晕中,走进爱情坟墓
一枚戒指,把自己套进现实
天空的云朵,开始举步维艰
七年风雨,容颜熏染在烟火里
满面菜色,无奈堆积眼角
皴皱的手指,扯动十根心弦
怎奈心冷弦奕锈,曲调难再成
睡梦里,编制一个童话美梦
我的王子,没有骑白马
用鲜花云露,搭建了一座城堡
我羽化成仙,翩然而至
一张芬芳的花床,开始浪漫的故事
渴饮木兰之坠露,饥餐
鲜花之落英
月光湖畔,娇颜胜雪
十指纤纤,葱白如玉
我又看到青春的美
铃声刺耳,美丽的梦
于眼角泪珠破碎
被泪浸湿的枕巾,忧郁成海
残留着粉红色的香气,浪漫
只在梦幻里延续
灵魂,享受了童话的美好
超脱于世外,只是
我的肉体饥肠辘辘
还在柴米油盐酱醋茶里挣扎
看过“优美的诗朗诵”
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优美的英文诗歌的文学特征是一种资源、修养、感受。教学方法有四种,分别是朗读法、对比法、想想法、移情法。优美的英文诗歌必须反复吟唱,方可咀嚼诗歌旋律、节奏、韵律所营造的音乐美下面读文网小编整理了英文优美朗诵诗歌,供你阅读参考。
"A friend walk in when the rest of the world walks out."
"别人都走开的时候,朋友仍与你在一起。”
Sometimes in life,
有时候在生活中,
You find a special friend;
你会找到一个特别的朋友;
Someone who changes your life just by being part of it.
他只是你生活中的一部分内容,却能改变你整个的生活。
Someone who makes you laugh until you can't stop;
他会把你逗得开怀大笑;
Someone who makes you believe that there really is good in the world.
他会让你相信人间有真情。
Someone who convinces you that there really is an unlocked door just waiting for you to open it.
他会让你确信,真的有一扇不加锁的门,在等待着你去开启。
This is Forever Friendship.
这就是永远的友谊。
when you're down,
当你失意,
and the world seems dark and empty,
当世界变得黯淡与空虚,
Your forever friend lifts you up in spirits and makes that dark and empty world
suddenly seem bright and full.
你真正的朋友会让你振作起来,原本黯淡、空虚的世界顿时变得明亮和充实。
Your forever friend gets you through the hard times,the sad times,and the confused times.
你真正的朋友会与你一同度过困难、伤心和烦恼的时刻。
If you turn and walk away,
你转身走开时,
Your forever friend follows,
真正的朋友会紧紧相随,
If you lose you way,
你迷失方向时,
Your forever friend guides you and cheers you on.
真正的朋友会引导你,鼓励你。
Your forever friend holds your hand and tells you that everything is going to be okay.
真正的朋友会握着你的手,告诉你一切都会好起来的。
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在朗诵前的彩排中加入走位。根据对朗诵稿的理解,加入特定的动作,配以合适的走位,是一种新型的朗诵形式,详细情况。下面读文网小编整理了一分钟诗朗诵优美,供你阅读参考。
作者:陈哲夜
一
前天晚上,我和雪人饮酒,
庆祝冬天的来临。
宴会结束后,我被运往乳白色的旅馆。
入睡前,我看见窗外的天使
从枝头摇落下雪花。
二
冬天沉陷进淤泥里。
所有的水聚集到世界尽头,
它们把自己封闭在冰的薄膜后面。
大地在地平线上打印出马群般的
内心独白。
天空像解缆的轮船一样,离我们远去。
三
当云层被牢牢冻住时,
我们的冬天来了。
那是属于我们的纯白时代。
乌鸦飞走,
影子遗忘在天空。
我去漂移的岛屿上探测雪的深度。
四
北风啸鸣出它的最高音。
我听见两种乐器合奏,
像两个睡着的人在梦中交谈。
最终,我们出去,
一起观赏雪景。
那晚,我们走得很远。
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