为您找到与麦克阿瑟的演讲老兵不死相关的共200个结果:
道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟是美国著名军事将领,1944年授衔五星上将,并且曾任菲律宾陆军元帅。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇麦克阿瑟告别的英文演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as I said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.
Good Bye.
看了“"麦克阿瑟告别演讲英文版:老兵不死"”
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演讲能力是一个人说话能力的体现,如何锻炼演讲?锻炼演讲的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了锻炼演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
1.循序渐进,由点到面
从家庭开始,最开始让孩子在爸爸妈妈面前表演,讲故事,唱歌等等。然后再扩散到家庭其他成员,外公外婆,爷爷奶奶,让孩子有机会去台前展示自己。还可以到社区,在邻居家,慢慢地把观众人数增加,最后在面对陌生人。
2.给孩子一个麦克风
可以给孩子买一个麦克风的玩具,或拿家里真正的麦克风,让孩子从小就熟悉麦克风,可以锻炼孩子的胆量和他在众人面前的表述能力。把他的声音放出来,让他唱歌,讲故事,朗诵,家长要给予的只是掌声和鼓励。
3.用摄像机把他的表演录下来
录下孩子的演讲,故事,朗诵,然后播放给孩子看。在回放的过程中,家长不要去纠正,而是要告诉他这个表情不错,这句话说的真连贯,这个句子声音很洪亮等等,这样会慢慢让孩子爱上表达,爱上去说,这也是对他以后的演讲有促进作用的。
4.让孩子把自己写的读出来
对于大一点的孩子,每个星期家长可以给他选一个短诗,一些文字让他去抄写,或者孩子自己写的小作文,一个小对话等等。然后让孩子站在前面大声地读出来(自己写的东西往往会读着更富有感情),这都是提高孩子演讲能力的方法。
5.把“嗯,那个...”抹杀到摇篮里
有的孩子在说话或表演时喜欢说:“嗯...那个....这个...”,家长要及时纠正这些拖延音,有这样的情况就要及时抹杀在摇篮里,要多锻炼孩子说话连贯的能力。
6.多看辩论演讲的视频
多给孩子放一些辩论演讲的视频,在辩论中,思想必须高度集中,让孩子融入进去,可以学习视频里的孩子们是如何准备材料,如何去思考,如何去辩论的。
7.加入肢体语言
演讲时加入肢体语言,可以缓解紧张感,也是演讲的一个技巧。这也是为什么有时我们看到演讲者用一些很夸张的肢体语言或会走来走去的原因。
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善于挖掘自己,你也能成为出色的演讲家!那么如何成为出色的演讲家?成为出色的演讲家的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了成为出色的演讲家的方法,供你阅读参考。
在大众面前说话必须忍受众目睽睽的注视。不能漠视听众的眼光。尤其当你站在大庭广众面前的一瞬间,来自听众的视线有时甚至会让你觉得紧张。克服这股视线压力的秘决,就是一面进行演讲;一面从听众当中找寻对于自己投以善意而温柔眼光的人。并且无视于那些冷淡的眼光。此外,把自己的视线投向和善的人群,对巩固信心来说帮助很大。
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俗话说“临阵磨刀,不快也光”,演讲水平的提高没有捷径可走,但是掌握一定的技巧方法,也是可以短时间内有所提高的。如何短时间提高演讲水平?短时间提高演讲水平的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了短时间提高演讲水平的方法,供你阅读参考。
一、提升自己的能力,相信自己这句真言大家一看就会懂,就是让大家提前做准备,学好提前准备文稿,准备资料,形成最终演讲稿,当你上台演讲的时候,就算紧张,你也可以比较流畅的把文稿读完吧!(好吧!这样的演讲确实不成功,但是改善刚刚开始,后续需要继续的嘛!!!)
记得还是学生的时候,语文老师会让我们每个学生读自己写的作文,我是一个性格比较内向的人,那时候上台特别紧张,就是平时的背古诗,平时流利,但是一遇着老师就不记得了。但是那次,虽然紧张,可是却很流利的读完了整篇作文。
二、提前准备好自己需要的稿件第一次演讲,不知道怎么开始,一句话,模板在手,天下我有!比如,致各位在场的所有人节日快乐,我们XXX还处在XXX阶段,我们需要进一步发展XXX……(好多模板),感觉不行?那你就直接用模板读,平时的时候多练习。对着镜子读几篇,不行也得让行了,让你室友听,让你女朋友听(他们要疯了?不怕,他们疯不了,最多以为你疯了)。在他们面前你都不敢的话,那你真是没有天赋了!!!
三、写了还不行,还得练什么最吸引人,当然是故事,好的故事能够吸引人,而自己的故事能吸引更多人,经过改编的故事还是会吸引人,所以,平时多收集故事,在演说的时候多插播故事(想起了电视插播广告),多收集故事,有时候把故事改成自己周边的故事是经常用到的手段,你在文稿中加入几个小故事,也是不错的。
四、敢于站起来当我们念书的时候,老师提问,我们不敢站起来,总是躲起来,生怕老师向你提问,所以,那时候的组长,班长都是这些积极份子,现在你都离开学校了,这种臭毛病就改一下吧,把他们都当陌生人,你就可以勇敢站起来。
有时候真佩服那些另类,敢于挑战的人,因为他们不怕世人的嘲讽,也不怕他人的嘲笑!就像凤姐一样,当别人嘲笑她的时候,人家在美国不照样活得很好。以前嘲笑,现在佩服。
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在演讲面对观众的时候,会有紧张的情绪,那么要掌握哪些公众演讲技巧让自己在演讲中轻松自如呢?如何锻炼公众演讲能力?锻炼公众演讲能力的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了锻炼公众演讲能力的方法,供你阅读参考。
1.循序渐进,由点到面
从家庭开始,最开始让孩子在爸爸妈妈面前表演,讲故事,唱歌等等;然后再扩散到家庭其他成员,外公外婆,爷爷奶奶,让孩子有机会去台前展示自己;还可以到社区,在邻居家,慢慢地把观众人数增加,最后在面对陌生人。
2.给孩子一个麦克风
可以给孩子买一个麦克风的玩具,或拿家里真正的麦克风,让孩子从小就熟悉麦克风,可以锻炼孩子的胆量和他在众人面前的表述能力。把他的声音放出来,让他唱歌、讲故事、朗诵,家长要给予的只是掌声和鼓励。
3.用摄像机把他的表演录下来
录下孩子的演讲、故事、播放给孩子看。在回放的过程中,家长不要去纠正,而是要告诉他这个表情不错, 这句话说得真连贯,这个句子声音很洪亮等等,这样会慢慢让孩子爱上表达,爱上去说,这也是对他以后的演讲有促进作用的。
4.让孩子把自己写的读出来
对于大一点的孩子,每个星期家长可以给他选一个短诗、一些文字让他去抄写,或者孩子自己写的小作文、话等等。然后让孩子站在前面大声地读出来(自己写的东西往往会读着更富有感情),这都是提高孩子演讲能力的方法。
5.把"嗯,那个..."抹杀到摇篮里
有的孩子在说话或表演时喜欢说:"嗯...那个....这个..."家长要及时纠正这些拖延音,有这样的情况就要及时抹杀在摇篮里,要多锻炼孩子说话连贯的能力。
6.多看辩论演讲的视频
对于年龄稍大的孩子,可以看一些辩论演讲的视频,在辩论中,思想必须高度集中,让孩子融入进去,可以学习视频里的孩子们是如何准备材料,如何去思考, 如何去辩论的。
7.加入肢体语言
演讲时加入肢体语言,可以缓解紧张感,也是演讲的一个技巧。这也是为什么有时我们看到演讲者用一些很夸张的肢体语言或会走来走去的原因。
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怎么练口才?练口才的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了练口才的方法,供你阅读参考。
成功演讲的首要条件乃至于内容既新鲜又丰富同时表达既生动又自然,所以通过上述“临场构思”的步骤之后,尚须实践“热诚发言、大方表演”法则,将一流的内容透过一流的技巧发挥出来。
作为一个演讲者,丰富的知识不仅是“传道、授业、解惑”的需要,而且也是任何一场演讲获得成功的需要。古今中外,所有成功的演讲者无一例外都学识渊博。演讲者除了需要具备社会历史知识、科学文化知识、文艺美学知识、和社交礼仪知识外还应该具备这样的知识能力:
①要有敏锐的认知和辩证的思维,只有这样才能够深入浅出的分析问题。
②综合归纳材料的能力,在很短的时间里把符合主题的材料组合、汇聚在一起,然后有理有条的表达出来。
③观察力,想象力、联想力、应变力。即兴演讲,临场发挥特别重要。应注意观察现场和观众。摄取那些与演讲主题有关的人或景物,因地设喻,即景生情,然后借题发挥,驰骋想象。
心理准备,心理素质
任何时候自信都是一个人的形象代言,一个充满自信的人总是在演讲前就会给人带来一种扑面而来的感染力。而自信来源于良好的心理素质,良好的心理素质总是能让人从容不迫。良好的心理素质也是客服怯场的必备良药。
在现实工作中,为什么有的人提起笔来扬扬万言,笔下生辉,却说起话来期期艾艾,不知所云;为什么有的人通古知今,知识渊博,却言谈起来反映迟纯,言不及义;为什么有的领导运筹帷幄,决胜千里,却讲起话来结结巴巴,辞不达意。相反,有些人貌不惊人,却说起话来口若悬河,滔滔不绝,妙语连珠。以上说法不一定普遍,但在现实生活中确实存在。前者说的是肚子里有“货”倒不出来,后者说的是胸有成竹,出口成章。那么为什么在语言上会有天壤之别呢,这就是今天我们所要谈的主题—即兴讲话的基本技巧。
怎么练口才相关
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一个演讲家要具有哪些素质?如何才能成为演讲家?成为演讲家的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了成为演讲家的方法,供你阅读参考。
专业演讲者会认真地组织演讲的开场白和结束词,并一遍遍地进行演练。他们清楚地知道如何“上台”,如何“下台”。
专业演讲者会和介绍人一起准备介绍词,让介绍人做到心中有数。因为介绍人引导演讲者登台的方式决定演讲的基调,所以不能只靠运气。
这也是演讲者精心准备介绍词的原因,目的是让听众听到介绍词就对演讲产生兴趣和期待。
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要怎么做才能像马云他们养成为一个演讲高手?成为一个演讲高手的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了成为一个演讲高手的方法,供你阅读参考。
与所有听众进行眼神交流。销售人员都知道,你不能把所有的注意力都盯在做决定的人身上,因为秘书和助理也在一定程度上影响老板做决定(注:总是将注意集中在一人,会让对方感到不舒服)。
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想成为演讲大师,没有捷径可走,因为每个人都不是天生的演讲高手,熟能生巧,要发挥你的长处,在演讲领域做自己,也就是说,做出真正属于你自己的演讲风格。那么如何成为演讲大师?成为演讲大师的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了成为演讲大师的方法,供你阅读参考。
其一,演讲稿本身要简约,学会留白。半小时的演讲,只准备10页PPT足亦。演讲初学者就怕忘词,怕没有东西可讲,所以把每页堆砌得密密麻麻。这恰恰是大忌,因为最差的演讲就是照稿念,而高手都不会照本宣科的。
要学会将复杂问题简单化,尽量少用文字,多用图片和视频。另外,还要学会留白。留白不是一无所有,恰恰是给人想像空间,实际上,留白意味着无限的可能性。
其二,中心思想和故事主线清晰明了。再多页数的报告也都能概括为一页,所谓“能走进去还要能够走出来”。同时,演讲高手也一定是讲故事的高手,引人入胜,感人至深,让人欲罢不能。要举出具体的例子,使你的想法有血有肉。
不要告诉我们你研究的整个领域或者你是怎样做研究的,要给大家分享你独一无二的结论和成果。可以用小卡片记下演讲的结构、次序和要点,心中有了这张结构图,便能从一个要点平滑地过渡到另一个要点,做到珠联璧合、天衣无缝。
其三、时时刻刻、紧紧地牵住观众的心。演讲不是自言自语,不是自吹自擂,更不是孤芳自赏。深入透彻地了解受众是任何演讲的第一步。同时,用干净利索的身体语言,用自己最擅长的方式,将思想流畅有效地传达给听众。
与此同时,你还要注意自己的语气,不要把受众当机器,活灵活现、谈话式的语气也许会听上去更令人舒服。另外,在台上最关键的肢体语言是眼神交流。在观众席里找三四位看起来顺眼的,在演讲时用眼神盯着他们看。把他们当成你很久没见到的老朋友,想象你正和他们愉快地聊天呢。
最近,我看了一些世界级顶级演讲的TED大师,很多顶级的演讲都有类似侦探小说般的叙事结构。演讲者引出问题开始演讲,然后介绍寻求解决方法的过程,直到恍然大悟的一刻,这时,观众看到“抖包袱”的刹那,就会为之一振。应该说,他们的演讲实践与我上面的心得不谋而合。大师们无非也在遵循着这些法则,对此,我觉得很欣慰。
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在演讲的道路上,如何成为一名演讲高手?成为一名演讲高手的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了成为一名演讲高手的方法,供你阅读参考。
1自己给自己挑刺。
同样的内容,即使你已经演讲了无数遍了,也不代表你就做到最完美了。我们建议你用手提电脑或是手机录下自己演讲的过程,然后自己给自己挑挑刺。
2学会像歌唱时一样去发声。
专家指出,如果你想控制声音,就必须学会控制空气。演讲时间长,你会口干舌燥,所以要向歌唱家们学习下如何发声。
3放弃无用的图片。
如果你所使用的幻灯片能形象地传达你想传达的内容,那就保留,反之就放弃。
4提前测试你的笑话。
作为演讲者,让听众发笑是让他感觉最棒的事情之一。但是,你必须提前测试,但不要去问你的朋友,因为他们可能出于面子问题而不好意思说你这个笑话不好笑。
5假装你是在和朋友聊天。
将听众当成朋友,你的压力感会减弱很多。
6提早到达现场
这样你可以先练习一下开场白。
7必须了然于胸。
对演讲内容所提及的专家的最新动态,或最新的技术变革必须了然于胸。
8结尾一定要强有力。
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成功人士的演讲能力都很强,例如马云,那么他们是如何锻炼演讲能力?锻炼演讲能力的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了锻炼演讲能力的方法,供你阅读参考。
1、提高自信心
提高自信心,保持良好心态是你在演讲训练中必先做到的一点,这样你才拥有自信,敢说敢做。所以你要相信自己,告诉自己“我是最棒的,我能行,没有什么事情能难倒我!”,然后放胆去说。
2、多看书
多看有益的书籍,能令你学习到更多知识,积累谈资。当你学富五车,谈资丰富,你说出口的话必定是蕴含大智,令人受惠的。
3、多读书
要提高演讲口才,除了多看书还要多读书,因为在读书过程中,你的发音、吐字、语调、语速将得到训练,令到你的发音越来清晰,吐字越来越准确,语调越来越纯正,语速也会越来越匀速有致。
4、学习演讲手势
一个好的演讲者除了口才好,还应有好的专业的演讲手势,令到你的演讲更精彩。所以,你可以系统学习一下演讲的专业手势,并规范应用这些演讲手势。想知道自己一生的财运如何,添加大师微信:DPN108 ,免费给你算命!
5、多模仿
当你对演讲口才毫无头绪,难以开口时,你可以多看一些名人与演讲家的演讲,向他们学习你适用的、好的演讲口才知识,使你的演讲口才不断得到提高。
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要锻炼演讲口才,你就离不开练习,熟能生巧,你的演讲口才能力就会得到很好的提高。如何锻炼演讲水平?锻炼演讲水平的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了锻炼演讲水平的方法,供你阅读参考。
建议:
1,每天起来阅读成功口才激励语:
A我是世界上最好的演说家
B我的口才一天比一天好
C我有良好的交际能力,而且朋友越我越多
D我有无比的魅力和良好的气质
E我能自由应付各种各样不同类型的人
(每句读10遍)输入潜意识!
2。每天寻找3个不同的人谈话
3。每天读一些口语化的文章,要大声读出来,最好读到嘴麻为止
最重要的是:坚持!坚持!再坚持!
练口才必先练倾听
很多人认为能讲的人口才就好,这个观念是不正确的。比如说泼妇骂街,她一整天都可以在街上骂,说个不停,但真的要派上用场,给她个场面时,她不一定说得出来。口才好的人,话不在多,精辟就行。能把话说到精辟的,首先一定要听好,只有听好了,才能说得好。
在听时,尤其要听出别人的言外之意,听说别人的话中话。
很多人会说我也知道,但我真不知道怎么去听,我怎么听都听不出来别人的言外之意。在这里,我就给大家提几点意见。
一、用心倾听。跟别人交流时,不要心不在焉,提高自己的注意力,听明白别人说的话。
二、积极思考。听了后要思考,要去想一想,别人为什么要这么说,他这么说的原因是什么,他想要表达的意思是什么等等,一开始时可能你想不到,但只要你记在心里,过一段时间后,慢慢就会明白别人的言外之意了,然后再去心去体会,去总结,如果下次碰到这样的情况,别人大概是在表达什么意思的,逐渐的,你的倾听言外之意的能力,就会越来越强。
三、多跟有思想的人去交流。有思想的人,说的话往往会有很多让你回味的地方,从这些回味的地方,你可以去领会其中的意思,同时也可以学习如果把自己的想法很巧妙的表达出来
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军人属于祖国,祖国赋于军人以神圣的使命。读文网小编为大家整理了一分钟军人励志演讲稿4篇,欢迎大家阅读。
军人与使命同在,军人因履行使命而展现价值。我军的性质和宗旨,是在献身使命中体现的;我军的凝聚力和战斗力,是在献身使命中形成的;我军的地位和作用,是在献身使命中确立的。新世纪新阶段我军担负的历史使命,承载了党的重托、人民的福祉和国家的安全,也对当代军人的价值追求提出了新的要求。作为军人,尤其要把思想境界定位在献身使命的人生追求上,以使命为重,用生命来维系使命,用忠诚来支撑使命,用血肉之躯来践行使命。
以使命为重,就是要有使命意识。不讲使命,就是不讲政治。作为一名军人,一定要牢固树立使命重于泰山、使命高于生命的强烈忧患意识、责任意识,克服和平麻痹思想和松懈自满情绪,时时讲使命、想使命、谋使命,真正做到忠于使命、献身使命、不辱使命。
以使命为重,就是要履职尽责。履职尽责是军人的天职,是履行使命的基本标准。作为军人,要不辱使命、不负重托,就不能坐而论道,而要以党的事业和人民的利益为重,把岗位作为履行使命之本,把事业作为人生价值坐标,把使命任务的要求与立足本职实实在在的行动结合起来,爱岗敬业,恪尽职守,扎扎实实干工作,默默无闻作奉献,在平凡的岗位上创造不平凡的业绩,在履职尽责中书写人生的壮丽篇章。
以使命为重,就要作出牺牲奉献。献身使命是一种职责,献身使命是一种荣光,献身使命也意味着牺牲奉献。人生的价值在于坚定的信仰、崇高的追求。我们一定要正确对待名利地位,正确对待个人得失和生命困难,把个人追求融入履行使命的伟大实践,把勇于担当使命、敢于献身使命、矢志不辱使命的坚强决心和顽强意志,内化为当代革命军人的价值理念和人生追求,转化为应对危机、谋求打赢、提高履行使命能力的实际行动,在各种考验中显本色,有效履行好党和人民赋予的光荣使命。
军人神圣的名字,令世上人羡慕敬仰;训练场个个意志坚强,忠心报国杀贼寇保家乡;青春奉献在绿色国防,生命谱写人生辉煌。留下壮丽篇章。
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演讲是一门语言艺术,成为一名演讲高手要注意些什么?如何成为演讲高手?成为演讲高手的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了成为演讲高手的方法,供你阅读参考。
演讲的语言从口语表述角度看,必须做到发音正确、清晰、优美,词句流利、准确、易懂,语调贴切、自然、动情。
1、发音正确、清晰、优美
以声音为主要物质手段的,语音的要求很高,既要能准确地表达出丰富多彩的思想感情,又要悦耳爽心,清这优美。为此,演讲者必须认真对语音进行研究,努力使自己的声音达到最佳状态。
一般来说,最佳语言是:
(1)准确清晰,即吐字正确清楚,语气得当,节奏自然;
(2)清亮圆润,即声音宏亮清越,铿锵有力,悦耳动听;
(3)富于变化,即区分轻重缓急,随感情变化而变化;
(4)有传达力和浸彻力,即声音有一定的响度的力度,使在场听众都能听真切,听明白。
演讲语言常见的毛病有声音痉挛颤抖,飘忽不定;大声喊叫,音量过高;音节含糊,夹杂明显的气息声;声音忽高忽低,音响失度;朗诵腔调,生硬呆板等。所有这些,都会影响听众对演讲内容的理解。
2、词句流利、准确、易懂
听众通过演讲活动接受信息主要诉诸听觉作用。演讲者借助口语发出的信息,听众要立即能理解。口语与书面语之间有较明显的差距。有人说,书面语是最后被理解,而口语则需立即被听懂。与书面语相比,口语具有以下特点:
1、句式短小。演讲不宜使用过长的句子。
2、通俗易懂。要使用常用词语和一些较流行的口头词语,使语言富有生气和活力;
3、不过多的做某些精确的列举,特别是过大的数字,常用约数。
4、较多地使用那些表明个人倾向的词语,诸如“显而易见”“依我看来”等等,并且常常运用“但是”、“除了”等连接词,使讲话显得活泼、生动、有气势。当然,讲究表意朴实的口语化,绝不能像平常随便讲话那样任意增减音节,拖泥带水,吭吭巴巴,这样便损害了口语的健康美,破坏了语言的完整性。
3、语调贴切、自然、动情
语调是口语表达的重要手段,它能很好地辅助语言表情达意。同样一句话,由于语调轻重、高低长短、急缓等的不同变化,在不同的语境里可以表达出种种不同的思想感情, 一般来讲,表达坚定、果敢、豪迈、愤怒的思想感情,语气急骤,声音较重;表达幸福、温暖、体贴、欣慰的思想感情,语气舒缓,声音较轻;表示优雅、庄重、满足,语调前后尽弱中间强。只有这样,才能绘声绘色,传情达意。
语调的选择和运用,必须切合思想内容,符合语言环境,考虑现场效果。语调贴切、自然正是演讲者思想感情在语言上的自然流露。所以,演讲者恰当地运用语调,事先必须准确地掌握演讲内容和感情。
说话的速度也是演讲的要素。为了营造沉着的气氛,说话稍微慢点是很重要。标准大致为5分钟三张左右的A4原稿,不过,此地要注意的是,倘若从头至尾一直以相同的速度来进行,听众会睡觉的。
科学的发音取决于科学的运气,有些演讲者时间稍长点就底气不足,出现口干舌燥、声音嘶哑的现象,此时,只得把气量集中到喉头,使声带受压,变成喉音。
“气乃音之帅。”气息是声音的原动力,科学地运用运气发音方法可以便声音更加甜美、清亮、持久、有力。要达到这个目的,平时要加强训练,掌握胸腹联合呼吸法。其要领是:又目平视,全身放松,喉松鼻通,无论是站姿还是坐式,胸部稍向前倾,小腹自然内收。
吸气方法是:扩展两肋,向上向外提起,感到感到腰带渐紧,后腰有撑开感。横隔膜下压腹部扩大胸腔体积,小腹内收,气贯“丹田”。用鼻吸气,做到快、缓、稳。
呼气方法是:控制两肋,使腹部有一种压力,将气均匀地往外吐,呼气时用嘴,做到匀、缓、稳。
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12.9运动是在中国危亡之际国民爱国之情爆发的体现,爱国是每一个公民的义务,读文网小编为大家整理了有关12.9运动爱国的演讲比赛主持词3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的老师、各位嘉宾,亲爱的同学们,大家晚上好!
我宣布本次演讲活动正式开始,全体起立,奏团歌。
在这春暖花开柳絮纷飞的美丽四月中,我们迎来了科创学院新一届的“学习实践科学发展观,献礼五四九十华诞”的演讲活动,我们带着青春的活力欢聚一堂,共同探讨科学发展理念,同时以我们的热情献礼五四九十华诞,用青春拥抱时代。今天,这里是我们自由的舞台;今天,这里是我们畅谈的天空;今天,这里是我们文学魅力的展现。我们会以青春的华颜点亮今晚黑暗的天空,也为我们青春的空白勾勒上绚丽的一笔。今天,我们很荣幸的请到了一直关心和支持我们的老师和同仁们,他们是:
软件技术zb42801班辅导员xxx老师,,计算机学院团总支纪检部部长梁旺,计算机学院团总支办公室职员何永月,计算机学院护理zk13803班团支书万秋,工商学院项目经理zb42801班团支书郎作清,软件技术zb42801班汪彬,软件技术zb42801班李玉葵。
同时他们今天也将作为评委给每位选手做出公正的评分,演讲完毕后将现场颁奖。
让我们再一次以热烈的掌声欢迎他们的到来。
人生回味的是青春演讲中华彩乐章;回味的是语言中充满玫瑰色的希望,热爱的是青春中的蓬勃生机。但其实,演讲的意义不仅在于此,它是人生用华丽的语言来描绘自己释放自己,它需要我们鼓足勇准备接受生活的历练,去挑战自我,展现自我,超越自我。
接下来,我们有请计算机学院护理zk13803班团支书给我们谈谈展开此活动的目的和意义:
#p#副标题#e#
开展此活动是为了积极响应中国共产党、中国共产主义青年团和科创学院校党委、团委和计算机学院团总支的号召,进一步落实科学发展观念,促进广大学员跟上科学发展的潮流,弘扬五四爱国精神,加强本支部思想文化建设,提高本支部的政治觉悟,彰显我们青年一代爱国的激情,促进祖国事业的不断发展壮大。同时也是给我们共产主义青年团一个自我展现的舞台,一次挑战自我的机会,释放出我们已久的心声,展现 我们五月花海的魅力,让我们青年的豪迈在这个无拘无束的黑夜中划上一道美丽的风景线,留作人生的回味。 从她的讲话中我们感到了肩负祖国的神圣使命,体会到了科创学院对我们青年团的殷切希望,也看到了我们青年人的朝气和活力,同学们也都迫不及待的要展现自己的风采了吧!那好,八位选手即将炫酷登场了:
他们是......选手给大家介绍完了,下面我简要说一下评分准则:语言组织力度3分,主题鲜明2分,内容积极健康1分,普通话1分,脱稿1分,举止动作1分,自由发展1分。
八位选手,尽情的展现你们的风采吧!今晚的舞台属于你们的! ......
好八位选手热情的演讲完毕,下面有请软件技术zb42801班辅导员给我们做点评,大家欢迎......
最后的比赛结过揭晓了:获得本次活动优秀奖的选手有:...... 获得本次活动三等奖的选手有:......
获得本次活动二等奖的选手有:......
获得本次活动一等奖的选手是:......
好了,在这个春的夜晚,八位选手通过热情洋溢的演讲,给大家展示了他们活力四射的青春风采,也让我们从中学到了很多。本次活动已成功的结束了,但我们每个人在学习生活中的比赛还将继续。愿同学们都能成为学习生活中的胜者,谢谢大家!
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当众要怎么演讲呢?怎么提高自己的演讲水平?当众演讲训练方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了当众演讲训练方法,供你阅读参考。
1.急于求成,没有积累知识
2.死背演讲稿,没留有联想的余地
3.准备不足,演讲时咿咿呀呀,语义不明
4.登场时衣冠不整,无精打采
5.说泄气话
6.中间突然瞎变风格
7.演讲的语调、语速平板单调
8.使用许多专业术语或生僻词语
9.紧张、演讲时语音含糊不清,要点散乱,没有条理
10.演讲冗长、乏味
11.对听众的呼声、反映充耳不闻,我行我素
12.东施效颦,没有个性和特色
13.用命令指责的口气说话
14.引用的事例陈旧,没有新鲜感
15.不考虑对象,学生腔、官腔十足,乱用欧式语句
16.过分夸耀自己的荣誉、优点,令人生厌
17.在演讲中与听众产生争辩,从而激怒听众
18.滥用身体语言,动作夸张做作
19.结束时面面俱到,重复啰嗦,流于俗套,空喊口号
20.结束时落荒而逃,没谢台
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如何加强演讲口才?加强演讲口才的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了加强演讲口才的方法,供你阅读参考。
1.颠倒词序,建构口语的闪光点
有些词组本来有着固定的位置,表达特定的含义。如果把其词语的位置加以变换、颠倒,其意义就会发生质变,或使强调重点转移,因而能获得强化表达的效果。比如,在中央电视台组织的一次迎奥运文艺晚会上,主持人这样勉励中国足球队:“中国足球队虽然屡战屡败,但影响不了他们屡败屡战的意志和精神……”在这里把“屡战屡败”这个词组中的词序加以颠倒,改成“屡败屡战”,意义就发生了重大变化。在说明客观事实的同时,将足球队不屈不挠的拼搏精神突出出来,给人以信心和力量。有时,个别词语顺序的颠倒、变化,如果孤立地看似乎没有什么不同,但是,一旦纳入到特定的口语表达的语境中,就能产生神奇的作用。
2.调换成分,突出思想感情色彩
按照一般的表达习惯,句子成分是有一定位置的。为了表达特殊的思想感情,可以把句中的某些成分加以互换、位移,以创造特定的表达效果。比如,说“你怎么了?”表达的是疑问和责备之意,显得比较生硬。改成倒装句“怎么了,你?”则着重表达关切之意,显得和蔼可亲。“你快点!”表示命令、催促。“快点,你!”则表示不耐烦、斥责之情。很显然,句子成分位置的变化,会带来所表达思想感情的微妙的变化。
3.语句变序,增强整体表达效果
为了谋求理想的表达效果,不仅需要对口语表达中的个别词序和句子的顺序加以考虑,而且还应从宏观上对表达内容的先后顺序做通盘的策划和设计,可以使表达更切题旨。名作家盖达尔旅行时,有个学生认出了他,便抢着为他扛皮箱,可是当发现皮箱有些破旧时,学生说:“先生是‘大名鼎鼎’的,为什么用的皮箱是‘随随便便’的?”盖达尔接过对方的话,巧妙措辞说道:“这样难道不好吗?如果皮箱是‘大名鼎鼎’的,而我却是‘随随便便’的,那岂不更糟?”他的答对十分有趣,又寓意深刻,学生笑了。有时长篇讲话更要精心谋篇,安排层次逻辑顺序,以追求强烈的整体表达效果。
掌握和运用语序变化的技巧,要为交际宗旨服务,绝不是无目的地玩弄文字游戏。如果离开了交际宗旨的需要,任意颠倒说话的语序,不但不能增强表达的效果,反而让人感到语无伦次、不知所云,那就事与愿违了。
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我们在平时演讲中,最难的是即兴发言,没有任何准备,要求现场就要能讲,而且讲得言之有理,平时怎样训练三分钟即兴演讲?三分钟即兴演讲训练方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了三分钟即兴演讲训练方法,供你阅读参考。
四“思”:逆向思维、纵深思维、发散思维、综合思维
逆向思维:是指从相反方向思考问题,即一反传统看法,提出与之相对或相反的观点。这是一种反弹琵琶式的思维模式,它鲜明地表现为对传统的批判精神,但要注意观点必须持之有据,能够自圆其说。我之前列举了很多逆向思维的案例,比如,我们学口才就要做到“目中无人”——只有目中无人,心中有人才能放得开,才能解除紧张恐惧状态等等。
纵深思维:从一般人认为不值一谈的小事,或无须作进一步探讨的定论中,发现更深一层的被现象掩盖着的事物本质。即“透过现象看本质”。比如,我们从一叶可以知春秋,从一滴水可以知环保。由小见大即是此理。这是非常实用的思维技巧,可以让我们的讲话有深度有蕴含,充满智慧。
发散思维:是从同一问题中产生各种各样的为数众多的答案,在处理问题中寻找多种多样的正确途径。多端、灵活、精细、新颖是它的特点。比如,我们说如何才能学好口才,那发散思维就可以讲很多的方法和技巧:参加培训、朗读文章、与父母沟通、主动去假装面试、找陌生人问路、去讨价还价、去客串教学、去找人尝试对骂、去练小品、说相声、去模仿、去公交车上演讲、去找领导讲道理等等,你可以想太多太多的方法,也许有些方法无厘头,但是它可以打开我们的思路,让我们快速去构思内容。
综合思维训练:是前面三种思维的综合运用,事实上我们在思考问题时,一般情况都是将各种思维综合在一起使用的。
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