为您找到与适合演讲的经典故事相关的共200个结果:
很多故事都蕴含着很多哲理,我们在演讲中运用讲故事的方法也能吸引听众的兴趣,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些演讲时经常用到的20个经典故事,希望对大家有所帮助。
乐观者在每次危难中都看到了机会,而悲观的人在每个机会中都看到了危难.
父亲欲对一对孪生兄弟作性格改造,因为其中一个过分乐观,而另一个则过分悲观.一天,他买了许多色泽鲜艳的新玩具给悲观孩子,又把乐观孩子送进了一间堆满马粪的车房里.
第二天清晨,父亲看到悲观孩子正泣不成声,便问:为什么不玩那些玩具呢?
玩了就会坏的.孩子仍在哭泣.
父亲叹了口气,走进车房,却发现那乐观孩子正兴高采烈地在马粪里掏着什么.
告诉你,爸爸.那孩子得意洋洋地向父亲宣称,我想马粪堆里一定还藏着一匹小马呢!
乐观者与悲观者之间,其差别是很有趣的:乐观者看到的是油炸圈饼,悲观者看到的是一个窟窿.
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李洪毅是三个爸爸联合创始人兼CTO,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇李洪毅的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
“三个爸爸”实际上是非常小的公司,去年刚成立,产品刚出来的时候是10月份,我们在京东做了众筹,一个月的时间,筹得了1122万,这可能创造了中国互联网众筹界的第一个记录,在这之前众筹界,那么多众筹平台,大概也就是在400万左右。当时我们喊出:我们要做千万众筹时,很多人是不相信的,但是没想到一个月后,结果令我们自己也不太敢相信。我今天在这里主要是想跟大家分享:“三个爸爸”在众筹的一个月内做了些什么,以及在之前我们做了哪些准备工作。
“三个爸爸”去年4月底刚刚成立,我们做的是一个很重的产品——空气净化器。大家都知道,空气净化器一般得几千块钱,它的制造成本,一台最少一千多块钱,所以说我们当时其实选择了一个挺重的行业,挺重的产品,我们当然得融资,做这个产品要靠自有资金是肯定完成不了的,所以我们就找到了高榕资本的张震。
我们跟他讲说,我们想给自己孩子造一款净化器,我们的天气怎么样,雾霾怎么样,对孩子有怎么样的伤害,我们准备用什么样的技术去造这个产品,讲了大概有二十分钟。张震说:“打住,你说的这些东西,我都不关心,但是我告诉你,我昨天刚把老婆孩子送到三亚去,躲雾霾去,所以你们这个故事很打动我,所以我给你们投资。”
就这样,我们大概半个小时就敲定了第一笔A轮的融资,融了一千万,所以我们就开始做这件事情。
做这件事情很辛苦,真正产品出来,应该是在9月份,刚好京东众筹是在去年的7月份上线,京东金融集团刚刚成立,京东众筹一直处在一个不温不火的状态,所以当我们9月份找到京东,说我们准备按照现在京东这种产销,直供的模式,为未来销售做准备。京东的人说,这样不行,现在你要进来,净化器的品牌又很多,还不如到京东众筹上去做一次众筹,看看效果怎么样。在这种状态下,竞争也很激烈,产销平台不让上,众筹7月份才刚刚上线,又没有什么成功的案例,所以我们想了想说,那好吧。
我们跟众筹平台谈,跟金融集团谈,了解了整个众筹行业,最高的记录大概就是400万左右。我们当时想,以我们手上的资源,一来有高榕资本的投资,二来在高榕资本张震的引见下,我们和分众江南春江总签了一个战略合作协议:在分众的楼梯广告里,净化器品牌不会出现第二个,只能有“三个爸爸”。
我们勇敢地找到京东金融,说我们想做一次众筹,但是我们不想平平淡淡地做出去,我们希望创造一个神话,我们要做一次千万众筹。京东当时是不相信的,说:“这不可能的,到现在为止中国的互联网界众筹也就是四百来万,你们怎么可能做到一千万?”
我们说,我们有分众的资源,可以给你导流,京东最看重的是流量,我们从分众上给他导来流量,他是很关注的。所以他就答应我们,说:“那可以。”我们当时说一千万的目标一定要完成,光是分众这个流量还是不够的,刚好我们这几个创始人,都是创业家的会员,我们想可能需要把一大群创业者集合起来,大家一起去冲击这个记录。
所以在做这过程中,我们自己总结了一下,之所以最后能做到一千万的众筹,我们在每一步,都做了哪些工作。
第一个就是精准的客户定位,其实最开始说的是给自己孩子造净化器,但是实际上任何人在创业的时候,都想拿到一个无限的市场,所以我们最开始就想造一个人人都能买的净化器。我们也找了很多的朋友做调研,到各个卖净化器的柜台悄悄地观察,分析这些人怎么买净化器,到底给谁买净化器,当然分析来分析去发现,大部分家里还是为了孩子。所以我们就找准了用户定位,就定位成一个为儿童做的净化器,我们定位在儿童市场,同时产品名称、公司品牌,都是按着这个定位去做的。
“三个爸爸”这个名字,也具有一定的传播性,刚好也能打动很多父母的心。我们这四个创始人,原来都有自己的公司,大家能聚在一起为了孩子造净化器,这件事情本身就能打动人,当时你能用这个故事去打动投资人,那么今天你们在做产品定位的时候,就一定要不忘初心。所以我们认为我们当时没有盲目地求得一个大的市场,这一点到今天看来,是一个基础。
第二个就是做用户尖叫的产品,在做这个产品的时候,那个阶段学小米比较热,当然现在也比较热,小米的倪正东说的很清楚,“找痛点”。在做净化器之前,我们四个人就想,一定要找痛点。
所以我们整个4月份,基本什么事没干,就是去调研,走市场,去访谈很多没有买产品的人,以及现在买了产品的人,在使用过程中遇到哪些问题,最后收上来大概700多份调查问卷,我们四个人就天天整理和分析这些调查问卷。最后分析出来,现在用户在使用净化器过程中有12个痛点,这是我列出来的。
我们四个人经常说一句话,这个产品好与不好,要看我愿意不愿意直接拿给我儿子用,就这么一点。
下一个讲的是情怀的故事,我们发现几个爸爸为自己孩子造净化器这个故事很能打动人,我们用它打动了投资者给我们投资,后来我们用这个故事去找供应链,生产工厂,可以说他们愿意无条件地配合我们,我们发现只要用这个故事去做,就能够让很多事情很顺利。
小米当时也谈到了,用户不是为你工人买单,小米的手机,大家经常说为发烧而生,就是?丝用的产品,那么他就给产品的用户群贴了一个标签。我们想了想,我们就用这一个情怀的故事,架起来一个,原来是和供应链,和投资人的沟通的桥梁,现在架起给最终用户的这个桥梁更高,让他们更能够觉得这是一个很有温度的产品,是一个很有爱的产品。
其次就是粉丝,我们在最初调研的时候,就拉了很多的人,拉了很多微信群,我们在跟他们沟通,就包括我最开始调研的700多的用户,我们给他们分了很多群,每个群创始人都在里面,我们在产品研发的过程中,时时刻刻都在跟他们沟通,就这样一个功能,你们喜欢不喜欢,这样一个净化器如果具有这样的功能会怎么样?
我们无时无刻不在听他们的意见,所以我们认为这是基本的粉丝群,当然这是跟小米学的,小米也提到了粉丝这个问题,所以我们就理解用户,很多传统企业认为用户就是用我产品的人,那么我们把用户定义为可能就叫粉丝,他不一定买你的产品,他也不一定用你的产品,但是他愿意跟你互动,他愿意告诉你他觉得这个产品哪里不好,或者哪里好,但他可能没有用。所以我们从最开始定义用户这个概念的时候,就特别清晰,就是愿意跟我们互动,给我们提很多建议,提意见的人,这可能是“三个爸爸”最初的基础。
还有一个是病毒营销,很多人说这四个字特别简单,但是做起来确实挺难的。这里面我提几个问题:
第一就是我们本身这个名字,就具有病毒营销的基因,为什么?当告诉你说有一个净化器的品牌叫“三个爸爸”,大家第一反应是哪“三个爸爸”,它有一种主动去探究,主动去了解的欲望,所以我们认为这个品牌就具有病毒营销的基因;
第二就是利用了一切可能的社会热点,增强传播性,这里面举一个非常简单的例子,在众筹期间,出现了王菲、谢霆峰事件,刚好我们特别想到了窦靖童,为什么?她有“三个爸爸”,所以我们就很好地利用了这一点,在分众的所有框架广告上,就在那一天,立刻放上去一句话,叫“爸爸妈妈,我要三个爸爸”,当时很多人看了这句话的时候,都跟我们说,你们太没节操了。还有人给我们提出意见,让窦靖童来代言,肯定是最好的人;
其次就是参与感,让用户参与到产品的研发,我们发给用户空气检测锤子,然后他就愿意参与到空气检测中来,他就开始关注空气好与不好。原来是不知道好与不好,鼻子闻着不知道,但是一旦有了个检测仪之后,他走哪儿都检,走哪儿都知道空气不好,让他提高了意识。
同时,我们和分众传媒的江总江南春,签了战略合作协议,第一批工程样机出来的时候,江总就拿走了,去送给他周围很多朋友,因为他这个层级的人,都是比较高端的人群,大家都用,用的过程中,都反馈一些问题,他在用的过程中,确实也替我们做了传播。这里面当然还有明星了,比如说田亮的女儿森蝶,有一个挺有意思的事情,就是田亮他们家用了这个之后,效果非常好,一个月不到他老婆叶一茜,跑到我办公室去了,买了20多台,送给她周围的朋友,包括何洁、李小鹏等,这些都是我们最初的一些用户,他们用的过程中,也在替我们传播。
还有一个,就是我们参与了很多社会公益事业,我们给很多的医院,包括和睦家医院、科研所儿童医院,儿童的呼吸科里面,都有我们免费送的净化器,我们大概现在免费送了500多个净化器。
最后一点就是朋友圈无节操,在众筹期间我们公司所有人基本就是疯狂地利用了我们的朋友圈,疯狂地发送我们的众筹信息,让大家去关注,其次就是我们微信里所有的朋友,我们都会单独给他发,让他关注这个产品,好像光朋友圈就卖了十几台出去。
一定要尽可能地用好你周围所有的资源,既然你的朋友圈对你是信任的,你对你的产品是有信心的,没关系,不要碍于脸面,勇敢地让大家知道,因为你介绍给他一个好的产品,他一定会感谢你,所以有这样一层信任关系,你发给你的朋友,你的朋友会再发给他的朋友,一个影响10个,10个影响100个,就扩大了,所以今天为止其实“三个爸爸”能够这么快速的传播开来,其实主要是靠这样传播出来的。
对我前面的分享做一个总结,就三点,一就是你要抓住用户,第二就是找到产品的痛点,并且做出几种产品,第三传播上一定要找准爆点,你身边一定会存在爆点的因素,只是你没有找到!
好,谢谢大家。
看了“"李洪毅演讲:“三个爸爸”千万众筹神话背后的故事"”
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中国梦,是中国共产党召开第十八次全国代表大会以来,所提出的重要指导思想和重要执政理念,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些关于中国梦的经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
祖国梦,我的梦相互交汇,融入这个世界,感受这个世界的美好,时代的超越,经济的进步,让我们不断深刻认识到前进加速的步伐,让我有了更好发展空间,有了更好生活条件,“一个人可以无所谓,但是不能没有理想、梦想”我一直认为梦想是自己奋进路线目标,是祖国奔向强国之梦,小康生活发展方向。我一直记得。是的,正是因为有梦想,我们才经历坎坷依然前行,正是因为有梦想,我们才历经沧桑信心不改,坚定我的信念与梦想,去与伴随祖国一起,实现那个梦想。
当鸦片战争击破“天朝上国”迷梦,当西方文明剧烈冲击“天不变,道亦不变”的心理,当中华民族面临“千年未有之变局”、面对“千年未有之强敌”,中华儿女就有一个梦想,一个民族复兴的梦想。五百多年历史悠久文明古国,遭受到了多少磨难,突然沧桑的巨变,虽然改变历史转变,但是,我们却洗刷不掉外来侵略和耻辱,用血肉铸造长城,用生命换来血的代价,铭刻记住那难忘历史岁月,那会的梦是沉睡的梦,刚睡醒的梦,让人民精诚团结,共同建造一条铁的长城,抵抗所有侵略分子野心与霸道,赶出中国,这是那段历史梦,逐渐实现了,完成了,而现在这个超越时代梦,我们还要共同与祖国一起完成这个梦想,实现伟大复兴梦想。
170多年来,无数中华儿女就执着于这个梦,为民族复兴上下求索,而今,在实现这个梦想的新的历史征程上,xx深情阐述“中国梦”, 他引用了三句诗“雄关漫道真如铁”、“人间正道是沧桑”、“长风破浪会有时”,将中华民族的昨天、今天和明天,熔铸于百余年中国沧桑巨变的历史图景,展现于几代人为民族复兴奋斗的艰辛历程,令人感慨、催人奋进。
在困苦岁月里,听爷爷、奶奶给我们讲故事,讲那些过去困苦,艰辛而无法对比的生活日子,那枪炮烟火的日子,生命与生存很难把握自己命运生活,饱受饥寒,衰弱祖国,用团结就是力量,人民的力量共同抗敌,一起抗战,反对外来侵略,解放全中国,解放全人民,为实现新的中国,而不断发展各项事业,大展发展农田水利建设,勒紧裤带建造两弹、一星,为保卫国家,保卫家园而超远战略思想,为长远发展奠定了坚实基础。
尽管我们的梦想实现未必尽如人意,有的人还在埋怨,收入还不够高,房子还不够大,工作还不够好,看病还不够方便,但与自己的过去相比,梦想的旅程都早已离开原点,梦想的花朵已然开始绽放。但是,我们逐渐在实现那美好梦想,渐渐的,渐而靠近了我们,不远了,越来越近。
当“中国梦”没有绽放,个人的梦又如何开花?从根本上说,我们每个人梦想生长的土壤,都深深植根于“中国梦”。我们随着祖国的这个梦不断在追求者,执着的向往那个目标,我们每个人梦想的成长,都有“中国梦”的成长相伴。有了“中国梦”的茁壮,我们才能与祖国这个梦一起分享,那快乐的大餐。
这30多年来,我们能够改变自己的生活甚至命运,能够让自己的梦想次第开放,展现自我,放飞自我,奔放自我,有你的发展选择,也是我的选择,是你的机遇,也是我的机会。亿万农民工能够在神州大地上自由流动,市场的生机活力在最贫穷的地方也能够崭露头角。我们也不能忘记,这一切根本得益于“中国梦”的追逐,得益于党带领人民在追逐“中国梦”的进程中,创造了发展传奇。都是邓爷爷给我们用改革开放的思路,对外贸易交流,使得我们进步加速,让我们感受了发展经济的强劲势头,高瞻远瞩超远的思想发展战略,与我们这个梦想逐渐临近,为实现伟大复兴而奋进努力。
中国梦”与个人梦唇齿相依。我们追逐自己的梦,本身构成了“中国梦”的一块块基石。“中国梦”的建构,又为我们放飞自己的梦想提供了平台和土壤。让我们去共建这个梦想,与你同伴,与你同行。
历史的年轮,让我们记住历史的耻辱,那过去发展史段的落后,接力棒在我们这代人的手中,我们要不负众望,不负使命,不负重托,社会给了我们责任和使命,我们要一起携手共建和谐时代,赶超那前进的年轮,无愧国家对我们的培养,为更好的梦想与祖国一起飞翔。实现那梦一样的崛起-----中国。
看了“"关于中国梦的经典演讲"”
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在19至20世纪的,英国和美国在文化、经济、军事、政治和科学在世界上的领先地位使得英语成为一种国际语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
看了“"英语经典演讲三篇"”
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经典指具有典范性、权威性的;经久不衰的万世之作;经过历史选择出来的“最有价值的”;最能表现本行业的精髓的;最具代表性的,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些中国的经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
研究国故,在现时确有这种需要。但是一般青年,对于中国本来的文化和学术,都缺乏研究的兴趣。讲到研究国故的人,真是很少,这原也怪不得他们,实有以下二种原因:一、古今比较起来,旧有的东西就很易现出破绽。在中国科学一方面,当然是不足道的;就是道德和宗教,也都觉浅薄得很,这样当然不能引起青年们的研究兴趣了。二、中国的国故书籍,实在太没有系统了。历史书,一本有系统的也找不到;哲学也是如此。就是文学一方面,《诗经》总算是世界文学上的宝贝,但假使我们去研究《诗经》,竟没有一本书能供给我们做研究的资料的。原来中国的书籍,都是为学者而设,非为普通人、一般人的研究而作的。所以青年们要研究,也就无从研究起。我很望诸君对于国故,有些研究的兴趣,来下一番真实的工夫,使彼成为有系统的。对于国故,亟应起来整理,方能使人有研究的兴趣,并能使有研究兴趣的人容易去研究。
“国故”的名词,比“国粹”好得多。自从章太炎著了一本《国故论衡》之后,这“国故”的名词于是成立。如果讲是“国粹”,就有人讲是“国渣”,“国故”(National Past)这个名词是中立的。我们要明了现社会的情况,就得去研究国故。古人讲,知道过去才能知道现在。国故专讲国家过去的文化,要研究它,就不得不注意以下四种方法:
一、历史的观念
在一般青年,所以对于国故没有研究兴趣的缘故,就没有历史的观念。我们看旧书,可当它作是历史看。清乾隆时,有个叫章学诚的,著了一本《文史通义》,上边说“六经皆史也”。我现在进一步来说:“一切旧书——古书——都是史也”。本来历史的观念,就不由然而然地生出兴趣了。如道家炼丹修命,确是很荒谬的,不值识者一笑。但本了历史的观念,看看它究竟荒谬到了什么田地,亦是很有趣的。把旧书当作历史看,知他好到什么地步,或是坏到什么地步,这是研究国故方法的起点,是叫“开宗明义”第一章。
二、疑古的态度
疑古的态度,简要言之,就是“宁可疑而错,不可信而错”十个字。譬如《书经》,有今文《尚书》和古文《尚书》之别。有人说,古文《尚书》是假的,今文《尚书》有一部分是真的,余外一部分,到了清时,才有人把它证明是假的。但是现在学校里边,并没有把假的删去,仍旧读它全书,这是我们应该怀疑的。至于《诗经》,本有三千篇,被孔子删剩十分之一,只得了三百篇。《关雎》这一首诗,孔子把它列在第一首,这首诗是很好的。内容是一很好的女子,有一男子要伊做妻子,但这事不易办到,于是男子“寤寐求之”,连睡在床上都要想伊,更要“悠哉悠哉,辗转反侧”呢!这能表现一种很好的爱情,是一首爱情的相思诗。后人误会,生了许多误解,竟牵到旁的问题上去。所以疑古的态度有两方面好讲:一、疑古书的真伪。二、疑真书被那山东老学究弄伪的地方。我们疑古的目的,是在得其“真”,就是疑错了,亦没有什么要紧。我们知道,[没有]哪一个科学家是没有错误的。假使信而错,那就上当不浅了!自己固然一味迷信,情愿做古人的奴隶,但是还要引旁人亦入于迷途呢!我们一方面研究,一方向就要怀疑,庶能不上老当呢!如中国的历史,从盘古氏一直相传下来,年代都是有“表”的,“像煞有介事”,看来很是可信。但是我们要怀疑,这怎样来的呢?根据什么呢?我们总要“打破砂锅问到底”,究其来源怎样,要知道这年月的计算,有的是从伪书来的,大部分还是宋朝一个算命先生,用算盘打出来的呢。这哪能信呢!我们是不得不去打破它的。
在东周以前的历史,是没有一字可以信的。以后呢?大部分也是不可靠的。如《禹贡》这一章书,一般学者都承认是可靠的。据我用历史的眼光看来,也是不可靠的,我敢断定它是伪的。在夏禹时,中国难道竟有这般大的上地么?四部书里边的经、史、子三种,大多是不可靠的。我们总要有疑古的态度才好!
三、系统的研究
古时的书籍,没有一部书是“著”的。中国的书籍虽多,但有系统的著作,竟找不到十部。我们研究无论什么书籍,都宜要寻出它的脉络,研究它的系统。所以我们无论研究什么东西,就须从历史方面着手。要研究文学和哲学,就得先研究文学史和哲学史。政治亦然。研究社会制度,亦宜先研究其制度沿革史,寻出因果的关系,前后的关键,要从没有系统的文学、哲学、政治等等里边,去寻出系统来。
有人说,中国几千年来没有进步,这话荒谬得很,足妨害我们研究的兴趣。更有一外国人,著了一部世界史,说中国自从唐代以后,就没有进步了,这也不对。我们定要去打破这种思想的。总之,我们是要从从前没有系统的文学、哲学、政治里边,以客观的态度,去寻出系统来的。
四、整理
整理国故,能使后人研究起来,不感受痛苦。整理国故的目的,就是要使从前少数人懂得的,现在变为人人能解的。整理的条件,可分形式内容二方面讲:
(一)形式方面,加上标点和符号,替它分开段落来。
(二)内容方面,加上新的注解,折中旧有的注解。并且加上新的序跋和考证,还要讲明书的历史和价值。
我们研究国故,非但为学识起见,并为诸君起见,更为诸君的兄弟姊妹起见。国故的研究,于教育上实有很大的需要。我们虽不能做创造者,我们亦当做运输人——这是我们的责任,这种人是不可少的。
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感恩是对别人所给的帮助表示感激,是对他人帮助的回报。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些感恩企业的经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
尊敬的各位领导、各位评委、各位同事:
大家好,今天我演讲的题目是《感恩企业、从我做起》。
首先我要感谢矿领导和工会组织的这次演讲活动,能给我一个在这里展现自我的机会。我是一名来自基层的普通矿工,在我们芦沟煤矿干了将近X个年头,见证了芦沟煤矿从集团公司的老大难到如今的佼佼者,从举步维艰到步履铿锵、栉风沐雨、砥砺奋进的发展历程。想想艰难困苦时的芦沟,再对比现在惬意富足的生活,不禁让人心潮澎湃、感慨万千。说句心里话,刚到煤矿参加工作时,面对一个又脏又累的工作岗位和“煤黑子”这样一个贬义称呼,面对一月不到千元的工资和上有老下有小的生活压力,内心也曾犹豫过、挣扎过、动摇过、退缩过,但是面对企业的温暖、领导的关怀、同事的帮助和家人的期待,我浮躁的内心渐渐被充实的工作所平息,渐渐爱上了我的岗位,坚定了从事煤炭行业的决心和信心。
近几年来,矿党政领导班子带领全框干部职工披星戴月、风雨兼程,同舟共济、砥砺奋进,逐步摆脱了过去的困境,一步步取得了今天的辉煌成绩,在企业创造经济效益的同时,不忘回报职工,为职工提高了工资福利水平,改善了生产生活环境。现在我们住着洁净舒适的职工公寓,看着液晶电视,吹着空调暖气,大部分职工还实现了有房有车的梦想。与此同时,企业为减轻职工劳动强度,不惜投入大量资金购买设备;为应对物价上涨,给职工补贴伙食费:为活跃职工业余生活,建立了文体中心和灯光球场:为保障职工身心健康,每年为职工做体检等等。如今我们工作有尊严,生活有盼头,事业有作为,上下同欲,矿区一片和谐繁荣、充满生机与活力的景象。这一切都是矿领导班子带领广大职工凝神聚力、团结进取、勇攀高峰的结果。企业的不断发展壮大给我们职工带来了良好舒适的工作环境,带来了实实在在的实惠利益,也给我们每位职工提供了广阔的建功立业平台,为我们创造了充分展现才华,实现自我人生价值的机会。
今年来,随着国内经济增速放缓,造成市场需求疲软、煤价下滑等因素导致煤炭企业遭遇了突然来袭的寒冬。常言说,滴水之恩,涌泉相报,在我们享受企业发展成果时,在企业遇到发展难题和危机时,我们是否更应该常怀感恩之心,以奉献精神去回报企业,和企业共担风雨,同舟共济,共度难关呢?
有时我常常会想,企业给了我一份工作,使我得到了成长和锻炼;企业给了我一份事业,使我有了奋斗方向和目标。企业给与了我们很多,而我们为企业付出了什么呢?该以怎样的方式去回报企业呢?我们郑煤集团董事长说:“感恩,需要职工主动为企业分忧,把企业面临的压力变为自身的动力。”事实的确如此,虽然我们大多都是郑煤的一名普通职工,但是我们同样是郑煤的主人翁,在企业辉煌时,我们为他锦上添花,在企业遇到困境时,更需要我们每一位企业的职工为他分忧,把企业的面临压力变为自身动力,保持积极向上的乐观心态,拿出所有的工作热情,全身心的投入到自己的本职工作中去;更需要我们充分发扬创新进取、艰苦奋斗工作作风,坚定我们对企业的信心,树立必胜信念,圆满完成各项目标任务。一个人只有懂得感恩,才能想干事、能干事,才能不断产生持久的动力,我们应该做一名有感恩心的职工,感恩企业、回报企业,把企业当成自己的家,从我做起,从现在做起,从每一件小事做起,从节约每一滴水、一度电、一张纸、一颗钉、一根椽子做起,为企业增收节支、节能降耗。以实际行动为企业多做奉献与企业共度寒冬。
我们集团总经理张明剑曾这样说:感恩是双向的,不管企业面对什么样的形势,郑煤集团年初定下的职工工资福利待遇不会降。所以说感恩既是一种责任担当,也需要一种奉献精神,我们有这样为职工着想的好领导,还有什么理由不干好本职工作,奉献企业呢?还有什么理由不把工作当成我们毕生追求的事业,感恩企业呢?企业为我谋幸福,我与企业共成长,在当今这样一个大环境下,正是我们发扬团队精神奋力拼搏的时候,正是我们每一位职工在困境中迎难而上的时候,让我们把对企业感恩的心转化为实际行动吧!相信只要我们坚定与企业在一起,同呼吸,共命运,同心协力,就一定能克难攻坚,抵御风雨,迎接郑煤辉煌灿烂的明天!
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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一篇好的演讲文,恰当的开头是必不可少的,好的开头才能吸引人们有兴趣听下去,结尾跟开头一样,引领人们回味,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典开头结尾,希望对大家有所帮助。
1. Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Prayer Service Address
William Jefferson Clinton
S: Thank you very much, Governor Keating and Mrs. Keating, Reverend Graham, to the families of those who have been lost and wounded, to the people of Oklahoma City, who have endured so much, and the people of this wonderful state, to all of you who are here as our fellow Americans.
E: My fellow Americans, a tree takes a long time to grow, and wounds take a long time to heal. But we must begin. Those who are lost now belong to God. Some day we will be with them. But until that happens, their legacy must be our lives. Thank you all, and God bless you. 2. Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate
Ronald Reagan
S: Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.
We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]
E: In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." 3. Address on Taking the Oath of the U.S. Presidency
Gerald R. Ford
S: Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:
The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.
E: With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution; to do what is right as God gives me to see the right; and to do the very best I can for America.
God helping me, I will not let you down. Thank you.
4. Energy and the National Goals - A Crisis of Confidence
Jimmy Carter
S: This a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party to run for President of the United States. I promised you a President who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares your dreams, and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.
E: In closing, let me say this: I will do my best, but I will not do it alone. Let your voice be heard. Whenever you have a chance, say something good about our country. With God’s help and for the sake of our nation, it is time for us to join hands in America. Let us commit ourselves together to a rebirth of the American spirit. Working together with our common faith we cannot fail.
Thank you and good night.
5. On Vietnam and Not Seeking Reelection
Lyndon Baines Johnson
S: Good evening, my fellow Americans:
Tonight I want to speak to you of peace in Vietnam and Southeast Asia. No other question so preoccupies our people. No other dream so absorbs the 250 million human beings who live in that part of the world. No other goal motivates American policy in Southeast Asia.
E: Accordingly, I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President. But let men everywhere know, however, that a strong and a confident and a vigilant America stands ready tonight to seek an honorable peace; and stands ready tonight to defend an honored cause, whatever the price, whatever the burden, whatever the sacrifice that duty may require.
Thank you for listening. Good night and God bless all of you. 6. Cambodian Incursion Address
Richard M. Nixon
S: Good evening, my fellow Americans. Ten days ago, in my report to the nation on Vietnam, I announced the decision to withdraw an additional 150,000 Americans from Vietnam over the next year. I said then that I was making that decision despite our concern over increased enemy activity in Laos, in Cambodia, and in South Vietnam. And at that time I warned that if I concluded that increased enemy activity in any of these areas endangered the lives of Americans remaining in Vietnam, I would not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. Despite that warning, North Vietnam has increased its military aggression in all these areas, and particularly in Cambodia.
E: The possibility of winning a just peace in Vietnam and in the Pacific is at stake.It is customary to conclude a speech from the White House by asking support for the President of the United States. Tonight, I depart from that precedent. What I ask is far more important. I ask for your support for our brave men fighting tonight halfway around the world, not for territory, not for glory, but so that their younger brothers and their sons and your sons can have a chance to grow up in a world of peace, and freedom, and justice. Thank you, and good night.
7. Opening Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee
Anita Hill
S: My name is Anita F. Hill, and I am a professor of law at the University of Oklahoma. I was born on a farm in Okmulgee County, Oklahoma, in 1956. I am the youngest of 13 children. I had my early education in Okmulgee County. My father, Albert Hill, is a farmer in that area. My mother's name is Irma Hill. She is also a farmer and a housewife.
E: It would have been more comfortable to remain silent. It took no initiative to inform anyone -- I took no initiative to inform anyone. But when I was asked by a representative of this committee to report my experience, I felt that I had to tell the truth. I could not keep silent.
8. Television and the Public Interest
Newton N. Minow
S: Governor Collins, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. Governor Collins you're much too kind, as all of you have been to me the last few days. It's been a great pleasure and an honor for me to meet so many of you. And I want to thank you for this opportunity to meet with you today.
E: I urge you, I urge you to put the people's airwaves to the service of the people and the cause of freedom. You must help prepare a generation for great decisions. You must help a great nation fulfill its future.
Do this! I pledge you our help. Thank you. 9. Black Power
Stokely Carmichael
S: Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by our appearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the United States. I just can't make it, 'cause I wasn't born in the United States. That's the only thing holding me back.
E: And then, therefore, in a larger sense there's the question of black people. We are on the move for our liberation. We have been tired of trying to prove things to white people. We are tired of trying to explain to white people that we’re not going to hurt them. We are concerned with getting the things we want, the things that we have to have to be able to function. The question is, Can white people allow for that in this country? The question is, Will white people overcome their racism and allow for that to happen in this country? If that does not happen, brothers and sisters, we have no choice but to say very clearly, "Move over, or we’re going to move on over you." Thank you.
10. Vice Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address
Geraldine Ferraro
S: Ladies and gentlemen of the convention:
My name is Geraldine Ferraro. I stand before you to proclaim tonight: America is the land where dreams can come true for all of us. As I stand before the American people and think of the honor this great convention has bestowed upon me, I recall the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who made America stronger by making America more free. He said, "Occasionally in life there are moments which cannot be completely explained by words. Their meaning can only be articulated by the inaudible language of the heart." Tonight is such a moment for me. E: To all the children of America, I say: The generation before ours kept faith with us, and like them, we will pass on to you a stronger, more just America. Thank you.
看了“"英语演讲经典开头结尾"”
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开场白是演出或其他开场时引入本题的道白,比喻文章、介绍或讲话等开始的部分,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典开场白,希望对大家有所帮助。
Ladies and Gentlemen, Good morning! I’m very glad to stand here and give you a short speech. Man’s life is a proceof growing up, actually I’m standing here is a growth. If a person’s life must constituted by various choices, then I grow up along with these choices. Once I hope I can study in a college in future, however that’s passed, as you know I come here, now I wonder what the future holds for me. When I come to this school, I told to myself: this my near future, all starts here. Following I will learn to become a man, a integrated man, who has a fine body, can take on important task, has independent thought, an open mind, intensive thought, has the ability to judge right and wrong, has a perfect job. Once my teacher said :” you are not sewing, you are stylist; never forget which you should lay out to people is your thought, not craft.&rdquo#from I will put my personality with my interest and ability into my study, during these proceI will combine learning with doing. If I can achieve this “future”, I think that I really grow up. And I deeply believe kindred, good-fellowship and love will perfection and happy in the future. How to say future? Maybe it’s a nice wish. Lets make up our minds, stick to it and surely well enjoy our life.
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经典是最能表现本行业的精髓的、最具代表性的,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典句式,希望对大家有所帮助。
I want to remind... 我想提醒……
例如:
I want to remind you that it’s never too late to learn. (我想提醒你们,无论何时开始学习都不迟。)
I want to remind you all that we share the responsibility. (我想提醒大家,我们都得承担责任。)
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如今,许多国际场合都使用英语做为沟通媒介,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语短小经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Life is about choices
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I want to tell you something very important today.
I want to tell you that life is about choices.
You can choose to be miserable or you can choose to enjoy life.
You can choose to improve your health or you can choose to destroy it.
I hope you will make correct choices.
I hope you will choose to enjoy your family, enjoy your friends, enjoy your work, and enjoy your everyday life.
Life is a gift and we really should enjoy every minute of it.
Join the group of people who make good choices.
Enjoy your life!
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人的情感沟通能力只有7%是通过语言所表现的,37%在于你在话中所强调的词,56%完全与言辞无关,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇演讲的肢体语言的经典案例,希望对大家有所帮助。
在当今的全球贸易环境中,管理的成功离不了国际上的战略性接洽。随着全球日益紧密相联,商务洽谈将更多地在国外的环境中进行。因此,理解不同文化中商务洽谈者的交流行为,将促进跨文化商务洽谈的成功、推动跨国界的合作。
商务洽谈在本质上是一个交流过程。尽管洽谈中的非语言暗示是交流过程中不可分割的一部分,但是经理人却常常忽视了自己及对方发出的非语言暗示。结果呢,虽然现在的国际商务洽谈者一般使用的是同一种语言(通常是英语),但一个人的非语言行为仍会表达出不同的含义。对此的误解常会削弱洽谈的成效。
非语言交流主要有:(1)脸部表情、(2)凝望及目光接触、(3)手势、(4)身体动作、(5)身体姿势、(6)空间和距离、(7)碰触、(8)语调、(9)外观、(10)时间的利用。第1个副栏中对中国香港和大陆所做的调查结果说明了不同文化的情况。
理解不同文化背景下的非语言暗示,从中获得的收益该如何用于跨文化洽谈呢?魏宝元的调查包括了中国香港和大陆许多实例,为跨文化环境下负责商务洽谈的经理人提供了以下实用方法。
在启程去谈判之前,要具体、可靠地了解对方国经理人一些特别的非语言暗示。 对异乡经理人而言,这一点非同小可。它可以避免因误解当地洽谈者的非语言行为而产生的高昂代价。理解了香港洽谈者对效率的重视,就可以避免误会他们盛气凌人、不真诚或冷淡。他们喜欢按时开始,按时结束。寒喧几分钟后,他们便会直奔主题。他们希望在前20分钟内达成协议,然后在短暂的寒喧中(不超过15分钟)结束会谈。在高节奏的香港,会谈时间短、对方与你共度时间少并不表示他们缺少兴趣或热情。
中国大陆则与之对照鲜明。对方的热忱程度的确反映了其合作兴趣的多少。例如,对方不在机场或车站迎接,就表示他们对达成协议无甚兴趣。这意味着你要投入更多精力并做出一定妥协。当中方谈判者推迟做结论或回避讨论中的问题,就表示他们不同意,且不准备再花时间考虑你的建议。
大陆人以沉默表示反对,而香港人则以沉默表示该结束会谈,并不表示意见冲突。理解另一文化下主要谈判者行为的象征意义,就可以使自己避免误解对方行为而造成高昂代价。
看了“"演讲的肢体语言的经典案例"”
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经典指具有典范性、权威性的;经久不衰的万世之作,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些世界经典英语演讲片段,希望对大家有所帮助。
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to , but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
幸福并不在于单纯的占有金钱,幸福还在于取得成功后的喜悦,在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些黯淡的日子能使我们认识到,我们真正的使命不是要别人侍奉,而是要为自己和同胞们服务的话,那么,我们付出的代价是完全值得的。
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名人指的是杰出的或引人注目的人物,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些全球名人演讲经典语句巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
1.我们的宪法不抄袭邻国的宪法。我们不模仿别人,相反,却是别人的典范。我们的政府为大多数人而不为少数人谋利,这就是它被称为民主政体的原因。法律方面,所有个别情况不同的人都得到同样的公平对待。至于人们的社会地位,在公众生活中获得擢升的人均具真才实学而非徒负虚名。有才干的人不容受其所属阶级影响;贫穷亦不至阻挡其前进道路。能为国家服务的人不因出身低微而受困阻。我们在政府工作中享受的自由,在日常生活也可得到。我们绝不因嫉妒而互相监视,不因邻人做自己喜欢的事而生气,甚至不喜欢常常脸露不豫之色。因此这种脸色虽无实际惩罚作用,却着实令人反感。我们与人交往随和,但不会因此成为目无法纪的公民。正是畏惧流于 目无法纪的心理,成为捍卫我们法律的主要保障,教导我们服从行政机构和法律。我们格守保护受害人的法律,不论其是否明载于法典。即便这类法律不成文,违反者必定蒙受耻辱。此外,我们提供多种方法,使人在从事纷繁的事务后得到休息,头脑清新。我们终年举行娱乐活动及祭神典礼。优雅的住宅成为我们日常欢愉生活的泉源,驱散我们的忧闷。我们规模宏大的城市吸引世界各国将产品运人我们的港口,让我雅典人得以经常享用其他各国及本国的产品。我们的军事政策也同敌人的不同。我们的城市向世界敞开大门。虽然敌人或会因我们自由开放而进行窥探得益,我们从不订出排外法令,阻止外国人到此学习和观察。相对来说,我们不大依靠政策制度,反而较为信赖我们公民天生的爱国精神。在教育方面,我们的对手以严酷的纪律自小训练公民英勇精神,而我雅典公民则完全随意而生活,却同样能随时面对任何真正危险。为证明此事实,请注意,斯巴达人侵略我国时,动辄与所有同盟者联合,不敢单独前来。而我雅典人进入邻国国土时,不需别人支援。我们在国外打仗,往往不费吹灰之力便征服了保卫自己家园的异国人。我们不用整支部队对外克敌,因为我们既要守护海上,又要派遣公民在陆地执行上百种不同勤务。如此看来,无论敌人在何处遭遇我方武装力量分队,战胜我们的分队可扩大视为战胜我们的国家,相反,如若失败,便等于败在我们全体人民之手。然而,尽管我们习惯于安闲而不惯劳苦,我们的勇气来自天生而非训练所得,我们仍然愿意面向危险。我们具有双重有利条件:既可免于事先受严格训练之苦,又在需要时,能够同经常警戒的人一样,无畏地迎接艰险。
2.我们如果从另一角度来思考死亡,就会发觉有绝大理由相信死亡是件好事。死亡可能是以下两种情形中之一:或者是完全无知觉的虚无状态;或是大家常说的一套,是灵魂经历变化,由这个世界移居到另一世界。倘若你认为死后并无知觉,犹如无梦相扰的安眠,那么死亡真是无可形容的得益了。如果某人要把安恬元梦的一夜同一生中的其他日子相比,看有多少日夜比这一夜更美妙愉快,我想他说不出有多少天。不要说是平民,就是显赫的帝王也如此。如果这就是死亡的本质,那么死亡真是一种得益,因为这样看来,永恒不过是一夜。倘若死亡一如大家常说那样,只是迁居到另一聚居了所有死去的人的世界,那么,我的诸位朋友、法官啊,还有什么事情比这样来得更美妙呢?假若这游历者到达地下世界时,摆脱了尘世的判官,却在这里见到真纯正直的法官迈诺、拉达门塞斯、埃阿科斯、特立普托里玛斯,以及一生公正的神的诸子,那么这历程就确实值得一行了。如果可以同俄耳甫斯、缪萨尤斯、赫西奥德、荷马相互交谈,谁不愿意舍弃一切?要是死亡真是这样,我愿意一死再死。我愿碰到帕拉默底斯、蒂拉蒙的儿子埃杰克斯以及受不公平审判而死的古代英雄,和他们交谈。我相信互相比较我们所受的苦难会是件快事。更重要的是,我可以像在这个世界一样,在那新世界里继续探求事物的真伪。我可以认清谁是真正的才智之士,谁只是假装聪明。法官们啊,谁不愿舍弃一切,以换取研究远证特洛伊的伟大领袖、奥德修斯、西昔法斯和无数其他的男男女女的机会!同他们交谈,向他们请教,其乐无穷!在那个世界里,绝不会有人因提出问题而获死罪!如果传说属实,住在那里的人除了比我们快乐之外、还会永生不死。法官们啊,不要为死亡而感到丧气吧。要知道善良的人无论生前死后都不会遭逢恶果,他和家人不会为诸神抛弃。快要降临在我身上的结局绝非偶然。我清楚知道,现在对我说来,死亡已比在世为佳,我可以摆脱一切烦恼:因此未有神谕显现。为了同样的理由,我不怨恨起诉者或是将我判罪的人。他们虽对我不怀善意,却未令我受害。不过,我可要稍稍责怪他们的不怀善意。但我仍然要请他们为我做一件事情。诸位朋友,我的几个儿子成年后,请为我教导他们。如果他们把财富或其他事物看得比品德为重,请像我麻烦你们那样麻烦他们。如果他们自命不凡,那么,请像我谴责你们那样谴责他们,因为他们忽视了应看重的事物,他们本属藐小而自命不凡。你们倘能做到,我和我的儿子便会自你们手中得到正义。离别的时刻到了,我们要各自上路——我将走向死亡,你们继续活着。至于生与死孰优孰劣,只有神明方才知道了。
3.雅典人!任何时候,我们辩论的主题都是指向腓力充满敌意的各种企图,指向他不断对和平犯下的暴行。在辩论中,你们的发言充满人性和正义。而且,有些人在猛烈抨击腓力时所表现的激情,将永远受到大家的欢迎。但是,直率他讲,关于必要的各项措施,至今既没有人进行探索,也没有人做过任何一件切实有效的事情。当然,在座各位比腓力更有资格为正义事业辩护,或者说当它遭受到别人强制时更有资格为它忧虑。但是,如何切实有效地反对腓力目前的各种图谋呢?在这方面,你们全然无所作为。对后果,对必要性,对必然的结局,你们明察秋毫,你们个个擅长于此,你们耗费了大量的时间和精力。只是,腓力强于行动,而你们长于演说。如果认为只消用真理和正义的浩然气势去论辩、去说项就足够了,那么我们可以非常容易地做到这一点。但是,如果我们打算考虑一下如何匡正时下的混乱,如何提防漫不经心地陷入更大的危险,如何阻止最终会扼杀所有反对意见的某种力量的增长,如果我们真想这样考虑,我们的辩论就必须采用另一种不同的方式来进行。雅典人,首先我要说的是,如果有人面对腓力日益扩大的权势和征服欲竞无动于衷,毫不担心,甚至还幻想这并不预示着国家面临危难,或者幻想腓力的各种图谋不全是针对你们,这样,我将感到震惊!我不得不恳求你们留心地听我解释,而我要解释的那些理由促使我抱有不同的看法,促使我把腓力看作是我们真正的敌人。我首先要提到和约刚签订后腓力获得的东西——温泉关,以及福西斯的统治权。腓力利用它们干了些什么?他用来讨好忒拜人,而不是为雅典人的利益服务,这是为什么呢?因为他野心勃勃,他追求的唯一目标是一统天下的帝国;他不是为了和平,不是为了安宁,也不是为了任何正义的目的。他内心非常清楚,我国的宪法和原则使他无机可乘,不会允许他用他的任何承诺和他的任何作为,劝诱你们为了个人利益而牺牲希腊的一个城邦。由于你们相当注重正义,唯恐自己的名誉沾上哪怕一丝污点,由于你们具有敏锐的识别能力,所以一旦他有所企图,你们就会群情激奋,起而反对,其势如同你们直接遭到攻击一般。腓力认为,忒拜人为了自身利益,决不会去反对和阻止他的图谋,而会容许他随心所欲地如法对待其他地方的人,并会欣然听候调谴,为他而战。现在,出于同样的信念,他对美塞尼亚人和阿尔戈斯人恩宠有加,信誓旦旦。我的同胞们,这一切反而将你们反衬得更加伟大,更为光彩。因为,在经历了一系列事件之后,事实证明唯有你们在坚定不移地维护着希腊人的权利。任何个人感情,任何出自私利的游说都不能诱惑你们背离对希腊的热爱之情。腓力知道你们持有这些观点,持有这些与忒拜人和阿尔戈斯人截然不同的观点,这也是六乎情理的。因为他也许已被你们所折服,你们不仅用过去而且用现在的事例使他感到信服。他肯定很早就知道,你们的先辈原本可以通过归顺国王而换得希腊的主权。当亚力山大这位腓力的先辈以信使身份前来传达条件的时候,雅典人不仅表示轻蔑,决不听从,而且作出了弃城的选择。尽管雅典人遇到了各种难以想象的困难,但他们的英勇行为却使人们激动不已,永远称颂。至于忒拜人和阿尔戈斯人的先辈,腓力知道前者是为暴君而战,而后者并不反对他。因此,他早就了解到这两个民族所关注的仅仅是私利,一点也不关心希腊人的共同事业。腓力如果选择你们作为他的同盟,你们至多也只会在正义所允许的范围内为他效力;但是,如果他到忒拜人和阿尔戈斯人那里去寻求支持,他将会得到他们的帮助来实现他的雄心和完成全部计划。正因为这一点,无论是过去还是现在,腓力决意站在他们那边,而不是站在你们这边。雅典人,让那些曾经信誓旦旦的人受到传唤吧!这是公正的做法,因为正是他们的许诺,才促使你们签订了和约。如果早知道在达成和约后腓力竞会如此行事,那我决不会去出任什么和谈使节,而且我坚信,你们也决不会放下武器。不!决不会!腓力昔日作出的保证与今天的所作所为大相径庭!另外,还有一些人也必须受到传唤。他们是什么样的人呢?在我第二次出使归来看到这个国家受到凌辱的时候,我向你们提出过危险的警告,证明过事实的真相,并尽我所能反对放弃温泉关和福西斯。在这个时候,就是这些人大叫大嚷,说什么我这个禁酒主义者乖僻暴戾,说什么只要和约得以通过,腓力就会按照他们的意愿行事,就会加强塞斯比阿和普拉蒂亚,制止忒拜人的蛮横无礼,切断切尔松尼斯,并将埃维厄岛和奥罗珀斯让给雅典人,作为安菲波利斯的等价交换之物。我相信,你们对所有这些依然记忆犹新,尽管此刻更能让人牢记的是切肤之痛,更有甚者,你们似乎嫌这奇耳大辱还未到顶,你们竟然将自己的子孙后代也卷入到那个和约中去,让他们全然依附于那些承诺;你们从来没有像今天这样彻底地陷入一种诱惑。此刻,我提这个问题的目的何在?我又为何希望那些人应该受到传唤?我要诸神为我作证,我将毫不推诿,我将勇敢地宣布真理!我不会破口谩骂,进行攻击,那样只会使自己遭到同样的待遇,再次为我的宿敌提供一个领取腓力赏金的好机会;我也不会沉湎于那种向公众慷慨陈词的虚荣做法。但是,我确实忧心忡仲:腓力的所作所为比现在更能引起你们关注的那一天肯定会到来。我认为他的图谋正变得越来越成熟。但愿将来的事实证明我现在的担心和疑虑是多余的。但我还是惧怕这个时刻离我们不远了。只有到了是否可以对事态不加理会己由不得你们作主的时候,到了你们要用自己的知识和理智,而不是用我的或其他什么人提供信息在燃眉之急中确保自己安全的时候,你们才会迸发出最强烈的忿恨。既然我们的问题还没有完全令人绝望,既然我们还有着辩论的权利,那么,请允许我提醒你们一件事:是谁游说你们放弃福西斯和温泉关?我们中间谁也不会对这个问题一无所知。只要一得到那两个地方,那个人就为他的军队开往阿提卡和伯罗奔尼撒铺平了道路。尔后,他就能迫使我们放弃考虑希腊的权力和我们在外国的利益,迫使我们转而进行一场防御战争。我们每个人都必须强烈地意识到那个人的居心。而就在那一天,他的图谋变成了现实了。如果当时我们不是受骗上当,这个国家本当没有什么事情值得我们担忧。他的海军不可能变得如此强大,足以从海上冒犯阿提卡;他也不可能横扫温泉关和福西斯。若不是我们受骗上当,他只能在道义约束下认真遵守协议,否则立即会卷人一场战争,就像上次那场战争那样,他必将被迫乞求和平。
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励志是集中心思致力于某种事业,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些励志的经典你眼睛,希望对大家有所帮助。
I choose the poverty of our poor people.
But I am grateful to receive (the Nobel Prize) in the name of the hungry, the naked, the homeless, of the crippled, of the blind, of the lepers, of all those people who feel unwanted, unloved, uncared-for throughout society, people that have become a burden to the society and are shunned by everyone."
Also as soon as she learned about the plan for a dinner on her honor she politely asked for the dinner to be cancelled to save the money to feed the poor.
As we have gathered here together to thank God for the Nobel Peace Prize, I think it will be beautiful that we pray the prayer of St. Francis of Assisi which always surprises me very much . We pray this prayer every day after Holy Communion, because it is very fitting for each one of us.
And I always wonder that 400-500 years ago when St. Francis of Assisi composed this prayer, they had the same difficulties that we have today as we compose this prayer that fits very nicely for us also. I think some of you already have got it - so we pray together: Let us thank God for the opportunity that we all have together today, for this gift of peace that reminds us that we have been created to live that peace, and that Jesus became man to bring that good news to the poor.
He, being God, became man in all things like us except in sin, and he proclaimed very clearly that he had come to give the good news. The news was peace to all of good will and this is something that we all want - the peace of heart. Ad God loved the world so much that he gave his son - it was a giving: it is as much as if to say it hurt God to give, because he loved the world so much that he gave his son. He gave him to the Virgin Mary, and what did she do with him?
As soon as he came in her life, immediately she went in haste to give that good news, and as she came into the house of her cousin, the child - the child in the womb of Elizabeth, lept with joy. He was, that little unborn child was, the first messenger of peace. He recognized the Prince of Peace, he recognized that Christ had come to bring the good news for you and for me.
And as if that was not enough - it was not enough to become a man - he died on the cross to show that greater love, and he died for you and for me and for that leper and for that man dying of hunger and that naked person lying in the street not only of Calcutta, but of Africa, and New York, and London, and Oslo - and insisted that we love one another as he loves each one of us.
And we read that in the Gospel very clearly: "love as I have loved you; as I love you; as the Father has loved me, I love you." And the harder the Father loved him, he gave him to us, and how much we love one another, we too must give to each other until it hurts. It is not enough for us to say: "I love God, but I do not love my neighbor." Saint John says that you are a liar if you say you love God and you don't love your neighbor.
How can you love God whom you do not see, if you do not love your neighbor whom you see, whom you touch, with whom you live? And so this is very important for us to realize that love, to be true, has to hurt. It hurt Jesus to love us. It hurt him. And to make sure we remember his great love, he made himself the bread of life to satisfy our hunger for his love - our hunger for God - because we have been created for that love. We have been created in his image.
We have been created to love and to be loved, and he has become man to make it possible for us to love as he loved us. He makes himself the hungry one, the naked one, the homeless one, and he says: " You did it to me". he is hungry for our love, and this is the hunger that you and I must find. It may be in our own home. I never forget an opportunity I had in visiting a home where they had all these old parents of sons and daughters who had just put them in an institution and forgotten, maybe.
And I went there, and I saw in that home they had everything, beautiful things, but everybody was looking towards the door. And I did not see a singe one with a smile on their face. And I turned to the sister and I asked: How is that? How is that these people who have everything here, why are they all looking towards the door? Why are they not smiling? I am so used to see the smiles on our people, even the dying ones smile. And she said: "This is nearly every day.
They are expecting, they are hoping that a son or daughter will come to visit them. They are hurt because they are forgotten." And see - this is where love comes. That poverty comes right there in our own home, even neglect to love. Maybe in our own family we have somebody who is feeling lonely, who is feeling sick, who is feeling worried, and there are difficult days for everybody. Are we there?
Are we there to Receive them? Is the mother there to receive the child? I was surprised in the West to see so many young boys and girls given into drugs. And I tried to find out why. Why is it like that? And the answer was: "Because there is no one in the family to receive them." Father and mother are so busy they have no time. Young parents are in some institution and the child goes back to the street and gets involved in something.
We are talking of peace. These are things that break peace. But I feel the greatest destroyer of peace today is abortion, because it is a direct war, a direct killing, direct murder by the mother herself. And we read in the scripture, for God says very clearly: "Even if a mother could forget her child, I will not forget you. I have curved you in the palm of my hand." We are curved in the palm of his hand; so close to him,that unborn child has been curved in the hand of God.
And that is what strikes me most, the beginning of that sentence, that even if a mother could forget, something impossible - but even if she could forget - I will not forget you. And today the greatest means, the greatest destroyer of peace is abortion. And we who are standing here - our parents wanted us. We would not be here if our parents would do that to us. Our children, we want them, we love them.
But what of the other millions. Many peopleare very, very concerned with the children of India, with the children of Africa where quite a number die, maybe of malnutrition, of hunger and so on, but millions are dying deliberately by the will of the mother. And this is what is the greatest destroyer of peace today. Because if a mother can kill her own child, what is left for me to kill you and you to kill me? There is nothing between. And this I appeal in India, I appeal everywhere - "Let us bring the child back" - and this year being the child's year: What have we done for the child?
At the beginning of the year I told, I spoke everywhere and I said: let us ensure this year that we make every single child born, and unborn, wanted. And today is the end of the year. Have we really made the children wanted? I will tell you something terrifying. We are fighting abortion by adoption. We have saved thousands of lives. We have sent word to all the clinics, to the hospitals, police stations: "Please don't destroy the child; we will take the child".
So every hour of the day and night there is always somebody - we have quite a number of unwedded mothers - tell them: "Come, we will take care of you, we will take care of the child from you, and we will get a home for the child". And we have a tremendous demand for families who have no children, that is the blessing of God for us. And also, we are doing another thing which is very beautiful. We are teaching our beggars, our leprosy patients, our slum dwellers, our people of the street, natural family planning.
And in Calcutta alone in six years - it is all in Calcutta - we have had 61 273 babies less from the families who would have had them because they practice this natural way of abstaining, of self-control, out of love for each other. We teach them the temperature method which is very beautiful, very simple. And our poor people understand. And you know what they have told me? "Our family is healthy, our family is united, and we can have a baby whenever we want".
So clear - those people in the street, those beggars - and I think that if our people can do like that how much more you and all the others who can know the ways and means without destroying the life that God has created in us. The poor people are very great people. They can teach us so many beautiful things. The other day one of them came to thank us and said: "You people who have evolved chastity; you are the best people to teach us family planning because it is nothing more than self-control out of love for each other."
And I think they said a beautiful sentence. And these are people who maybe have nothing to eat, maybe they have not a home where to live, but they are great people. The poor are very wonderful people. One evening we went out and we picked up four people from the street. And one of them was in a most terrible condition. And I told the sisters: "You take care of the other three; I will take care of this one that looks worse." So I did for her all that my love can do. I put her in bed, and there was such a beautiful smile on her face.
She took hold of my hand, as she said one word only: "thank you" - and she died. I could not help but examine my conscience before her. And I asked: "What would I say if I was in her place?" And my answer was very simple. I would have tried to draw a little attention to myself. I would have said: "I am hungry, I am dying, I am cold, I am in pain", or something. But she gave me much more - she gave me her grateful love.
And she died with a smile on her face - like that man who we picked up from the drain, half eaten with worms, and we brought him to the home - "I have lived like an animal in the street, but I am going to die like an angel, loved and cared for." And it was so wonderful to see the greatness of that man who could speak like that, who could die like that without blaming, without cursing anybody, without comparing anything. Like an angel - this is the greatness of our people.
And this is why we believe what Jesus has said: "I was hungry; I was naked, I was homeless; I was unwanted, unloved, uncared for - and you did it to me." I believe that we are not really social workers. We may be doing social work in the eyes of people. But we are really contemplatives in the heart of the world. For we are touching the body of Christ twenty-four hours. We have twenty-four hours in his presence, and so you and I. You too must try to bring that presence of God into your family, for the family that prays together stays together.
And I think that we in our family, we don't need bombs and guns, to destroy or to bring peace - just get together, love one another, bring that peace, that joy, that strength of presence of each other in the home. And we will be able to overcome all the evil that is in the world. There is so much suffering, so much hatred, so much misery, and we with our prayer, with our sacrifice are beginning at home. Love begins at home, and it is not how much we do, but how much love we put in the action that we do.
It is to God almighty - how much we do does not matter, because he is infinite, but how much love we put in action. How much we do to him in the person that we are serving. Some time ago in Calcutta we had great difficulty in getting sugar. And I don't know how the word got around to the children, and a little boy of four years old, a Hindu boy, went home and told his parents: "I will not eat sugar for three days.
I will give my sugar to Mother Teresa for her children." After these three days his father and mother brought him to our house. I had never met them before, and this little one could scarcely pronounce my name. But he knew exactly what he had come to do. He knew that he wanted to share his love. And this is why I have received such a lot of love from all. From the time that I have come here I have simply been surrounded with love, and with real, real understanding love.
It could feel as if everyone in India, everyone in Africa is somebody very special for to you. And I felt quite home, I was telling Sister today. If feel in the convent with the Sisters as if I am in Calcutta with my own Sisters. So completely at home here, right here. And so here I am talking with you. I want you to find the poor here, right in your own home first. And begin love there. Be that good news to your own people. And find out about your next-door neighbor.
Do you know who they are? I had the most extraordinary experience with a Hindu family who had eight children. A gentleman came to our house and said: "Mother Teresa, there is a family with eight children; they have not eaten for so long; do something". So I took some rice and I went there immediately. And I saw the children - their eyes shining with hunger. I don't know if you have ever seen hunger. But I have seen it very often.
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朗诵主要是声音的艺术,声音的好坏,对朗诵效果关系极大。一定要注意声音的锻炼。要让自己的声音好听、好用、富于表现力。下面读文网小编整理了最适合朗诵的经典诗歌,供你阅读参考。
飘袅
缕缕香线
微弱得断断续续
倩影婆娑
勾勒出了丝丝凄凉
沉淀的芳香
坠坠着依恋
多么想
就这样一直拽住你
无论是怎样小心翼翼
还是拿捏不住
那颤抖的你
徘徊
是这么的慢
又是那么的快
在空中盘旋着
和你纠结在一起
缕缕香线
飘渺得忽隐忽现
拽不住你
那就拽着我
飘向远方
飘向
飘向那山穷水尽的地方
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峥嵘岁月匆匆过,中华代代出英贤。百年梦愿落缤纷,世界博览进国门。英明领导民拥戴,锦绣河山话辉煌。下面读文网小编整理了迎七一演讲稿诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
《面对鲜红的党旗》
——纪念中国共产党建党九十周年
您是一面旗帜,又是一个整体,
是您把镰刀铁锤高高举起,
因为您代表中国工农。
三十八年前的“七一”,
我举起右手面对您宣誓,
为共产主义奋斗终身!
从此我就是您的儿女。
年年“七一”我总把历程回忆。
难忘那:
旧中国的“三座大山”,
神州大地满目疮痍,民不聊生。
苏联“十月革命”的炮声,
送来了马列主义。
中华民族的复兴之路,
从南昌城头的枪声到井冈山的烽火;
从遵义会议到毛泽东力挽狂澜;
从“五次反围剿”到抗战八年赶走侵略者;
从“三大战役”到打败国民党蒋家王朝。
二十八年的浴血奋战:
二十八年的前仆后继,
千百万党的好儿女用鲜血和生命,
换来了一九四九年十月一日的这一天,
中华人民共和国成立了!
中国人民从此站起来了!
您开创了中国历史的新纪元。
难忘那,
人民翻身做主人,
祖国建设日新月异。
十二个“五年”规划,
您带领人民绘就崭新蓝图,
如火如荼、如歌如泣,
改革开放以经济建设为中心,
迈入建设有中国特色社会主义新征程,
继往开来小康社会步步实现。
科学发展经济腾飞国立强,
和谐社会国富民强地位高。
九十年来的理想信念,
九十年来的纲领路线,
只为中华民族的振兴,
只为祖国强盛人民幸福。
九十年的日月星辰,
九十年的艰苦奋斗,
洒满了共产党人泪水和汗水,
映红了共和国的希望与愿望。
“没有共产党就没有新中国”
一辈子都如醉如痴地唱,
赞美您啊,鲜红的党旗!
跟着您啊,奋勇的向前!
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