为您找到与英语即兴演讲100篇范例翻译相关的共200个结果:
演讲又叫讲演或演说,是指在公众场所,以有声语言为主要手段,以体态语言为辅助手段,针对某个具体问题,鲜明、完整地发表自己的见解和主张,阐明事理或抒发情感,进行宣传鼓动的一种语言交际活动,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲小技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
诀窍之一是张开双脚与肩同宽,挺稳整个身躯。另一个诀窍是想办法扩散并减轻施加在身体上的紧张情绪。例如将一只手稍微插入口袋中,或者手触桌边、或者手握麦克风等等。
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英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲口才技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
要有一个结构:可以分一二三点;可以从地理上分东南西北;比较与对比;我方与他方;正面与反面;
To have a structure: such as first, second, third; geographicay, north, south, east, west; compare and contrasts; our side versus their side; negative and positive;
将材料归类整理,如笑话、趣事、名人名言、有趣的数据
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演讲是一门艺术,参加英语比赛演讲,靠的不单单是英语能力,还有演讲的方式与方法,掌握正确的演讲方法可以使我们在比赛中脱颖而出,取得好成绩,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲比赛的技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
诀窍之一是张开双脚与肩同宽,挺稳整个身躯。另一个诀窍是想办法扩散并减轻施加在身体上的紧张情绪。例如将一只手稍微插入口袋中,或者手触桌边、或者手握麦克风等等。
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在19至20世纪的,英国和美国在文化、经济、军事、政治和科学在世界上的领先地位使得英语成为一种国际语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
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当你认识新的人时,介绍自己是非常重要的。你一定会想要在告诉别人有关自己的事时,给别人留下好印象。读文网小编为大家整理了初中英语简短自我介绍演讲稿5篇,欢迎大家阅读。
My name is Jian.I am study at NO.17 scondary vocatianal school.My profssional is English! Miss liang is my English teacher.Her English is very good,I like her very much! There are 35 professionals ang in my shool ,and there is a very big libriay ,a compute room ,dance-room ,ang a big theater in it .my shool is the best scondary vocatianal shcool of huadu schools!so ,welcome to my shool!
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这世上的一切都借希望而完成,农夫不会剥下一粒玉米,如果他不曾希望它长成种粒;单身汉不会娶妻,如果他不曾希望有孩子;商人也不会去工作,如果他不曾希望因此而有收益,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些励志英语经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
The only thing we have to fear is fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
我们唯一害怕的 是害怕本身——这种难以名状、失去理智和毫无道理的恐惧,把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾,不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧,它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信,在目前危急时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
我和你们都要以这种精神,来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝,这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠,人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺,但就在我们见到这种情景的时候,宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了,他们固执己见而又无能为力,因而已经认定失败了,并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉,将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
是的,他们是努力过,然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败,他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱,他们只得求助于讲道,含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光,而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
如今,货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱;幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦,在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到,我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉,而是为自己和同胞们服务,那么,我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的,我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准,来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念;我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为,它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱,信心,只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些,就不可能有信心。
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
但是,复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来,现在就行动起来。
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use
of our great natural resources.
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气,这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成,就象对待临战的紧要关头一样,但同时,在有了人手的情况下,我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
我们齐心协力,但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡,我们必须在全国范围内重新分配,使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力,会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声,有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输,通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成,但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动,立即行动。
And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
最后,为了重新开始工作,我们需要两手防御,来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来;一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制:一定要杜绝投机;一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
以上这些,朋友们,就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案,并且,我要向18个州请求立即的援助。
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
通过行动,我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦,使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易,虽然很重要,但现在在时间和必要性上,次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议,作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易,但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路,是即时之路,是保证复苏功效持久之路。
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
在国际政策方面,我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重,因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务,尊重与他国协约的国家。
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话,我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题,我们是互相依存的,我们不可以只索取,我们还必须奉献。我们前进时,必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队,愿意为共同的原则而献身,因为,没有这些原则,就无法取得进步,领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备,并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产,因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议,为了更伟大的目标,我们所有的人,以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务,非战乱,不停止。
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
有了这样的誓言,我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务,致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动,这样的目标,在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单,实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况,只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想,正因为如此,我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay ction may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等,能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏,紧迫起来。
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托,即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
在此举国奉献之际,我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人,愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。
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一篇好的演讲文,恰当的开头是必不可少的,好的开头才能吸引人们有兴趣听下去,结尾跟开头一样,引领人们回味,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典开头结尾,希望对大家有所帮助。
1. Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Prayer Service Address
William Jefferson Clinton
S: Thank you very much, Governor Keating and Mrs. Keating, Reverend Graham, to the families of those who have been lost and wounded, to the people of Oklahoma City, who have endured so much, and the people of this wonderful state, to all of you who are here as our fellow Americans.
E: My fellow Americans, a tree takes a long time to grow, and wounds take a long time to heal. But we must begin. Those who are lost now belong to God. Some day we will be with them. But until that happens, their legacy must be our lives. Thank you all, and God bless you. 2. Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate
Ronald Reagan
S: Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.
We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]
E: In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." 3. Address on Taking the Oath of the U.S. Presidency
Gerald R. Ford
S: Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:
The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.
E: With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution; to do what is right as God gives me to see the right; and to do the very best I can for America.
God helping me, I will not let you down. Thank you.
4. Energy and the National Goals - A Crisis of Confidence
Jimmy Carter
S: This a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party to run for President of the United States. I promised you a President who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares your dreams, and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.
E: In closing, let me say this: I will do my best, but I will not do it alone. Let your voice be heard. Whenever you have a chance, say something good about our country. With God’s help and for the sake of our nation, it is time for us to join hands in America. Let us commit ourselves together to a rebirth of the American spirit. Working together with our common faith we cannot fail.
Thank you and good night.
5. On Vietnam and Not Seeking Reelection
Lyndon Baines Johnson
S: Good evening, my fellow Americans:
Tonight I want to speak to you of peace in Vietnam and Southeast Asia. No other question so preoccupies our people. No other dream so absorbs the 250 million human beings who live in that part of the world. No other goal motivates American policy in Southeast Asia.
E: Accordingly, I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President. But let men everywhere know, however, that a strong and a confident and a vigilant America stands ready tonight to seek an honorable peace; and stands ready tonight to defend an honored cause, whatever the price, whatever the burden, whatever the sacrifice that duty may require.
Thank you for listening. Good night and God bless all of you. 6. Cambodian Incursion Address
Richard M. Nixon
S: Good evening, my fellow Americans. Ten days ago, in my report to the nation on Vietnam, I announced the decision to withdraw an additional 150,000 Americans from Vietnam over the next year. I said then that I was making that decision despite our concern over increased enemy activity in Laos, in Cambodia, and in South Vietnam. And at that time I warned that if I concluded that increased enemy activity in any of these areas endangered the lives of Americans remaining in Vietnam, I would not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. Despite that warning, North Vietnam has increased its military aggression in all these areas, and particularly in Cambodia.
E: The possibility of winning a just peace in Vietnam and in the Pacific is at stake.It is customary to conclude a speech from the White House by asking support for the President of the United States. Tonight, I depart from that precedent. What I ask is far more important. I ask for your support for our brave men fighting tonight halfway around the world, not for territory, not for glory, but so that their younger brothers and their sons and your sons can have a chance to grow up in a world of peace, and freedom, and justice. Thank you, and good night.
7. Opening Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee
Anita Hill
S: My name is Anita F. Hill, and I am a professor of law at the University of Oklahoma. I was born on a farm in Okmulgee County, Oklahoma, in 1956. I am the youngest of 13 children. I had my early education in Okmulgee County. My father, Albert Hill, is a farmer in that area. My mother's name is Irma Hill. She is also a farmer and a housewife.
E: It would have been more comfortable to remain silent. It took no initiative to inform anyone -- I took no initiative to inform anyone. But when I was asked by a representative of this committee to report my experience, I felt that I had to tell the truth. I could not keep silent.
8. Television and the Public Interest
Newton N. Minow
S: Governor Collins, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. Governor Collins you're much too kind, as all of you have been to me the last few days. It's been a great pleasure and an honor for me to meet so many of you. And I want to thank you for this opportunity to meet with you today.
E: I urge you, I urge you to put the people's airwaves to the service of the people and the cause of freedom. You must help prepare a generation for great decisions. You must help a great nation fulfill its future.
Do this! I pledge you our help. Thank you. 9. Black Power
Stokely Carmichael
S: Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by our appearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the United States. I just can't make it, 'cause I wasn't born in the United States. That's the only thing holding me back.
E: And then, therefore, in a larger sense there's the question of black people. We are on the move for our liberation. We have been tired of trying to prove things to white people. We are tired of trying to explain to white people that we’re not going to hurt them. We are concerned with getting the things we want, the things that we have to have to be able to function. The question is, Can white people allow for that in this country? The question is, Will white people overcome their racism and allow for that to happen in this country? If that does not happen, brothers and sisters, we have no choice but to say very clearly, "Move over, or we’re going to move on over you." Thank you.
10. Vice Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address
Geraldine Ferraro
S: Ladies and gentlemen of the convention:
My name is Geraldine Ferraro. I stand before you to proclaim tonight: America is the land where dreams can come true for all of us. As I stand before the American people and think of the honor this great convention has bestowed upon me, I recall the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who made America stronger by making America more free. He said, "Occasionally in life there are moments which cannot be completely explained by words. Their meaning can only be articulated by the inaudible language of the heart." Tonight is such a moment for me. E: To all the children of America, I say: The generation before ours kept faith with us, and like them, we will pass on to you a stronger, more just America. Thank you.
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开场白是演出或其他开场时引入本题的道白,比喻文章、介绍或讲话等开始的部分,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典开场白,希望对大家有所帮助。
Ladies and Gentlemen, Good morning! I’m very glad to stand here and give you a short speech. Man’s life is a proceof growing up, actually I’m standing here is a growth. If a person’s life must constituted by various choices, then I grow up along with these choices. Once I hope I can study in a college in future, however that’s passed, as you know I come here, now I wonder what the future holds for me. When I come to this school, I told to myself: this my near future, all starts here. Following I will learn to become a man, a integrated man, who has a fine body, can take on important task, has independent thought, an open mind, intensive thought, has the ability to judge right and wrong, has a perfect job. Once my teacher said :” you are not sewing, you are stylist; never forget which you should lay out to people is your thought, not craft.&rdquo#from I will put my personality with my interest and ability into my study, during these proceI will combine learning with doing. If I can achieve this “future”, I think that I really grow up. And I deeply believe kindred, good-fellowship and love will perfection and happy in the future. How to say future? Maybe it’s a nice wish. Lets make up our minds, stick to it and surely well enjoy our life.
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经典是最能表现本行业的精髓的、最具代表性的,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典句式,希望对大家有所帮助。
I want to remind... 我想提醒……
例如:
I want to remind you that it’s never too late to learn. (我想提醒你们,无论何时开始学习都不迟。)
I want to remind you all that we share the responsibility. (我想提醒大家,我们都得承担责任。)
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如今,许多国际场合都使用英语做为沟通媒介,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语短小经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Life is about choices
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I want to tell you something very important today.
I want to tell you that life is about choices.
You can choose to be miserable or you can choose to enjoy life.
You can choose to improve your health or you can choose to destroy it.
I hope you will make correct choices.
I hope you will choose to enjoy your family, enjoy your friends, enjoy your work, and enjoy your everyday life.
Life is a gift and we really should enjoy every minute of it.
Join the group of people who make good choices.
Enjoy your life!
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经典指具有典范性、权威性的;经久不衰的万世之作,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些世界经典英语演讲片段,希望对大家有所帮助。
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to , but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
幸福并不在于单纯的占有金钱,幸福还在于取得成功后的喜悦,在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些黯淡的日子能使我们认识到,我们真正的使命不是要别人侍奉,而是要为自己和同胞们服务的话,那么,我们付出的代价是完全值得的。
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题目是指诗歌或文章的主题、意旨,书籍的标目;提出来要求解答的问题;借口,名义;评论,品题,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些第四届全国大学生英语演讲赛题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1.How to behave when applying for a job?
2.I am proud of being Chinese
3.Happy is he who is content
4.How to make our campus life more meaningful?
5.No imagination,no invention
6.What is happiness?
7.Knowledge is power
8.The importance of being creative
9.All roads lead to Rome
10.Knowledge and ability
11.Loyalty
12.My views on chatting on the Internet
13.The importance of reading intensively
14.Failure is the mother of success
15.The positive effects of computers
16.Quantity and quality
17.Be the master of your own fate
18.The negative effects of computers
19.Opportunity is never lost
20.One is never too old to learn
21.Help to protect the environment
22.Never say that you can't
23.How to carry out the quality education?
24.What the world will look like in ten years?
25.How can you achieve pure friendship?
Vigor vigour glamour 27.Is world peace possible?
28.How can we preserve our traditional culture?
29.In face of success
30.How can we protect wildlife?
31.What will WTO bring us?
32.How can we overcome the gap between the rich and the poor?
33.Rome was not built in a day
34.United we stand,divided we fall
35.Money can not buy everything
36.Actions speak louder than words
37.What would you do with three wishes?
38.Experience is the best teacher
39.English as a global language
40.A friend in need is a friend indeed
41.Is the spoken English test necessary?
42.Health and wealth
43.Where there's a will there is a way
44.No Pains,no gains 45.Haste makes waste
46.Practice makes perfect
47.Responsibilities college students should undertake
48.What do I study for?
49.The value of moral education
50.The importance of reading extensively
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即兴演讲,就是在特定的情境和主体的诱发下,自发或被要求立即进行的当众说话,是一种不凭借文稿来表情达意的口语交际活动,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些语即兴演讲技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
即兴演讲多是在一种激动的场合下进行的,没有人乐意听长篇讲话,因此必须短小精悍。短小,指篇幅而言;精悍,指内容而言。即兴演讲不能象命题演讲那样讲究布局谋篇,但也要结构合理,详略得当,要有快节奏风格和一气呵成的气势,切忌颠三倒四,离题万里,拖泥带水,重复拉杂。
看了“"英语即兴演讲技巧"”
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演讲稿的完成只是演讲的序幕,要进行成功的演讲则要进行严格的训练。英语演讲训练方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了英语演讲训练方法,供你阅读参考。
1. 演讲前的准备是搞好演讲的前提
首先是要确立一个题目或一个话题。一般演讲赛都分为命题演讲和即兴演讲。拟定好话题后的第二步就是演讲材料的收集与整理。其中最好的方法就是有计划地阅读大量的英语原文以及各类英语报刊杂志,阅读是一个循序渐进的过程,同时也是培养英语思维的过程,对提高英语的口头表达能力和书面表达能力是至关重要的。
演讲稿写作
2. 演讲稿的写作演讲稿首先开头要开门见山
既要一下子抓住听众又要提出你的观点,中间要用各种方法和所准备的材料说明、支持你的论点,感染听众,然后在结尾加强说明论点或得出结论,结束演讲。演讲稿的写作有严格的要求,就内容而言要主题鲜明,表达完整;就文章组织结构而言要思维清晰,逻辑性强;就语言而言要有感染力、形象生动。结尾加强论点。
进行演讲
3. 进行演讲具备演讲的知识和技巧
演讲稿的完成只是演讲的序幕,要进行成功的演讲则要进行严格的训练。训练时,分析演讲要领,训练演讲技巧和姿势语,观看CCTV杯和爱立信杯等英语演讲的录像,了解并按照比赛评分标准进行严格的模拟训练,观察演讲过程是否具备以下特点:主题鲜明,表达完整(演讲内容);思维清晰,逻辑性强(文章组织结构);感情充沛,富有表现力(演讲气势);发音正确,语音语调标准(英语语音);反应敏捷,回答准确(心理素质);着装整洁,仪态大方等等。
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英语不是我们的母语,所以在演讲中使用英语有一定的难度,那英语演讲技巧与训练方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了英语演讲技巧与训练方法,供你阅读参考。
第一个建议就是对于单词的发音,不管你有没有口音,一定要做到八个字:元音饱满、辅音短促。我听过一些孩纸不错的音频资料,最大的问题在于演讲或配音朗读过程中为了达到所谓的“流利”,整个人像开了挂似的提速度,速度一快就容易车祸:很多元音(特别是双元音)刚刚读到一半,口腔还没到位就开始读下一个单词,这样会让评委听起来你很慌张以为你巴不得马上说完走人、负分滚粗、好吗。
第二个建议和连读有关,这个太重要了但往往又被忽视,原因可能是中文朗读的时候字与字之间基本上不会存在连读现象。英语演讲你不连读的后果就是听到的单词一个一个脱节地往外啪啪啪地蹦,毫无流畅度,基本上也就失去了竞争力。最容易训练的一类连读是“辅尾-元首”型的连读(即第一个单词以辅音结尾和第二个单词以元音开头),举个例子进行反复操练吧:I get up at eight every day. 其中可以连读的单词组有:get up、up at、at eight、eight every。
第三,也是在演讲中可以出彩的地方:语调。英语的语调不像汉字有四声,因此相比之下更灵活多变,完全可以根据你的情绪和演讲的重点进行调整。听过不少发音和发育都不错的孩纸在朗读时全程竟没有一丝高低起伏、凹凸有致的地方,宛如一台生锈的推土机野蛮笔直地开过金黄的麦田,多可惜呀。所以说,好的演讲不一定是讲得快而是讲得抑扬顿挫!
英语演讲技巧与训练相关
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