为您找到与肯尼迪就职演说英文版相关的共16个结果:
约翰-肯尼迪是美国第十一届总统,也是被公认的最具才华的总统之一,可惜被人刺杀而英年早逝,早早地结束了政治生涯。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇肯尼迪的就职演说,希望对大家有所帮助。
首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民:
我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利,而是一次自由的胜利;它象征着结束,也象征着开始;意味着更新,也意味着变革。因为我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。
现今世界已经很不同了,因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念,在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与,而是上帝所赐。
我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人,让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友,并且也告诉我们的敌人,这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人,他们出生在本世纪,经历过战争的锻炼,受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶,以我们的古代传统自豪,而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移,当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。
让每一个国家知道,不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏,我们将付出任何代价,忍受任何重负,应付任何艰辛,支持任何朋友,反对任何敌人,以确保自由的存在与实现。
这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。
对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦,我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结,则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂,我们则无可作为,因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下,是不敢应付强大挑战的。
对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家,我们要提出保证,绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后,却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点,但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由,并应记取,在过去,那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人,结果却被虎所吞噬。
对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们,我们保证尽最大努力助其自救,不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做,也不是由于我们要求他们的选票,而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人,也就不能保全那少数的富人。
对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保证:要把我们的美好诺言化作善行,在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道,我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道,西半球的事西半球自己会管。
至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会,在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中,它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言;不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛,加强其对于新国弱国的保护,并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。
最后,对于那些与我们为敌的国家,我们所要提供的不是保证,而是要求:双方重新着手寻求和平,不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。
我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时,我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。
可是这两个强有力的国家集团,谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担,双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇,可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡,而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。
因此让我们重新开始,双方都应记住,谦恭并非懦弱的征象,而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。
让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题,而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。
让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议,并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。
让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球,治理沙漠,消除疾病,开发海洋深处,并鼓励艺术和商务。
让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令,去“卸下沉重的负担……(并)让被压迫者得自由。”
如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑,那么,让双方联合作一次新的努力吧,这不是追求新的权力均衡,而是建立一个新的法治世界,在那世界上强者公正,弱者安全,和平在握。
凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成,不会在最初的一千天中完成,不会在本政府任期中完成,甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。
同胞们,我们事业的最后成效,主要不是掌握在我手里,而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来,每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。
现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器,虽然武器是我们所需要的;不是号召我们去作战,虽然我们准备应战;那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争,“在希望中欢乐,在患难中忍耐”;这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。
我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人,来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力?
在世界的悠久历史中,只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩;我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人,而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。
所以,同胞们:不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么,而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
全世界的公民:不要问美国愿为你们做些什么,而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。
最后,不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民,请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧,我们行为的最后裁判者是历史,让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土,企求上帝的保佑与扶携,但我们知道,在这个世界上,上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。
看了“"肯尼迪就职演说"”
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在国际商务谈判中,对时间观差异应有所准备。谈判时限的控制也很重要。不同文化具有不同的时间观念。在商务谈判对话中也要拿捏好时间。下面读文网小编整理了商务谈判对话英文版,供你阅读参考。
Dialogue 1:
A: So, thank you for coming, everyone. It's really a pleasure to see you all here. First of all, may i suggest you take a look at the agenda i sent you? Would you like to make any comment on that?
B: Yes, i wonder if we can begin with shipment question first. We really need to come to an agreement on that before anything else.
A: That's true, but it's also a very difficult issue. That's the reason why i put it last. I thought it might be a good idea for us to start with the points we have in common. We'll move on to the shipment issue after that.
B: All right. That sounds reasonable.
A: Well, before we go any future, I would like to say strongly how i feel that it's in both our interest to reach an agreement today. The market is becoming even more competitive and our combied strength will give us some big advantages, not least in terms of the dealer network. Now, i think Richard would like to say a few words about that.
点睛注释:
1. make comments on sth 对某事进行评论
Example: Would you make comments on our women's garments in current design?您对我们流行女装款式有何评论 Oh look very nice! 哦,看起来很漂亮
2. have sth. in common: 有共同点
Example: The two firms have very little common in selling strategies. 这两家公司在销售策略上没有什么共同点。
3. in the interest of: 符合......的利益
Example: The stable and healthy business relations are in the interest of our sides. 稳定健康的贸易关系符合双方的利益。
Dialogue 2
A: Hello, Mr Wang, nice to see you again. How are you?
B: Fine, thank you ,and you?
A: I'm fine, we just moved in our new house. Everything is in a great mess. It's a nightmare. But i'll appreciate not having to spend so much time commuting to my work every day.
B: Yes, it took me nearly one hour to get here today. Bus service in this area is not so good.
A: Well, will you like a cup of coffee?
B: Thank you, that would be nice.
A: Milk or sugar?
B: Black will do, thank you.
A: So, how's business in your section?
B: Not too bad. We have a lot of work to do as far as our contract George is concerned this time.
A: Then i think you can say a few words about that first.
点睛注释
1. in a mess: 乱成一团
Example: Since 9 O' clock , Mr. Gill has been sorting out the shipping documents which are in a mess in the files.
从九点以来,吉尔小姐一直在整理文件夹里乱成一团的海运单据.
2. commute: 乘通勤车上班
Example: I commute to work from Shenyang to Fushun on weekdays.周一到周五我从沈阳到抚顺乘通勤车上班.
bus commuter 乘通勤汽车上班的人 train commuter 乘通勤火车上班的人
3. as far as sb./sth. be concerned: 就什么而言; 至于
Example: As far as i am concerned, i agree with Jack on this point.就我而言, 我同意杰克的观点.
、As far as color is concerned, Tom prefers black. 就颜色而言, 汤姆更喜欢黑色.
Dialogue 3
A: Will you have a cup of coffee, Mr. Wang?
B: No. Don't bother, please.
A: Of course, i don't know Smith at all, but you've got to be on your guard against George. I told you about our negotiating with him in New York three years ago, didn't I?
B: I am sure you did. Can we focus on the final packing today, Mr. Brown? We mustn't get stuck in the price. They are going to knock us down. We have got some room to maneuver.
A: That's right, George is the head of Marketing Department.
B: What we must keep in mind is that we can make a concession if they push us on staff cut.
A: Oh we don't need to worry about that, Mr. Wang. We will just play it by ear.
点睛注释
1. be on one's guard against sb./sth. 小心,防范
Example: We must be on our guard against pickpockets on a bus.在公交车上我们要小心扒手。
2. focus on sth. 集中精力于......之上
Example: We should focus our attention on the demands at the overseas market.我们应该集中注意一下海外市场的需求
3. knock sb. down 打倒,使屈服
Example: They are attempting to knock us down in terms of price.他们试图让我们在价格方面让步。
4. keep/bear sth. in mind 记住,牢记(英国都用remember)
Example: Please keep in mind that you'll arrive punctually for the meeting tomorrow.请记住明天开会要准时。
Bear in mind that you can always rely on me.要记住你永远可以依靠我。
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国际商务谈判大多用英语进行,而谈判双方的母语往往又不都是英语,这就增加了交流的难度。下面读文网小编整理了模拟商务谈判对话英文版,供你阅读参考。
Dan Smith是一位美国的健身用品经销商,此次是Robert Liu第一回与他交手。就在短短几分钟的交谈中,Robert Liu既感到这位大汉粗犷的外表,藏有狡兔的心思――他肯定是沙场老将,自己绝不可掉以轻心。双方第一回过招如下:
D: I‘d like to get the ball rolling(开始)by talking about prices.
R: Shoot.(洗耳恭听)I‘d be happy to answer any questions you may have.
D: Your products are very good. But I‘m a little worried about the prices you‘re asking.
R: You think we about be asking for more?(laughs)
D: (chuckles莞尔) That‘s not exactly what I had in mind. I know your research costs are high, but what I‘d like is a 25% discount.
R: That seems to be a little high, Mr. Smith. I don‘t know how we can make a profit with those numbers.
D: Please, Robert, call me Dan. (pause) Well, if we promise future business――volume sales(大笔交易)――that will slash your costs(大量减低成本)for making the Exec-U-ciser, right?
R: Yes, but it‘s hard to see how you can place such large orders. How could you turn over(销磬)so many? (pause) We‘d need a guarantee of future business, not just a promise.
D: We said we wanted 1000 pieces over a six-month period. What if we place orders for twelve months, with a guarantee?
R: If you can guarantee that on paper, I think we can discuss this further.
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英国首相卡梅伦宣布将辞职,卡梅伦为什么辞职?卡梅伦在辞职是讲了什么内容?下面读文网小编在整理了英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲:我尽力了,供你阅读。
6月24日,引发全球关注的英国“脱欧”公投结果出炉,“脱欧”阵营赢得超过半数的民众支持,这意味着英国在加入欧盟43年之后将正式与这个大家庭说“再见”。这一历史性的投票将重塑英国的世界地位,同时可能触发多米诺效应、导致更多国家脱离欧盟。此外,英国首相卡梅伦或许会辞职。
公投结果显示,投票民众中52%支持脱离欧盟,48%支持留在欧盟。其中,伦敦和苏格兰地区的“留欧”意愿非常强烈,但最终没能敌过英格兰北部人数众多的“脱欧”派支持者。公投的投票率为71.8%,相当于有超过3000万民众前往投票站投票,这是英国自1992年以来最高的投票记录。
对于英国的公投结果,全球金融市场反应迅速且剧烈,英镑兑美元汇率闪电崩盘,跌幅超过1000个基点,触及1985年以来的最低水平。英国工党影子内阁大臣约翰·麦克唐纳表示,英国中央银行可能会介入市场,采取措施支撑英镑。
***“独立日”
过去20年间,英国独立党领导人奈杰尔·法拉奇一直四处奔走、游说英国脱离欧盟。如今夙愿得偿,法拉奇不禁向“脱欧”派支持者高呼:“这是普罗大众的胜利!6月23日将被载入史册,成为英国的独立日!”他还呼吁首相卡梅伦“立即”辞职。英国“脱欧”公投虽由卡梅伦发起,但他强烈支持英国留在欧盟。
不过,多名“脱欧”派保守党人士,包括前伦敦市长鲍里斯·约翰逊和英国司法大臣迈克尔·戈夫在内,已经签署联名信劝说卡梅伦不论公投结果如何都请继续出任首相。
英国前欧洲事务大臣基思·瓦兹认为,公投结果表明英国民众是根据其“情绪”而非专家建议投票,欧盟应当召集一次紧急峰会来处理英国“脱欧”后续问题,“(英国脱离欧盟)将会对我们的国家、欧洲乃至世界其他地区产生灾难性的后果”。
德国外交部长弗兰克·沃尔特·施泰因迈尔称,对于欧盟和英国,公投结果出炉是个“悲伤的日子”。
***退出不易
英国将成为自欧盟成立以来第一个退出的国家,但这并不意味着公投结果公布后英国的欧盟成员国身份即刻终止。英国退出欧盟需要花费至少两年的时间,“脱欧”派建议英国应当直至2020年大选时才完成全部脱欧工作。
接下来,英国首相将决定何时触发欧盟《里斯本条约》第50条规定。根据这条规定,英国确认脱离欧盟后,需在两年的时间内与欧洲理事会谈判退出事宜,并且除非得到全体成员国的一致同意,退出国不得再加入欧盟。
与此同时,英国政府还将与欧盟举行谈判,协商二者之间未来的贸易关系,以及修订同非欧盟国家间的贸易协议。
***“多米诺效应”
美国《纽约时报》指出,英国公投决定退出欧盟,这一历史性决定将重塑英国的世界地位,同时让欧洲大陆陷入不安,并震动整个西方政治世界。
《华盛顿邮报》分析称,除了可能导致全球性经济衰退和西方联盟的破裂,英国脱欧或许还会致使苏格兰加速走向独立、欧盟进一步分裂以及卡梅伦政府的陷落。
有分析人士称,未来,希腊、葡萄牙、意大利、捷克、芬兰、斯洛伐克、拉脱维亚和比利时都可能会跟随英国的脚步脱离欧盟。
英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲相关
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约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪是美国第35任总统,是美国历史上最年轻的当选总统,也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇肯尼迪的就职演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
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马丁·路德·金是著名的美国民权运动领袖,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇马丁·路德·金演讲生前的最后一篇演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. It's always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. And Ralph Abernathy is the best friend that I have in the world. I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.
Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world. And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, "Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?" I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there.
I would move on by Greece and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon. And I would watch them around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even go by the way that the man for whom I am named had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of Wittenberg. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating President by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but "fear itself." But I wouldn't stop there.
Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, "If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, I will be happy."
Now that's a strange statement to make, because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble is in the land; confusion all around. That's a strange statement. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough can you see the stars. And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men, in some strange way, are responding.
Something is happening in our world. The masses of people are rising up. And wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in Johannesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya; Accra, Ghana; New York City; Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or Memphis, Tennessee -- the cry is always the same: "We want to be free."
And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period is that we have been forced to a point where we are going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but the demands didn't force them to do it. Survival demands that we grapple with them. Men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. But now, no longer can they just talk about it. It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in this world; it's nonviolence or nonexistence. That is where we are today.
And also in the human rights revolution, if something isn't done, and done in a hurry, to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt and neglect, the whole world is doomed. Now, I'm just happy that God has allowed me to live in this period to see what is unfolding. And I'm happy that He's allowed me to be in Memphis.
I can remember -- I can remember when Negroes were just going around as Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean business now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world.
And that's all this whole thing is about. We aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any negative arguments with anybody. We are saying that we are determined to be men. We are determined to be people. We are saying -- We are saying that we are God's children. And that we are God's children, we don't have to live like we are forced to live.
Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It means that we've got to stay together. We've got to stay together and maintain unity. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together, that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity.
Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice. The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've got to keep attention on that. That's always the problem with a little violence. You know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only with the window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers are on strike, and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of a doctor. They didn't get around to that.
Now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order to put the issue where it is supposed to be -- and force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out. That's the issue. And we've got to say to the nation: We know how it's coming out. For when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point short of victory.
We aren't going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our nonviolent movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do. I've seen them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we were in that majestic struggle there, we would move out of the 16th Street Baptist Church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. And Bull Connor would tell them to send the dogs forth, and they did come; but we just went before the dogs singing, "Ain't gonna let nobody turn me around."
Bull Connor next would say, "Turn the fire hoses on." And as I said to you the other night, Bull Connor didn't know history. He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses; we had known water. If we were Baptist or some other denominations, we had been immersed. If we were Methodist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew water. That couldn't stop us.
And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we'd just go on singing "Over my head I see freedom in the air." And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. And they would throw us in, and old Bull would say, "Take 'em off," and they did; and we would just go in the paddy wagon singing, "We Shall Overcome." And every now and then we'd get in jail, and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham. Now we've got to go on in Memphis just like that. I call upon you to be with us when we go out Monday.
Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. All we say to America is, "Be true to what you said on paper." If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could understand some of these illegal injunctions. Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Somewhere I read of the freedom of press. Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as I say, we aren't going to let dogs or water hoses turn us around, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on.
We need all of you. And you know what's beautiful to me is to see all of these ministers of the Gospel. It's a marvelous picture. Who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones. And whenever injustice is around he tell it. Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and saith, "When God speaks who can but prophesy?" Again with Amos, "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." Somehow the preacher must say with Jesus, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me," and he's anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor."
And I want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's been to jail for struggling; he's been kicked out of Vanderbilt University for this struggle, but he's still going on, fighting for the rights of his people. Reverend Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just go right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank all of them. And I want you to thank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves. And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.
It's all right to talk about "long white robes over yonder," in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here! It's all right to talk about "streets flowing with milk and honey," but God has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. It's all right to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God's preacher must talk about the new New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. This is what we have to do.
Now the other thing we'll have to do is this: Always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor people. Individually, we are poor when you compare us with white society in America. We are poor. Never stop and forget that collectively -- that means all of us together -- collectively we are richer than all the nations in the world, with the exception of nine. Did you ever think about that? After you leave the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, West Germany, France, and I could name the others, the American Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. We have an annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the United States, and more than the national budget of Canada. Did you know that? That's power right there, if we know how to pool it.
We don't have to argue with anybody. We don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words. We don't need any bricks and bottles. We don't need any Molotov cocktails. We just need to go around to these stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, "God sent us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right. And we've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda fair treatment, where God's children are concerned. Now, if you are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you."
And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy -- what is the other bread? -- Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? Tell them not to buy Hart's bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. We are choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on town -- downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right.
But not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions. I call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in Tri-State Bank. We want a "bank-in" movement in Memphis. Go by the savings and loan association. I'm not asking you something that we don't do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We are telling you to follow what we are doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven black insurance companies here in the city of Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an "insurance-in."
Now these are some practical things that we can do. We begin the process of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.
Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point in Memphis. We've got to see it through. And when we have our march, you need to be there. If it means leaving work, if it means leaving school -- be there. Be concerned about your brother. You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together.
Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came to Jesus, and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters of life. At points he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew a little more than Jesus knew and throw him off base....
Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho. And he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. But he got down with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the "I" into the "thou," and to be concerned about his brother.
Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop. At times we say they were busy going to a church meeting, an ecclesiastical gathering, and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that "One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony." And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem -- or down to Jericho, rather to organize a "Jericho Road Improvement Association." That's a possibility. Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effect.
But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible that those men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that road, I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable." It's a winding, meandering road. It's really conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles -- or rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level. That's a dangerous road. In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the "Bloody Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the priest asked -- the first question that the Levite asked was, "If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" But then the Good Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: "If I do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?"
That's the question before you tonight. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to my job. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" The question is not, "If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?" The question is, "If I do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?" That's the question.
Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God, once more, for allowing me to be here with you.
You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing books, a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from her was, "Are you Martin Luther King?" And I was looking down writing, and I said, "Yes." And the next minute I felt something beating on my chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman. I was rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark Saturday afternoon. And that blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. And once that's punctured, your drowned in your own blood -- that's the end of you.
It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had merely sneezed, I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital. They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states and the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of them I will never forget. I had received one from the President and the Vice-President. I've forgotten what those telegrams said. I'd received a visit and a letter from the Governor of New York, but I've forgotten what that letter said. But there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High School. And I looked at that letter, and I'll never forget it. It said simply,
Dear Dr. King,
I am a ninth-grade student at the White Plains High School."
And she said,
While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I'm a white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering. And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And I'm simply writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze.
And I want to say tonight -- I want to say tonight that I too am happy that I didn't sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1960, when students all over the South started sitting-in at lunch counters. And I knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for the best in the American dream, and taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1961, when we decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in inter-state travel.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent.
If I had sneezed -- If I had sneezed I wouldn't have been here in 1963, when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in August, to try to tell America about a dream that I had had.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been down in Selma, Alabama, to see the great Movement there.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see a community rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering.
I'm so happy that I didn't sneeze.
And they were telling me --. Now, it doesn't matter, now. It really doesn't matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us. The pilot said over the public address system, "We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded all night."
And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?
Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn't matter with me now, because I've been to the mountaintop.
And I don't mind.
Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the Promised Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land!
mlkmountaintop3.JPG
And so I'm happy, tonight.
I'm not worried about anything.
I'm not fearing any man!
Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!
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当今广告四处可见,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些辩论中广告对社会弊大于利的陈述英文版,希望对大家有所帮助。
We have to say that we have been fed up with all kinds of rubbish ads. Wethink advertising is a negative influence on society based on the following reasons.
First of all, a majority of advertisements are misleading and even cheating, causing confusion in people’s daily life.Some services and products of a poor quality even lead to the injury and death of some customers. According to a report, about 2 thousand and 5 hundred million people take wrong medicine because of the false medical advertisements, which is so terrible.
Secondly, many advertisements such as advertisements about discounts or advertisements that have celebrities as a spokesperson are so persuading that many consumers blindly buy something they don’t need actually or something whose price is not reasonable. This kind of advertisements make use of human’s greedy character arouse it and expand it. Over-consumption is a waste of resources, which does harm to the establishment of healthy consumption concepts and healthy development of economy of society. Using money to buy something useless to us also makes us feel foolish and annoying when we realize that.
Different advertisements aim at different people. The advertisements may contain information not suitable for children or teenagers. We all used to experience the embarrassing atmosphere where we watched a breast augmentation advertisement together with our parents. The images of those nearly bare women are inappropriate for children. This may mislead them. It is a key point that those advertisements for adults could have bad influence on children and teenagers.
The cost for making those attractive advertisements is included in the total cost of the product. In essence, when consumers buy the product, they pay some extra money for the advertisements, which they should not pay for. Though advertising may bring benefit to the firms, why should innocent consumers, including you guys, pay the bill? You can say that advertisements can raise GDP or CPI from the aspect of government, but are consumers really willing to pay for the extra cost due to advertisements? The answer is no, as on this point, we don’t stand for the government and business. What’s more, we are consumers.
Therefore, advertisement has negative influence on society.
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教师的工作是极为不稳定的,一个阶段的学生毕业了,就面临的新的一个阶段的学生,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些班主任就职的演说范文,希望对大家有所帮助。
从今天起,我就是你们的班主任了,也就是说,你们的顶头上司:我,这是一个新的集体,新的班级,我和你们走在一起,这就是缘分;接下来,我会陪伴你们度过这重要的一年。
首先,很高兴成为你们的班主任。这是我第一次担任班主任的职务,对于班主任的工作,我还没有足够的经验。但我会竭尽所能做好这项工作,在学习和生活上给大家提供最大的帮助。
要成为一名优秀的班主任,首先要自信。虽然我经验不足,但是我相信自己能在与大家的相处中慢慢积累经验。接下来的一年大大小小的问题会不断地出现,可能是你们同学之间的,也可能是你们与我之间的,不管怎样,我不会逃避这些问题,我相信自己有能力一一应对。
一切是那么的缘分,让我们彼此相聚在这个幸福温馨的大家庭里。当我走进这里时,看见大家都是一群朝气蓬勃有斗志昂扬的青年,准备在这里展露出一片头角。在你们身上看见这种斗志,我感到十分的高兴和欣慰,你们都是一群很可爱的孩子们。
当我站在台上我是你们的老师,在台下我是你们的朋友,也是你们忠实的听众,听你们跟我诉说高兴的事,快乐的事,难过的事,伤心的事……我们可以一起学习,一起运动,一起分享,一起奋斗,创造一个我们的美好班级体。在这里你们才是主角,我是配角。陪你们演绎出一场完美的戏剧。当我们一开始这场戏的时候,大家都要确定好自己的角色,确定自己的奋斗目标,不管我们在过程中遇到什么样的困难,都不能放弃自己。坚持到最后的就是胜利者。无论怎样我都将在你们的身边陪着你们在一起。
然而,无论在台下我们的关系是怎么好,如果你在课堂上犯了错,我就会做我老师应该做的事,因此我希望大家都该相互的理解。
从现在开始,让我们携手向前,花一年的时间,用信心浇灌希望之花,用爱换取耀眼的明天。
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班长乃是全班同学的领头羊,肩负着带动全班同学发展进步的重要责任,必须各方面严格要求自己,起到表率作用。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些关于班长就职演说的范文,希望对大家有所帮助。
尊敬的老师,亲爱的同学们:
大家好!首先感谢大家的支持使我能担上班长,一展自己的抱负。我会把工作做得更好,更有成就。我在入团已经有很长时间了,积累了不少工作经验,所以请相信我能够做好以后的工作。我没有什么值得夸耀的,我有的只是热血、辛劳和汗水。
我会与各位班委团结一致,开拓创新,在全面推行学生自我管理,自我教育,自我服务,内强素质,外树形像这一系统工程之中,开拓思想,创造性地开展工作。
班长对于我来说不只是个称号,不只是个光环,它背后有实质性的内容,与各位同学息息相关。
我的施政纲领是:用我全部的能力,用各位给我的全力支持来改善、丰富我们的生活;集合各位的愿望与要求,组织开展一系列富有年青一代个性与特色的活动。
我的目标是:你们的认可!不惜付出,去赢得你们的认可;无论多么困难,无论需要付出多少努力和汗水,也要赢得你们的认可!
我的信条是:一切为大家!我所做的一切都是为大家!
我相信在同学们的帮助下,我能胜任这项工作,正由于这种内驱力,当我走向这个讲台的时候,我感到信心百倍。我相信我自己,我不会让你们失望!
谢谢!
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贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马(Barack Hussein Obama),1961年8月4日出生,美国民主党籍政治家,第44任美国总统,为美国历史上第一位非洲裔总统。下面读文网小编整理了奥巴马开学演讲稿中英文版,供你阅读参考。
2013年11月18日-20日,CNN和全球市场调查机构ORC联合对全美843个成年人进行了电话抽样调查。结果显示,只有40%的人认为贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马能有效管理联邦政府,该数字比2013年6月的调查下降了12个百分点。53%的人认为奥巴马不诚实、不值得信赖,这是CNN民调中首次发现超半数美国人持有这样的看法。此外,56%的受访者说,奥巴马不是自己崇拜的人。
美国《绅士季刊》总共列出了25位最无影响力名人,奥巴马位列第17位,因为他“什么也没做”。[44]
《纽约邮报》调侃称,奥巴马是“陷入僵局的总司令”。[44]
俄罗斯《今日报》称,奥巴马以“失败的政治家”和“无法坚持自己立场”而入选。专家们认为,奥巴马承诺的太多,讲得很华丽,实际上却什么也没有做。因为不成功的医保改革、移民政策及不善于维护自己在国际政治中的地位,尤其是在处理叙利亚问题时的失误,使得奥巴马的执政路变得相对坎坷。[27]
美国前总统克林顿则称奥巴马是美国历史上最糟糕的总统。
《时代》:民调显示奥巴马成战后最差总统。[45]
美国昆尼皮亚克大学民调研究所2日发布一项民调结果,贝拉克·奥巴马以33%的得票率被评为第二次世界大战以来美国“最糟糕的总统”[46] 。
2014年8月28日,奥巴马在新闻发布会上谈及俄乌以及打击“伊拉克和沙姆伊斯兰国”(ISIS)等问题。舆论不仅对他的观点有所不满,甚至认为他的西装十分滑稽。人们的注意力都集中在总统的浅黄色西装上(如图),而不是他对乌克兰和叙利亚问题的看法。美国媒体甚至调侃称,称其穿傻帽西装。[47]
美国反战组织“粉色代码”(CODEPINK)和“立即行动起来结束战争和种族主义联盟”(ANSWER Coalition)2014年9月25日在白宫门口举行游行示威,抗议总统奥巴马对叙利亚和伊拉克发动空袭行动,批评美国中东政策是“伊斯兰国”发展壮大的原因之一,也是问题所在。
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亚伯拉罕·林肯(1809年2月12日-1865年4月15日),美国政治家、思想家,黑人奴隶制的废除者。第16任美国总统,其任总统期间,美国爆发内战,史称南北战争,林肯坚决反对国家分裂。他废除了叛乱各州的奴隶制度,颁布了《宅地法》、《解放黑人奴隶宣言》。林肯击败了南方分离势力,维护了美利坚联邦及其领土上不分人种、人人生而平等的权利。内战结束后不久,林肯遇刺身亡,是第一个遭遇刺杀的美国总统,也是首位共和党籍总统,曾位列最伟大总统排名第一位。也是美国最有作为的总统之一(其他3位为乔治·华盛顿、富兰克林·罗斯福、托马斯·杰斐逊)。以下是读文网小编整理了林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版,供你参考。
(1865年3月4日)
各位同胞:
在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中,不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候,对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明,似乎是适当的。如今四年任期已满,在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀,还且占用了国家大部分力量——都经常发布文告,所以如今很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展,是一切其它问题的关键所在,各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的,而我相信进展的情况,可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望,那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。四年之前在与此同一场合里,所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它,想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说,竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦,然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦,并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争,可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存,另一方则宁可接受这场战争,而不愿国家灭亡,于是战争就来临了。
我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴,他们并非遍布整个联邦,而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益,反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦,而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初,任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到那么大的范围,持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止,甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利,都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经,祈祷于同一个上帝,甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方,人们竟敢求助于上帝,来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包,这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家,免得别人判断我们。
我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿,而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难,因为罪恶总是要来的;然而那个作恶的人,要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一,而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免,但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间,他如今便要消除这些罪恶;假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上,作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚,难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着,我们热忱地祈祷着,希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是,假使上帝要让战争再继续下去,直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有,并像三千年前所说的那样,等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血,被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消,那么我们仍然只能说,「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。我们对任何人都不怀恶意,我们对任何人都抱好感,上帝让我们看到正确的事,我们就坚定地信那正确的事,让我们继续奋斗,以完成我们正在进行的工作,去治疗国家的创伤,去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀,尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。
读文网小编分享了林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版,你阅读了有什么感想?
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马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr.,1929年1月15日-1968年4月4日),著名的美国民权运动领袖。1948年大学毕业。1948年至1951年期间,在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。以下是读文网小编整理了马丁路德金演讲稿中英文版,供你参考。
美国首都华盛顿24日举行活动,纪念美国黑人民权运动领袖马丁·路德·金发
表《我有一个梦想》演讲50周年。
从24日起,华盛顿将连续多日举行系列纪念活动。当天上午,众多民众在国家广场附近参加游行,从马丁·路德·金纪念雕塑陆续汇集到林肯纪念堂前,聆听马丁·路德·金后人和50年前亲历者等各方人士的演讲。
马丁·路德·金的长子马丁·路德·金三世在演讲时说,他的父亲在《我有一个梦想》中提到,希望自己的4个孩子有朝一日能不再因肤色、而是以品格优劣而接受他人评价。从那时起半个世纪过去了,演讲当年并不是缅怀往昔或自我庆祝的时刻,任务远未完成,还有很长的路要走。
当日数万名民众在华盛顿集会,纪念美国著名的黑人领袖马丁·路德·金发表《我有一个梦想》演说50周年。1963年8月23日,马丁·路德·金组织了美国历史上影响深远的“自由进军”运动。他率领一支庞大的游行队伍向首都华盛顿进军,为全美国的黑人争取人权。他在林肯纪念堂前向25万人发表了著名的演说《我有一个梦想》,为反对种族歧视、争取平等发出呼号。
2015年1月19日,是美国人权运动家马丁·路德·金纪念日。上午10:55分,纪念人权领袖马丁路德金的“自由号”列车从南湾圣荷西驶抵旧金山市。由于经费短缺,这辆自1965年开始运行的纪念性列车今天或是最后一次运行。乘坐列车前来市里的民众与早已经在车站的人群汇合,通过游行来纪念马丁·路德·金。游行人群约有上千民众,多人手持金博士画像,“反种族歧视”、“追求自由平等”,以及“黑人生命同样重要”等标语。整个游行从火车站出发,最终到达耶尔巴布埃纳花园,全长约1.5英里。
读文网小编分享了马丁路德金演讲稿中英文版,你阅读了有什么感想?
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我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利,而是一次自由的庆典;它象征着结束,也象征着开始;意味着更新,也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。
现今世界已经很不同了,因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念,在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与,而是上帝所赐。
我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人,让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友,并且也告诉我们的敌人,这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人,他们出生在本世纪,经历过战争的锻炼,受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶,以我们的古代传统自豪,而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移,当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。
让每一个国家知道,不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏,我们将付出任何代价,忍受任何重负,应付任何艰辛,支持任何朋友,反对任何敌人,以确保自由的存在与实现。
这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。
对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦,我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结,则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂,我们则无可作为,因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下,是不敢应付强大挑战的。
对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家,我们要提出保证,绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后,却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点,但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由,并应记取,在过去,那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人,结果却被虎所吞噬。
对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们,我们保证尽最大努力助其自救,不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做,也不是由于我们要求他们的选票,而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人,也就不能保全那少数的富人。
对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保证:要把我们的美好诺言化作善行,在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道,我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道,西半球的事西半球自己会管。
至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会,在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中,它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言;不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛,加强其对于新国弱国的保护,并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。
最后,对于那些与我们为敌的国家,我们所要提供的不是保证,而是要求:双方重新着手寻求和平,不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。
我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时,我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。
可是这两个强有力的国家集团,谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担,双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇,可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡,而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。
因此让我们重新开始,双方都应记住,谦恭并非懦弱的征象,而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。
让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题,而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。
让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议,并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。
让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球,治理沙漠,消除疾病,开发海洋深处,并鼓励艺术和商务。
让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令,去“卸下沉重的负担……(并)让被压迫者得自由。”
如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑,那么,让双方联合作一次新的努力吧,这不是追求新的权力均衡,而是建立一个新的法治世界,在那世界上强者公正,弱者安全,和平在握。
凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成,不会在最初的一千天中完成,不会在本政府任期中完成,甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。
同胞们,我们事业的最后成效,主要不是掌握在我手里,而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来,每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。
现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器,虽然武器是我们所需要的;不是号召我们去作战,虽然我们准备应战;那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争,“在希望中欢乐,在患难中忍耐”;这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。
我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人,来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力?
在世界的悠久历史中,只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩;我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人,而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。
所以,同胞们:不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么,而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
全世界的公民:不要问美国愿为你们做些什么,而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。
最后,不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民,请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧,我们行为的最后裁判者是历史,让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土,企求上帝的保佑与扶携,但我们知道,在这个世界上,上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom——symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning——signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe——the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans——born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage——and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge——and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do——for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom——and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required——not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge——to convert our good words into good deeds——in a new alliance for progress——to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support——to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective——to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak——and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course——both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew——remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms——and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah——to "undo the heavy burdens …… and to let the oppressed go free."
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again——not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are——but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"——a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility——I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it——and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you——ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
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二战时,珍珠港战役世界瞩目,美国由此向日本宣战,当时的美国总统罗斯福是如何向日本宣战的呢?来看学习小编给大家整理的罗斯福对日宣战演讲,经典的中英文版:
副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员:
昨天, 1941年12月7日——必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子——美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的进攻。美国和日本是和平相处的,根据日本的请求仍在同它的政府与天皇进行会谈,以期维护太平洋和平。实际上,就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时,日本驻美国大使还向我们的国务卿提交了对美国最近致日方信函的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用,但并未包含有关战争或武装进攻的威胁或暗示。
历史将会证明,夏威夷距日本这么遥远,表明这次进攻是经过许多天或甚至许多个星期精心策划的。在此期间,日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维护和平的愿望来欺骗美国。
昨天对夏威夷岛的进攻给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位,很多美国人丧失了生命,此外,据报,美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁(檀香山)之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。
昨天,日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进攻。
昨夜,日本军队进攻了香港。
昨夜,日本军队进攻了关岛。
昨夜,日本军队进攻了菲律宾群岛。
昨夜,日本人进攻了威克岛。
今晨,日本人进攻了中途岛。
因此,日本在整个太平洋区域采取了突然的攻势。昨天和今天的事实不言自明。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解,并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。
作为陆海军,总司令,我已指示,为了我们的防务采取一切措施。
但是,我们整个国家都将永远记住这次对我们进攻的性质。不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次预谋的入侵,美国人民以自己的正义力量一定要赢得绝对的胜利。
我们现在预言,我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己,我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。我这样说,相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。
敌对行动已经存在。无庸讳言,我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。
相信我们的武装部队——依靠我国人民的坚定决心--我们将取得必然的胜利,愿上帝帮助我们!我要求国会宣布:自1941年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起,美国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。
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1860年11月,林肯当选总统,共和党首次执政。林肯的当选对南方种植园主的利益构成严重威胁,南方种植园奴隶主为制造分裂,发动了叛变,南方11个州先后退出联邦,宣布成立“美利坚联盟国”,并制订了新的宪法,选举新总统。以下是读文网小编整理了林肯gettysburg演讲稿,供你参考。
亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln)(1809年02月12日—1865年04月15日),是美国第16任总统,首位共和党籍总统,也是首位被暗杀的美国总统。他为推动美国社会向前发展作出了巨大贡献,受到美国人民的崇敬。是世界历史中最伟大的人物之一,领导了拯救联邦和结束奴隶制度的伟大斗争。人们怀念他的正直、仁慈和坚强的个性,他一直是美国历史上最受人景仰的总统之一。尽管他在边疆只受过一点儿初级教育,担任公职的经验也很少,然而,他那敏锐的洞察力和深厚的人道主义意识,使他成了美国历史上最伟大的总统之一,现行的5美元纸币上印的就是林肯的头像,由此可见林肯在美国历史上的地位。共产主义革命导师马克思十分高度地评价林肯说:“他是一个不会被困难所吓倒、不会为成功所迷惑的人,他不屈不挠地迈向自己的伟大目标,而从不轻举妄动,他稳步向前,而从不倒退……总之,他是一位达到了伟大境界而仍然保持自己优良品质的极其罕有的人物。”
读文网小编分享了林肯gettysburg演讲稿,你阅读了有什么感想?
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安倍晋三出生于日本东京,1977年毕业于日本东京成蹊大学政治学系。1993年首次当选日本众议院议员。2006年9月26日,就任第90届日本首相,次年9月12日辞职。以下是读文网小编整理了安倍美国国会演讲全文,供你参考。
日本媒体称安倍晋三是“小泉的正统接班人”。从许多方面看,安倍晋三这位政坛后生都带
着小泉纯一郎的影子。他性格固执、言论强硬,从不对自己的鹰派立场含糊其辞,是小泉纯一郎参拜靖国神社的忠实拥护者,在各种场合均为小泉纯一郎辩护,自己也作为政治家多次参拜。安倍晋三执政理念与小泉纯一郎十分相近,与小泉纯一郎一样,安倍晋三主张强化日美同盟,主张修改日本和平宪法,加入日本拥有集体自卫权条款,推动日本走向所谓“正常国家”。日本政坛甚至称安倍晋三“比小泉还小泉”。
安倍在安全和外交上属“鹰派”,长期主张日本与美国深化同盟关系。安倍要求修改二战后制定的和平宪法,使日本成为“正常国家”。安倍担任首相期间,日本防卫厅正式升格为防卫省。不过,2012年9月26日安倍受访时说,日中关系极为重要,他出任首相后首次出访即选择中国;日本经济增长需要中国市场;同时日本对华投资促进中国就业;两国关系“切也切不断”。
中国驻英国大使刘晓明在英国《每日电讯报》发表文章批评日本首相安倍晋三参拜靖国神社时提及伏地魔。 刘晓明把日本军国主义比作幽灵,把靖国神社比作恶魔的化身。他写道:“如果把日本军国主义比作伏地魔,靖国神社无疑就是其魂器之一,代表这个国家灵魂最黑暗一面。
以上读文网小编分享了安倍美国国会演讲全文,你阅读了吗?
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