为您找到与美国科学家罗德里克麦金农相关的共38个结果:
相对于非美国人而言,美国人在谈判的行为上,有许多明显的特点,了解了这些特点,能助你更适应与美国人谈判的过程。下面读文网小编整理了美国商务谈判特点,供你阅读参考。
美国人更喜欢单独展开谈判。所以我们经常会发现,即便是在一些大型的国际谈判当中,美国方面也只派出了一位谈判专家。(有时他也可能会组成一个小小的团队,但另外两个人通常一位是翻译,还有一位是司机。)可当他走进谈判室时,却突然发现自己面对的是一个10~12人组成的庞大的谈判团。这对美国人来说可不是好事,因为他会感觉在心理上受到了对方的欺压。当然,这是另外一回事了。我们在这里需要关心的问题是:当看到美国方面的谈判代表孤身出席时,非美国人会怎么想。
非美国人可能会这样猜测:“这说明他们并不打算在这次谈判当中和我们达成任何协议,既然他们只派来了一位谈判代表,这说明他们只是把这次谈判当成是预备会议罢了。”或者非美国人可能会以为面前的这位美国谈判代表只是来收集信息的,然后他会把自己收集到的信息呈交给自己的谈判代表团。
除非美国人知道对方的这种心态,并愿意向对方解释自己就是整个谈判团队,并且有权力作出最终决定,否则对方是不会与你认真谈判的。当遇到这种情况时,你应当告诉对方,自己只拥有一定范围内的权限,一旦超出这个权限,你就要请示自己的上司了。如果对方代表团一定要你说出你权限范围,不妨告诉对方你并没有权力这么做。
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美国人的商务谈判受美国历史文化等影响,与我国商务谈判有很大的差异。下面读文网小编整理了美国商务谈判技巧,供你阅读参考。
毫无疑问,美国人是这个世界上最喜欢打官司的民族。印度人可能会觉得美国人的这种做法非常可笑,因为在印度人的概念中,民事司法系统几乎是形同虚设。法庭可能要等上5年才会对你的案子进行听证,所以那些比较现实的人都会告诉你,在印度,你最好忘记司法系统这回事,甚至于这个系统在5年之后是否存在都是个问题。就连印度的首席大法官都曾公开表示,印度的司法系统即将崩溃。所以印度人必须学会只能和那些自己比较相信的人打交道。
记得我曾经向一个印度人解释美国的年轻夫妻为什么会在结婚之前签订一份结婚协议。他觉得这种做法简直难以理解。如果你不相信一个人的话,为什么还要和他结婚呢?我无论怎么解释,他都无法理解,在美国的文化当中,签署一份在法律上可以接受的书面协议并不代表你不相信一个人。
在美国,法律行为是非常普遍的,很多公司都会一边与自己的合作伙伴打官司,一边继续和他做生意。在美国人看来,打官司只是一种解决纠纷的方式而已,并不会招致任何仇恨。而在大多数国家里,当一家公司被另一家公司告上法庭时,被告公司就会感觉非常丢脸,所以他们往往会拒绝与原告公司再有任何生意往来。
我们可以用“语境”这个词来描述双方之间的关系程度。当双方之间的关系比较密切,而且谈判双方又比较注重彼此之间的关系时,我们称其为“高语境”谈判。当双方之间并不十分重视彼此之间的关系,而只是注重尽快达成协议时,我们称其为“低语境”谈判。不同的民族在谈判时多多少少都会考虑到双方之间的关系——也就是双方进行谈判的环境。从对语境的依赖性来说,按照从高到低的顺序排列如下:东方、中东、俄罗斯、西班牙、意大利、法国、英格兰、美国、斯堪第纳维亚、德国和瑞士。
非美国人更重视双方关系
在美国,人们之间进行沟通时往往也不会过于考虑到双方之间的关系。当他们说一件事时,无论当时的环境如何,他们所表达的意思都是相同的。举个例子,当他们说“不”时,无论是对自己的约会对象,还是在冲着你大吼的人,他们的意思都是一样的,都在表示拒绝。在美国,我们觉得这是非常自然的事。我甚至曾经看见过有些女孩子(很可能是语言学系的学生)穿的T恤衫上都印着‘不’字的哪个部分你不明白?”所以,在美国这样的“低语境”国家中,要想理解一个人的意思非常简单,你根本不需要考虑具体的谈话背景,不用考虑这句话是谁说的,是对谁说的,在哪里说的,在什么背景下说出的问题。
举个例子,比如说德威特是一个美国人,他刚刚看完了一场表演,你问他喜不喜欢。德威特可能说:“挺好的。”对于美国人来说,他这句话所表达的意思非常清晰。可如果这句话是从一个英国人,比如说罗德尼,嘴里说出来情况就不一样了。当罗德尼说“挺好”时,他实际上可能觉得这场表演并不好,只是因为编剧在场,所以他出于礼貌表扬一下罢了。如果他是对那位送给他票的人说出这句话,他的真实意思很可能是:“这部戏水平一般,但我还是要感谢你送票给我。”如果这部戏的编剧是罗德尼的儿子,他的真实意思很可能是:“这部戏太棒了,但为了不让我儿子骄傲自满,我还是不能过于夸奖他。”
当苏格兰高尔夫球星科林·蒙哥马利(Colin Montgomerie)在旧金山的奥林匹克俱乐部参加美国公开赛时,《洛杉矶时报》(The Los AngelesTimes)的一位记者问他是怎样在比赛中取得如此优异的成绩的。蒙哥马利回答道:“哦,我发挥得挺好的。”这位记者把这句话理解成一种相当傲慢的回答,于是就开始在报纸上大肆攻击蒙哥马利的人格。这种做法显然是不对的,因为蒙哥马利的本意是自谦一下。如果他知道美国人喜欢进行“低语境”对话的话,他可能会这样告诉那位记者:“哦,我发挥得还可以吧。”这时一位美国人通常就会把他的话理解成:“哦,他之所以会有出色的表现,是因为他以前曾经参加过一次这样的比赛。”
所以,在和非美国人进行谈判时,我们需要记住的第一件事就是,对于非美国人来说,协议并不是最重要的事情。他们通常会更加注重谈判双方之间的关系。如果彼此之间相互交恶的话,无论签多少份合同都无济于事。在和非美国人进行谈判时,你在反复思考协议的具体细节,而你的对手可能却在琢磨着你这个人的性格细节。
与非美国人做生意:先观察.再聆听,后发言
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商务谈判中,报价是其中必不可少的一个环节。有关商务谈判中如何报价,?你知道商务谈判中的哪些报价技巧?下面读文网小编整理了美国商务谈判报价技巧,供你阅读参考。
报价和后报价都各有利弊。
谈判中是决定“先声夺人”还是选择“后发制人 ”,一定要根据不同的情况灵活处理。
一般来说,如果你准备充分,知己知彼,就要争取先报价;如果你不是行家, 而对方是,那你要沉住气,后报价,从对方的报价中获取信息,及时修正自己的想法;如果你的谈判对手是个外行,那么,无论你是“内行”或者“外行” ,你都要先报价,力争牵制、诱导对方。
自由市场上的老练商贩,大都深谙此道。
当顾客是一个精明的家庭主妇时,他们就采取先报价的技术,准备着对方来压价;当顾客是个毛手毛脚的小伙子时,他们多半先问对方“给多少”,因为对方有可能报出一个比商贩的期望值还要高的价格。
先报价与后报价属于谋略方面的问题,而一些特殊的报价方法,则涉及到语言表达技巧方面的问题。
同样是报价,运用不同的表达方式,其效果也是不一样 的,下面举例说明。
省保险公司为动员液化石油气用户参加保险,宣传说: 参加液化气保险,每天只交保险费一元,若遇到事故,则可得到高达一万元的保险赔偿金。
这种说法,用的是“除法报价”的方法。
它是一种价格分解术, 以商品的数量或使用时间等概念为除数,以商品价格为被除数,得出一种数字很小的价格商,使买主对本来不低的价格产生一种便宜、低廉的感觉。
如果说每年交保险费365元的话,效果就差的多了。
因为人们觉得365 是个不小的数字。而用“除法报价法”说成每天交一元,人们听起来在心理上就容易接受了。
既然有“除法报价法”,也会有“加法报价法”。
东星塑业业务员会议讨论时有同事说,怕报高价会吓跑客户,就把价格分解成若干层次渐进提出,使若干次的报价,最后加起来仍等于当初想一次性报出的高价。
比如:文具商向画家推销一套笔墨纸砚。
如果他一次报高价,画家可能根本不买。
但文具商可以先报笔价,要价很低;成交之后再谈墨价,要价也不高;待笔、墨卖出之后,接着谈纸价,再谈砚价,抬高价格。
画家已经买了笔和墨, 自然想“配套成龙”,不忍放弃纸和砚,在谈判中便很难在价格方面做出让步了。
采用“加法报价法”,卖方依恃的多半是所出售的商品具有系列组合性和配套性。
买方一旦买了组件1,就无法割舍组件2和3了。
针对这一情况,作为买方,在谈判前就要考虑商品的系列化特点,谈判中及时发现卖方“加法报价” 的企图,挫败这种“诱招”。
一个优秀的推销员,见到顾客时很少直接逼问:“你想出什么价?”
相反,他会不动声色地说:“我知道您是个行家,经验丰富,根本不会出20元的价钱 ,但你也不可能以15元的价钱买到。”
这些话似乎是顺口说来,实际上却是报价,片言只语就把价格限制在15至20元的范围之内。
这种报价方法,既报高限,又报低限,“抓两头,议中间”,传达出这样的信息:讨价还价是允许的,但必须在某个范围之内。
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在谈判中,谈判者主要应考虑的是双方公司及谈判者个人之间的某些差异。而在涉外商务谈判中,谈判双方来自不同的国家,拥有不同的文化背景,生活于不同的政治、法律、经济、文化和社会背景之中,这种差异不仅形成了人们在谈判过程中的谈判行为的差异,而且会对未来谈判协议的履行产生十分重大的影响。下面读文网小编整理了美国人的商务谈判风格,供你阅读参考。
在中美商务谈判中,双方表现了了不同的风格。这种不同的风格主要表现在谈判策略、谈判决策、谈判目标的差异上。
在谈判策略上,中方代表首先就有关合同双方所共同遵守的总体性原则和共同利益展开讨论。中方谈判者认为总的原则是解决其他问题的出发点。只有当总的原则确定下来,才有可能就合同的具体细节问题进行谈判。这种“先谈原则, 后谈细节”的谈判策略是中国的谈判方式最明显的特征之一。美国人认为世界是由事实而非概念构成的,所以他们不会过于相信纯理性的东西。谈判过程中他们重具体胜于整体,谈判一开始就直奔正题讨论具体款项。他们认为总体原则可有可无,只有实实在在的具体问题才能使谈判得到进展。
在谈判决策上,中国人决策通常是集体协商的结果,一般说来避免个人做出决定。中国的谈判小组在谈判之前、谈判当中,以及谈判之后通常都要交换意见以协调整个小组的行动。当对方的提议超出中方代表的权限范围时他们还要请示上级,需要报请上级领导同意或集体讨论。在美国,个人完全可以代表公司做出决策,美方派出的谈判代表通常有足够的权力,他们可以在授权的范围内直接对谈判的议题做出决策。
在谈判目标上,中方谈判者特别重视长期友好的商业关系的建立。对他们来说,谈判的过程就是建立人际关系的过程,谈判目的更多的是为建立和发展一种长期的合作关系,签订的合同代表着长期互利合作的开始。如果谈判中双方没能建立起相互信任的关系 交易常会以失败而告终。美国人则认为谈判的终极目的是签订合同实现经济益。对于美方来说,合同的签订是谈判的首要和根本的任务,是其个人价值利益的体现。他们把每个合同的签订看作是一个单独的行为过程。不像中国人那样重视友好合作伙伴关系的建立,他们更注重于实际价值的实现
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美国人不仅成年人好交际,孩子之间从小就开始相互交往。那么美国是如何培养孩子的社交能力的?下面读文网小编整理了美国培养孩子的社交能力的方法,供你阅读参考。
美国孩子之间的交往,还表现于电话和书信的交流。华人孩子之间、华人孩子与白人孩子和黑人孩子之间,乃至各种族孩子之间,都少不了这类方式的交往。除了彼此问候,交流心得,有时还在电话上交流学习心得,询问作业题目和问题解答。假期或出国分别时间久了,好友之间常发电子邮件或写信问候。
美国小朋友之间的交往,多为本人种与本人种之间的来往,超种族则多见于白人与华人或白人与黑人之间,华人孩子与亚裔儿童间或有所往来,但目前华人孩子与黑人儿童之的交往似乎还不是很多。亚裔特别是华人孩子在一起,爱打爱闹。白人儿童相对要安静。
先期定居者华人孩子,不少已长成青年。由于从小和白人孩子一起学习、玩耍,长大后成为朋友,彼此互有助益。我曾在一所少林武术学校见到一位17岁华人和一位18岁的白人业余教练,他们都是在校高中学生,两人的武功都很好,但比较起来,华人青年要略胜一筹。他们在教练和表演时,常常相互关照,彼此合作,深得观众、学员和家长的赞许。不少华人青年和儿童在白人长者和同辈中经常获得好评。
孩子之间的经常交往,可从小培养交际能力。美国社会十分看重人的交际能力,并强调从小抓起。在对小学生的评语中就有交际能力和组织能力一项。而交际能力又是组织能力的基础。这两种能力强的学生,可以加分,有利于升初中。初中生升高中,以及高中升大学,都要看交际能力和组织能力。这两种能力强的学生,升学时无疑要占优势。升入高一级学校学习及将来步入社会,都十分受用。两种能力,具体表现在组织同学参加班级或学校的某项活动,如调查研究,带领大家完成比赛任务,说服同学或家长捐赠钱物,为别人做好事,为慈善事业尽职尽力等。一家白人朋友收养的重庆女孩,四川汶川5.12大地震发生后,她组织班上同学捐赠救灾,获得成功,受到学校的加分表彰。孩子在不断交往中,取长补短,能获得更大进步。有的可提高认识,克服缺点;有的可相互启发,打开思路,增强学能力;华人孩子和白人孩子交往,相互学习对方语言。如华人孩子学习英语,反之白人孩子也可向华人儿童学习中文,了解中国的事情。
孩子之间的交往,如果过于频繁,就会造成过度交往。过度交往,会使孩子分心,成天想着交朋结友,不利于学习。还有可能无意中受到不良行为习惯的影响,比如娇里娇气,好逸恶劳,不讲礼貌。也容易产生攀比,比吃比穿,比玩具和花销,忘掉勤俭节约,等等。华人孩子在这方面尤应注意,不少家庭的孩子已初露过度交往苗头,有的已发展到一定程度,该适可而止的时候了。
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礼仪在商务谈判中的重要性总体来说,就是商务人员的素质修养和个人素质表现的竞争,有助于建立良好的人际关系。给对方留下深刻的印象,并对企业产生好感,减少谈判阻力,推动交易成功。下面读文网小编整理了美国商务谈判礼仪,供你阅读参考。
谈判风格
美国人是典型的快速决策者。在预定的授权范围内,美国人具有完全的、独立的决策权。在谈判中,美国人的目的是快速达成交易并签署合同,因此喜欢在双方接触的初始就阐明自己的立场、观点,推出自己的方案,以争取主动,并在谈判过程中直接表述自己的感受,语言风格明确而肯定。美国人在谈判中所持有的观点是依据客观事实而分析、推理出来的,更关注成本收益分析而很少考虑谈判参与者对事物的主观感觉,他们用数字和事实说服对方。美国人在商务交易中的法律意识很强,很重视合同在谈判中地位,对于合同的讨论特别认真、具体,习惯于在执行中依据合同来解决各种意外问题。
商务礼仪
在美国,准时是基本的商务礼仪,因此定好的约会或会议必须准时出席。美国人把迟到视为不敬。第一次与美国人见面时,美国人几乎会立即坚持让对方直呼其名。但这不是表示双方熟悉,只是反映了美国人对平等的注重和不拘礼节的商务风格。在会谈开始前,与美国人聊聊诸如运动或天气的话题,这被视为在触及商务事宜前的一种减少不安和制造愉快氛围的途径。在商务场合下礼物的馈赠务必小心:如果在谈判期间,送礼容易被美国人理解为行贿。馈赠礼物最好是在商务交往之外。如果美国人不接受礼物,也不要感到被得罪了或是惊讶,因为许多美国公司是不鼓励或限制送礼的。送礼物的一个例外是与你有商务往来的人邀请你去家中做客,带一个小礼物对主人的款待表示感谢是可以接受的。一瓶酒、鲜花或巧克力都是很好的选择。
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宋美龄是中华民国前第一夫人、蒋介石的第四任妻子,与宋蔼龄、宋庆龄并称为宋氏三姐妹,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇宋美龄1943年在美国国会的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
议长先生,美国参议院各位议员,各位女士、先生,受到诸位所代表的美国人民热情与真诚的欢迎,令我感动莫名。我事先不知今天要在参议院发表演说,只以为要到此说声「大家好,很高兴见到各位」,并向贵国人民转达敝国百姓的问候之意。不过,在来到此地之前,贵国副总统告诉我,他希望我和各位说几句话。
我并不擅於即席演说,事实上根本称不上是演说家,但我不会因此怯场,因为前几天我在海德公园参观过总统图书馆,在那里看见的一些东西鼓励了我,让我感觉各位或许不会对我的即席演说要求太多。各位知道我在那里见到什麽吗?我看到了许多,但最让我感兴趣的,莫过於一个放着总统先生(译按,即罗斯福总统)演说草稿的玻璃箱,里头从第一份草稿、第二份草稿,一直到第六份草稿。昨天,我碰巧向总统先生提及此事,我说我很高兴知道,以他如此知名又公认一流的演说家,还必须写这麽多份草稿。他回答说,有时他一次演说得写12份草稿。因此,今天本人在此发表的即席演说,我确信各位一定会包容。
贵国和敝国之间有着160年悠久历史的情谊,我觉得贵国人民和敝国百姓有许许多多的相似点,而这些相似点正是两国情谊的基础,我也相信不是只有我有这样的感觉。
在此,我想说个小故事,来说明此一信念。杜立德将军和部下一起去轰炸东京,回程时有些美国子弟兵不得不在中国内陆跳伞。其中一人後来告诉我,他被迫从飞机跳伞,踏上中国的土地时,看到当地居民跑向他,他就挥着手,喊出他会说的唯一一句中国话:「美国,美国」,也就是「美利坚」的意思,美国在中国话的意思是「美丽的国家」。这个大男孩说,敝国人民听了都笑开来,拥抱他,像欢迎失散多年的兄弟一般。他还告诉我说,当他看到我们的人民,感觉他已经回到家;而那是他第一次来到中国。
我来到贵国时是个小女孩,我熟悉贵国人民,我和他们一起生活过。我生命中成长的岁月是和贵国人民一起度过,我说你们的话,我想的和你们一样,说的也和你们一样。所以今天来到这里,我也感觉我好像回到家了。
不过,我相信不只是我回到家,我觉得,如果中国人民会用你们的语言与你们说话,或是你们能了解我们的语言,他们会告诉你们,根本而言,我们都在为相同的理念奋战;我们有一致的理想;亦即贵国总统向全世界揭示的「四个自由」,自由的钟声、联合国自由的钟声,和侵略者的丧钟响彻我国辽阔的土地。
看了“"宋美龄1943年在美国国会的演讲"”
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胡锦涛是中央委员会,中华人民共和国主席,中共中央军事委员会主席,中华人民共和国中央军事委员会主席。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇胡锦涛在美国耶鲁大学的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
尊敬的理查德·莱文校长,同学们,老师们,女士们,先生们:
首先,我感谢莱文校长的邀请,使我有机会来到世界著名学府耶鲁大学,同青年朋友和老师们相聚在一起。
进入耶鲁大学的校园,看到莘莘学子青春洋溢的脸庞,呼吸着书香浓郁的空气,我不由回想起40年前在北京清华大学度过的美好时光。学生时代,对人的一生都会产生重要影响。当年老师们对我的教诲,同学们给我的启发,我至今仍受用不尽。
耶鲁大学以悠久的发展历史、独特的办学风格、卓著的学术成就闻名于世。如果时光能够倒流几十年,我真希望成为你们中的一员。
耶鲁大学校训强调追求光明和真理,这符合人类进步的法则,也符合每个有志青年的心愿。300多年来,耶鲁大学培养出一大批杰出人才,其中包括20位诺贝尔奖获得者、5位美国总统。美国民族英雄内森·黑尔是耶鲁校友,他的名言——“我唯一的憾事,就是没有第二次生命献给我的祖国”,深深感染了我和许多中国人。我衷心祝愿贵校培养出更多英才,为美国经济社会发展、为人类进步事业作出更大贡献!
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
长期以来,中美两国人民一直相互抱有浓厚的兴趣和友好的感情。中国人民欣赏美国人民的开拓进取精神,钦佩美国人民在建设国家中取得的骄人业绩。随着中国的快速发展和中美合作的不断拓展,越来越多的美国人也把目光投向中国,更加关注中国的发展进步。
了解是信任的基础。今天,我愿从中华文明历史流变和现实发展的角度,谈谈当代中国的发展战略和前进方向,希望有助于美国人民更全面、更深入地了解中国。
在5000多年的历史长河中,中华民族为人类文明进步作出了巨大贡献,同时也走过了曲折艰辛的道路。特别是从1840年鸦片战争以来的160多年间,中国人民为摆脱积贫积弱的境遇,实现民族复兴,前仆后继,顽强斗争,使中华民族的命运发生了深刻变化。95年前,中国人民通过辛亥革命推翻了统治中国几千年的君主专制制度,为中国的进步打开了闸门。57年前,中国人民经过长期浴血奋斗实现了民族独立和人民解放,建立了人民当家作主的新中国。28年前,中国人民开始了改革开放和现代化建设的伟大历史进程,经过艰苦创业取得了举世瞩目的巨大成就,从1978年到2005年,中国国内生产总值从1473亿美元增长到22257亿美元,进出口总额从206亿美元增长到14221亿美元,国家外汇储备从1.67亿美元增加到8189亿美元,农村贫困人口由2.5亿人减少到2300多万人。回顾这160多年来中国发生的沧桑巨变,可以说,中国人民经过艰苦探索和顽强奋斗,既改变了自己的命运,也推动了人类进步事业。
必须看到,中国尽管取得了巨大的发展成就,但仍是世界上最大的发展中国家,人均国内生产总值仍排在世界100名之后,中国人民的生活还不富裕,中国的发展还面临着不少突出的矛盾和问题。要彻底改变中国的面貌和改善中国人民的生活,需要继续持之以恒地艰苦奋斗。中国将在未来15年集中力量全面建设惠及十几亿人口的更高水平的小康社会。具体来说,就是要使中国国内生产总值到2020年达到40000亿美元左右,人均达到3000美元左右,使经济更加发展、民主更加健全、科教更加进步、文化更加繁荣、社会更加和谐、人民生活更加殷实。
为了实现我们的发展目标,中国根据本国国情和时代要求明确了自己的发展理念,这就是树立和贯彻以人为本、全面协调可持续发展的科学发展观,统筹城乡发展、统筹区域发展、统筹经济社会发展、统筹人与自然和谐发展、统筹国内发展和对外开放,更加注重解决民生问题,更加注重克服发展的不平衡性,更加注重解决发展中存在的突出矛盾,致力于走科技含量高、经济效益好、资源消耗低、环境污染少、人力资源优势得到充分发挥的新型工业化道路,推进经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设协调发展,努力实现生产发展、生活富裕、生态良好的文明发展格局。
科学发展的理念,是在总结中国现代化建设经验、顺应时代潮流的基础上提出来的,也是在继承中华民族优秀文化传统的基础上提出来的。
中华文明是世界古代文明中始终没有中断、连续5000多年发展至今的文明。中华民族在漫长历史发展中形成的独具特色的文化传统,深深影响了古代中国,也深深影响着当代中国。现时代中国强调的以人为本、与时俱进、社会和谐、和平发展,既有着中华文明的深厚根基,又体现了时代发展的进步精神。
——中华文明历来注重以民为本,尊重人的尊严和价值。早在千百年前,中国人就提出“民惟邦本,本固邦宁”、“天地之间,莫贵于人”,强调要利民、裕民、养民、惠民。今天,我们坚持以人为本,就是要坚持发展为了人民、发展依靠人民、发展成果由人民共享,关注人的价值、权益和自由,关注人的生活质量、发展潜能和幸福指数,最终是为了实现人的全面发展。保障人民的生存权和发展权仍是中国的首要任务。我们将大力推动经济社会发展,依法保障人民享有自由、民主和人权,实现社会公平和正义,使13亿中国人民过上幸福生活。
——中华文明历来注重自强不息,不断革故鼎新。“天行健,君子以自强不息。”这是中国的一句千年传世格言。中华民族所以能在5000多年的历史进程中生生不息、发展壮大,历经挫折而不屈,屡遭坎坷而不馁,靠的就是这样一种发愤图强、坚忍不拔、与时俱进的精神。中国人民在改革开放中表现出来的进取精神,在建设国家中焕发出来的创造热情,在克服前进道路上的各种困难中表现出来的顽强毅力,正是这种自强不息精神的生动写照。
——中华文明历来注重社会和谐,强调团结互助。中国人早就提出了“和为贵”的思想,追求天人和谐、人际和谐、身心和谐,向往“人人相亲,人人平等,天下为公”的理想社会。今天,中国提出构建和谐社会,就是要建设一个民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处的社会,实现物质和精神、民主和法治、公平和效率、活力和秩序的有机统一。中国人民把维护民族团结作为自己义不容辞的职责,把维护国家主权和领土完整作为自己至高无上的使命。一切有利于民族团结和国家统一的行为,都会得到中国人民真诚的欢迎和拥护。一切有损于民族团结和国家统一的举动,都会遭到中国人民强烈的反对和抗争。
——中华文明历来注重亲仁善邻,讲求和睦相处。中华民族历来爱好和平。中国人在对外关系中始终秉承“强不执弱”、“富不侮贫”的精神,主张“协和万邦”。中国人提倡“海纳百川,有容乃大”,主张吸纳百家优长、兼集八方精义。今天,中国高举和平、发展、合作的旗帜,奉行独立自主的和平外交政策,坚定不移地走和平发展道路,既通过维护世界和平来发展自己,又通过自身的发展来促进世界和平。中国坚持实施互利共赢的对外开放战略,真诚愿意同各国广泛开展合作,真诚愿意兼收并蓄、博采各种文明之长,以合作谋和平、以合作促发展,推动建设一个持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
中美都拥有辽阔的国土,都是多个民族并存、多种文化融合的国家,都生活着勤劳智慧的人民。中美因不同的历史背景和现实国情而存在着差异,这有利于我们相互借鉴,取长补短。中美加强合作,符合两国和两国人民的根本利益,对世界的和平与发展也具有重大影响。
200多年来,浩瀚的太平洋并未阻断中美两国人民的交流合作,中美两国人民相互学习、相互帮助,谱写了世界不同文明相互借鉴的美好篇章。1979年中美建交27年来,两国关系曾历经曲折,但总体上保持了稳定发展的大方向,给两国和两国人民带来了巨大利益。
进入21世纪,国际形势继续深刻变化。和平与发展仍然是当今时代的主题,但不稳定不确定因素在增多,新挑战新威胁在增加。在新的国际形势下,中美两国共同利益在增多,合作领域在扩大。世界和平与安全面临的新课题,特别是反对国际恐怖主义、防止大规模杀伤性武器扩散、保护人类生存环境、打击跨国犯罪等,使我们两国拥有重要的共同战略利益。中国的巨大市场和发展需求,美国的先进科技和优质产品,使两国具有巨大的经济技术合作空间。中美全面发展建设性合作关系前景广阔。
昨天上午,我同布什总统就中美关系及共同关心的重大国际和地区问题深入交换看法,达成了许多重要共识。我们都认为,双方应该坚持从战略高度和长远角度审视和处理中美关系,加强对话,扩大共识,增进互信,深化合作,全面推进21世纪中美建设性合作关系。
我相信,只要我们从中美关系发展的大局出发,彼此尊重,相互理解,两国关系就能够健康稳定地向前发展,给两国人民带来更多利益,给世界各国人民带来更大希望。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
一个音符无法表达出优美的旋律,一种颜色难以描绘出多彩的画卷。世界是一座丰富多彩的艺术殿堂,各国人民创造的独特文化都是这座殿堂里的瑰宝。一个民族的文化,往往凝聚着这个民族对世界和生命的历史认知和现实感受,也往往积淀着这个民族最深层的精神追求和行为准则。人类历史发展的过程,就是各种文明不断交流、融合、创新的过程。人类历史上各种文明都以各自的独特方式为人类进步作出了贡献。
文明多样性是人类社会的客观现实,是当今世界的基本特征,也是人类进步的重要动力。历史经验表明,在人类文明交流的过程中,不仅需要克服自然的屏障和隔阂,而且需要超越思想的障碍和束缚,更需要克服形形色色的偏见和误解。意识形态、社会制度、发展模式的差异不应成为人类文明交流的障碍,更不能成为相互对抗的理由。我们应该积极维护世界多样性,推动不同文明的对话和交融,相互借鉴而不是相互排斥,使人类更加和睦幸福,让世界更加丰富多彩。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
文化、教育和青年交流是中美两国人民增进相互了解和友谊的重要桥梁,也是推动中美关系健康稳定发展的重要力量。耶鲁大学是中美教育合作的先行者和文化交流的重要平台。156年前,一位名叫容闳的中国青年走进了耶鲁大学校园,4年后他以优异的成绩获得了文学士学位,成为毕业于美国大学的第一个中国 留学生。此后,一批又一批中国青年来到耶鲁大学求学。近20年来,耶鲁大学吸引了4000多名中国留学人员,同中国文化界、科技界、教育界的合作项目超过80个。去年夏天,耶鲁大学派遣首批学生到中国实习,其中一些人成为中国故宫博物院的第一批外国实习生。借此机会,我对莱文校长和耶鲁大学为增进中美两国人民的交流所做的积极努力表示赞赏。
为增进中美两国青年以及教育界的相互了解,我高兴地宣布,中方决定邀请100名耶鲁大学师生今年夏天访问中国。我相信,你们的访问将是一次十分愉快的经历。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
“长江后浪推前浪,世上新人换旧人。”青年人是世界的希望和未来,青年人有着蓬勃向上的生命活力和无穷的创造力。我衷心希望,中美两国青年携起手来,以实际行动促进中美两国人民友好,同世界各国人民一道,共创世界美好的明天。
谢谢各位。
看了“"名人演讲:胡锦涛在美国耶鲁大学的演讲"”
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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谈判双方最初各自拿出的方案都是对自己非常有利的,而双方又都希望通过谈判获得更多的利益,因此,谈判结果肯定不会是双方最初拿出的那套方案,而是经过双方协商、妥协、变通后的结果。下面读文网小编整理了美国人商务谈判案例,供你阅读参考。
我国某厂与美国某公司谈判设备购买生意时,美商报价218万美元,我方不同意,美方降至128万美元,我方仍不同意。美方诈怒,扬言再降10万美元,118万美元不成交就回国。我方谈判代表因为掌握了美商交易的历史情报,所以不为美方的威胁所动,坚持再降。第二天,美商果真回国,我方毫不吃惊。果然,几天后美方代表又回到中国继续谈判。我方代表亮出在国外获取的情报——美方在两年前以98万美元将同样设备卖给以匈牙利客商。情报出示后,美方以物价上涨等理由狡辩了一番后将价格降至合理。
▲评点:从某种意义上讲,谈判中的价格竞争也室情报竞争,把握对手的精确情报就能在谈判中的价格竞争中取胜
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2009年10月9日,挪威诺贝尔委员会将2009年诺贝尔和平奖授予贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马,以表彰他为加强“国际外交和人民之间合作”所作出的努力。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇奥巴马首次访华的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
诸位下午好。我感到很荣幸能够有机会到上海跟你们交谈,我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长,感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。我还想感谢我们出色的大使洪博培,他是我们两国间?深厚的纽带。我不知道他刚才说什么,但是希望他说得很好。
我今天准备这样,先做一个开场白,我真正希望做的是回答在座的问题,不但回答在座的学生问题,同时还可以从网上得到一些问题,由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为?提问。很抱歉,我的中文远不如你们的英文,所以我期待和你们的对话。这是我首次访问中国,我看到你们博大的国家,感到很兴奋。在上海这里,我们看到了瞩目的增长?,高耸的塔楼,繁忙的街道,还有企业家的精神。这些都是中国步入21世纪的迹象,让我感到赞叹。同时我也急切的要看到向我们展现中国古老的古迹,明天和后天我要?到北京去看雄伟壮丽的故宫和令人叹为观止的长城,这个国度既有丰富的历史,又有对未来憧憬的信念。
而我们两国的关系也是如此,上海在美中关系的历史中是个具有意义的重大城市,在30年前,《上海公报》打开了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新的篇章。
不过美国与这个国家的纽带可以追溯更久远的过去,追溯到美国独立的初期,乔治?华盛顿组织了皇后号的下水仪式,这个船成功前往大清王朝,华盛顿希望看到这艘船前?往各地,与中国结成新的纽带。希望中国开辟新的地平线,建立新的伙伴关系。在其后的两个世纪中,历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展,而即使在最动荡的?方向中,我们的两国人民打造深的,甚至有戏剧性的纽带,比如美国人永远不会忘记,在二战期间,美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后,当地人民对他们的款待,中国公民冒?着失去一切的危险罩着他们。
而参加二战的老兵仍然欢迎故地重游的美国老兵,他们在那里参战。40年前,我们两国间开启了又一种联系,两国关系开始解冻,通过乒乓球的比赛解冻关系。我们两国?之间有着分歧,但是我们也有着共同的人性及有着共同的好奇,就像一位乒乓球人员一样,那的国家就是一样,但是这个小小的开头带来了《上海公报》的问世,最终还带?来了美中在1979年建交。在其后的30年我们又取得了长足的进展,1979年美中贸易只有50亿美元,现在已经超过了4000亿美元。
贸易在许多方面影响人民的生活,比如美国电脑中许多部件,还有穿的衣服都是从中国进口的,我们向中国出口中国工业要使用的机器,这种贸易可以在太平洋两岸创造更?多的就业机会,让我们的人民过上质量更高的生活。
在需求趋于平衡的过程中,这种贸易可以是更广阔的贸易。如今我们有着积极合作和全面的关系,为我们在当前重大的全球问题上建立伙伴关系打开了大门,这些问题包括?经济复苏、洁净能源的开发、制止核武器扩散以及应对气候变化。还有在亚洲及全球各地促进和平和稳定,所有这些问题我明天与胡锦涛同志会谈时都会谈到。一九七九年的时?候,我们两国人民的联系十分有限,如今当年乒乓球运动员的好奇可以在许多领域建立的联系中都可以看到,在美国数量最多的留学生都来自中国。而在美国的学生中,学?中文的人数增加了50%。我们两国有近200个友好城市,美中科学家在许多新的研究领域和发现领域进行合作,而我们两国人民都热爱篮球,姚明就是个例子。不过,?此行中我不能观看上海鲨鱼队的比赛,有点遗憾。
那么我们两国之间的这种关系给我们带来了积极的变化,这并不是偶然的,中国使得亿万人民脱贫,而这种成就是人类历史上史无前例的。而中国在全球问题中也发挥更大?的作用,美国也目睹了我们经济的成长。中国有句古言,温故而知新。当然,我们过去三十年中也遇到了挫折和挑战,我们的关系并不是没有困难的,没有分歧的。但是我?们必须一定是对手这种想法不应该是一成不变的。由于我们两国的合作,美中两国都变得更加繁荣、更加安全。我们基于相互的利益、相互的尊重就能有成就。
不过,这种接触的成功要取决于我们要彼此了解,要能够进行开诚布公的对话,彼此进行了解。就像当年美国乒乓球运动员所说的,我们作为人有着共同的向往,但是我们?两国又不同。我认为我们两国每个国家都应该勾画出自己要走的路,中国是一个文明古国,它有着博大精深的文化。相对而言,美国是一个年轻的国家,它的文化受到来自?许多不同国家移民的影响,而指导我们民主制度文件的影响,我有一个非常简单的向往,代表了一些核心的原则,就是所有的人生来平等,都有着基本的权利,而政府应当?反映人们的意志,贸易应该是开放的,信息流通应当是自由的,而法律要保证这个公平。
当然,我们的国家历史也不是没有过困难的地方,从很多方面来讲,很多年以来,我们是通过斗争来促进这些原则或者是所有的人民能够享受到,为了缔造一个更完美的联?合,我们也打过一个很痛苦的内战,把一部分我们被奴役的人口释放出来,经过一段时间才能使妇女有投票权,劳工有组织权,包括来自各地的移民能够全部不接受。即使?他们被解放以后,非洲与美国人也和美国人经过一些分开的、不平等的条件,经过一段时间才争取到全面的平等权利,所有这些是不容易的。但是我们对这些核心原则的信?念我们取得的进展,在最黑暗的风暴当中是作为我们的指南针。
这是为什么林肯在内战期间站起来说过,任何一个国家以自由、以所有人类平等的原则能够长久的存在,也就是为什么金博士在林肯纪念馆的前台站起来,说我们国家要必?须真正的实现我们的信念。也就是为什么来自中国或者肯尼亚的移民能够到我们的家,也是为什么一个不到五十年前以前在某些地方连投票都遇到困难的人,现在就能够做?到那个国家的总统。
这就是为什么美国永远为了全世界各地的核心原则说话,我们不寻求把任何政治体制强制给任何国家,但是我们也不认为我们所支持的这些原则是我们国家所独有的,这些?表达自由、宗教崇拜自由、接触信息的机会、政治的参与,我们认为这些是普世的权利,应该是所有人民能够享受到,包括少数民族和宗教的族群,不管是在中国、美国和?任何国家,对于普遍权利的尊敬,作为美国对其他国家的开放态度的指导原则,我们对其他文化的尊重,我们对国际法的承诺和对未来的信念的原则。
所有这些都是你们知道关于美国得一些情况,我们有很多要从中国学习。我们看看这个伟大城市的各地,也看看这个房间,我就相信我们两国有很重要的共同点,也就是对?未来的信念,不管是美国还是中国,对现在的成就不能感到自满。虽然中国是一个古老的国家,你们也是充满信心展望未来,致力于下一代能够比这一代做的更好,除了你?们不断增长的经济之外,我们很配合中国在科学和研究方面所投入的力量,包括建设的基础设施和使用的技术,中国是世界上使用互联网技术最多的国家,这就是我们很高?兴互联网是今天活动的一部分,这个国家也拥有最大的机动电话网络,对新的投资保持继续增长,和应对气候变化方面有新的投资,我也希望两国加强这方面的合作。
但是更重要是看到年轻人你们的才能、你们的献身精神、你们的梦想在21世纪实现方面会发挥很大的作用。我说过很多次,我认为世界是互相连接的,我们所做的工作,?我们所建立的繁荣,我们所保护的环境,我们所追求的安全,所有这些都是共同的,而且是互相连接的,所以21世纪的实力不在零和游戏,一个国家成功不应该以另外一?个国家的牺牲作为代价。这就是我们为什么不寻求遏制中国的崛起。相反,我们欢迎中国作为一个国际社会的强的、繁荣的、成功的成员。
再回到刚才的谚语,我们应该考虑过去。在大的国家合作的时候,就比互相碰撞会取得更多得好处,这就是人类在历史上不断吸取的教训。我认为我们合作应该是超越政府?间的合作,应该是以人民为基础,我们所研究的内容,我们所从事的生意,我们送获得的知识,我们所进行的体育比赛,所有这些桥梁必须是年轻人共同合作建立起来,这?就是我为什么非常高兴我们要大大的宣布我们到中国学习的留学生人数,要增加到十万人。这样交流就会表现出我们是愿意致力于加强两国人民的联系,而且我是绝对有?信心。对美国来说,最好的大使、最好的使者就是年轻人,他们和你们一样,很有才能,充满活力,对未来的历史还是很乐观的,这是我们合作的下一步,惠及两国和全世?界。
今天可以吸收的一个最重要的内容就是我们不断的向前推进。非常感谢。
看了“"美国总统奥巴马首次访华演讲"”
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19世纪初,美国开始对外扩张,历经二次世界大战后,美国国力大增,是当今世界上唯一的“霸权”超级大国 。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Itssuccessful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-socialconditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effortand expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter ofmilitary urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one mustunderstand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on thecharacter of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity tounderstand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as I said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of militarystrategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where oursupply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.
Good Bye.
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即便是口齿正常的国家领袖,想要在演说中挥洒自如也绝非是一件易事,因为你在对一个国家的人喊话。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国总统们的演讲技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
上文提到罗斯福非常妒忌丘吉尔的演说稿,结果发现那是首相大人自己写的。但像丘吉尔这种勤于写作的领袖真的比较少,多数演说稿还是由人代笔完成的,一篇看似不长的演说稿,其实对写稿人来说就是一项非常的折磨,对各种政治因素的考虑和博弈,一遍遍谨慎的审视和修改,完全就是一件体力活。
1987年,柏林建城750周年,美国总统里根要去发表演说,撰写演说稿的任务就落在了彼得·罗宾逊头上,写点什么呢?
当时的柏林,是东德的首都,柏林墙还屹立在那里,所以东德的外交官首先告诉彼得,不要写猛烈抨击柏林墙的话,不要骂苏联。但是彼得在东德逗留的短短时间内,从身边的人口中只体会到了一种最为强烈的情绪,那就是要求拆掉柏林墙。
于是,彼得开始动笔:“戈尔巴乔夫先生,拆掉这堵墙吧。”因为是对东德人演说,所以他故意用了德语的“先生”一词,思来想去,他又把“拆掉”改成了“推倒”。结果,这篇演说稿在白宫的新闻主管那里被撕成了碎片,他对彼得咆哮道:“一无是处!”
彼得只好又闷头修改,“推倒”又被改成了“拆掉”。最后,这篇演说稿得到了里根总统的首肯,他很喜欢。彼得听了总统的赞许,心情自然很好,可是厄运接踵而至,美国国务院和国家安全委员会看过演说稿之后,简直是暴跳如雷,他们认为那句“拆掉这堵墙吧”简直就是一句天真的玩笑,是明摆着和苏联搞对抗,这种想法出现在总统演说中实在是过于幼稚了。连当时的美国国务卿舒尔茨都觉得,这样的话出现在里根总统的演说中,简直就是对苏联领导人戈尔巴乔夫的冒犯和无礼。
结果,那堵墙没拆,那句话就首先被删掉了,填上了不温不火的一句期待:总有一天,这堵丑陋的墙是会消失的。彼得盯着这句话有点窝火,总有一天会实现,这不是苏联人最爱说的话么?
等里根飞到意大利的时候,这篇演说稿再一次被拿出来讨论,白宫新闻主管把各方的意见都说了一遍,里根自己读了一遍,尤其是“拆掉这堵墙吧”那一段,他笑着说:“留下吧。”等他的飞机抵达柏林时,那些反对派还是不死心,大清早就拿着演说稿再次找到里根,想删除那句话。在前往勃兰登堡门的汽车上,里根对新闻主管说,他必须要讲出那句话,还开玩笑说:“国务院那些家伙肯定会杀了我。”
结果,演说的效果异常地好,曾经坚持要删掉那句话的美国国务卿舒尔茨甚至找到写稿人彼得说:“你是对的!”2年之后,柏林墙被拆除。
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美国911事件之后服役的三分之一退伍军人认为伊拉克和阿富汗战争不值得打,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战英文演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
And I tried hard to be proud of my service but all I could feel was shame.
The racism could no longer mask the reality of the occupation. These were people, these were human beings. I’ve since been claimed by guilt anytime I see an elderly man like the one who couldn’t walk and we rolled out on a stretcher and told the Iraqi police to take him away.
I feel guilt anytime I see a mother with her children like the one who cried hysterically and screamed that we were worst than Saddam as we forced her from her home.
I feel guilt anytime I see a young girl, like the one I grabbed by the arm, and dragged into the street. We are told we are fighting terrorists; the real terrorist was me and the real terrorism is this occupation. Racism within the military has long been an important tool to justify the destruction and occupation of another country.
It’s long been used to justify the killing, subjugation and torture of another people. Racism is a vital weapon employed by this government. It’s a more important weapon than a rifle, a tank, a bomber or a battleship. It’s more destructive than an artillery shell or a bunker buster, or a Tomahawk missile.
While those weapons are created and owned by this government, they are harmless without people willing to use them. Those who send us to war do not have to pull a trigger or lob a mortar round. They do not have to fight the war, they merely have to sell the war.
They need a public who is willing to send their soldiers into harm’s way. They need soldiers who are willing to kill and be killed without question. They can spend millions on a single bomb, but that bomb only becomes a weapon when the ranks in the military are willing to follow orders to use it. They can send every last soldier anywhere on Earth, but there’ll only be a war, if soldiers are willing to fight.
And the ruling class, the billionaires who profit from human suffering care only about expending their wealth, controlling the world economy. Understand that their power lies only in their ability to convince us that war, oppression and exploitation is in our interest. They understand that their wealth is dependent on their ability to convince the working class to die to control the market of another country.
And, convincing us to kill and die is based on their ability to make us think that we are somehow superior. Soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen, have nothing to gain from this occupation. The vast majority of people living in the U.S. have nothing to gain from this occupation.
In fact, not only do we have nothing to gain, but we suffer more because of it. We lose limbs, endure trauma and give our lives. Our families have to watch flag draped coffins roll into the earth. Millions in this country without health care, jobs or access to education, just watch as this government squander over 450 million dollars a day on this occupation.
Poor and working people in this country are sent to kill poor and working people in other country to make the rich richer. Without racism soldiers would realize that they have more in common with the Iraqi people than they do with the billionaires who send us to war.
I threw families onto the street in Iraq only to come home and find families thrown onto the street in this country and this tragic, tragic and unnecessary foreclosure crisis. We need to wake up and realize that our real enemies are not in some distant land and not people whose names we don’t know and cultures we don’t understand. The enemy is people we know very well and people we can identify.
The enemy is a system that wages war when it’s profitable. The enemy is the CEOs who lay us off our jobs when it’s profitable, is the insurance companies who deny us health care when it’s profitable, is the banks who take away our homes when it’s profitable.
Our enemy is not five thousands miles away, they are right here at home. If we organize and fight with our sisters and brothers we can stop this war, we can stop this government and we can create a better world.
“If tyranny and oppression come to this land, it will be in the guise of fighting a foreign enemy… The loss of Liberty at home is to be charged to the provisions against danger real or imagined from abroad…”
看了“"美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战演讲稿英文"”
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王毅是经济学硕士、国际关系学博士,中华人民共和国外交部部长、党委副书记,中国共产党十八届中央委员,中央外事工作领导小组成员,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇2016年王毅在美国智库的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
很高兴有机会与各位专家学者进行交流。我今天演讲的题目是“发展中的中国和中国外交”。
中国最大的发展变化就是改革开放以来保持了30多年的两位数增长,在世界上创造了“中国奇迹”。我们不仅成为了世界第二大经济体,还让6亿多人口成功脱贫,成为实现联合国千年发展目标的最佳实践。
同时我们非常清醒地意识到,以往的发展模式已经不能持续。无论是从中国人民的长远利益出发,还是从世界的可持续发展考虑,都必须转变我们的发展模式。所以中国毅然决然地做出了决定,那就是以壮士断腕的决心推进结构性改革,走出一条节能、环保、绿色、循环和可持续的发展新路。
我要告诉各位的是,我们已经取得了明显进展。去年,中国第三产业的比重已经超过了50%,环境污染正在得到有效管控。消费对经济增长的拉动快速上升,去年消费对中国经济增长的贡献率已经达到66%。也就是说,在投资、出口和消费三驾马车当中,消费第一次成为最重要的动力。这是一个健康和可持续的变化趋势。当然,由于我们不再依靠大规模投资,经济增长速度有所下降。但尽管如此,我们去年仍然在10万亿美元的巨大基数上实现了6.9%的中高速增长,这其中增长的每个百分点都相当于10年前的2.6个百分点。中国,仍是全球最重要的发展引擎。
最近一段时间,中国经济确实面临一些下行压力,这与国际经济环境的变化密切相关,因为中国已是一个高度开放的经济体。我们听到了一些对中国经济前景的担忧,但我要非常明确地告诉各位,中国经济不会硬着陆,中国开放的大门不会关上,中国改革的步伐不会停止。
改革和开放是中国实现经济发展奇迹的两大重要法宝,已经成为了我们的基本国策。继续改革,继续开放,是中国全党全国的共识。中国经济将会在更加健康、更有效率的基础上保持长时期的中高速增长,并迈向中高端水平。
这个自信来自于何处?我并不是经济专家,我在这里只想告诉大家中国经济具有的三个重要优势和潜力。
第一个优势是中国的巨大市场潜力。昨天在美国国会,有几个议员对我说,美方对同中国的贸易不平衡特别重视,我们买了中国太多的东西,中国买得太少。我告诉他们,不要着急,情况一定会变化,因为中国拥有13亿人口,也就是说中国的市场规模是美国的四倍。中国正在从潜在的市场快速成长为现实的市场,这个市场一旦成熟,肯定会从美国和全世界买更多的东西,到那时,就可能变成中国对美国的巨大逆差了。当然,美国需要向中国提供更加物美价廉的商品。
第二个优势是中国城镇化的发展。发达国家的城镇化水平一般在80%以上。但中国目前的城镇化,如果按照户籍人口计算还不到40%。也就是说,我们还有巨大的空间和潜力,还有巨大的城镇化需求有待开发。这里面蕴藏着巨大的商机。
第三个优势是服务业的扩张。发达国家服务业占经济结构比例一般70%以上。而中国的第三产业才刚刚迈过50%的门槛。也就是说这方面我们也仍然具有巨大发展潜力和空间。
中国自身的发展一定会持续下去,同时也一定会为包括美国在内的国际社会提供更多机遇。中国和美国一定会成为长期稳定的经贸合作伙伴。
接下来,我说说中国的外交。外交是内政的延伸。我们已经制定了“两个百年”的奋斗目标,要团结全国各族人民共同实现民族复兴的中国梦。中国的外交就是要为这个最大的内政来服务,就是要为中国实现发展目标提供更加稳定、良好、友善的外部环境,就是要为助力这个目标的实现营造和开创更多外部资源。
大家对中国外交这几年的进展印象深刻,甚至是刮目相看。近三年来,主席就如何在继承基础上进一步拓展中国外交,提出了一系列重要的新思想和新理念。中国外交正在更加积极地维护正当的国家利益,更加积极地承担应尽的国际责任,也更加积极地同世界各国,当然包括美国发展互利共赢的国家关系。
中国外交在当前和今后一段时间主要会做什么?我的说明是,当前和今后一段时间,中国外交要承担起五项重要使命。
第一项使命,是中国外交要使更多国家和民众了解并理解中国选择的社会制度和发展道路。中国是国际社会的成员,我们希望更多、更深入地融入国际社会。同时,我们必须坚持自己选择的中国特色社会主义道路。这是因为,这个选择完全适合中国国情,完全符合中国人民的利益,得到了中国社会各界最广泛的支持。中国特色社会主义,最简要地讲,其特征就是在尽可能调动亿万人民奋发有为、竞相发展积极性的基础上,坚持共同富裕的目标。也就是说,每一个中国人,无论身在城市还是农村,无论处在顺境还是暂时处在逆境,无论有什么样的社会背景和家庭出身,都可以对自己的前途怀有憧憬,抱有希望,都可以通过自身的打拼实现自己的梦想。正因为如此,中国特色社会主义制度和道路得到了最广泛人民大众的强有力支持。
同时我们看到,在一个拥有13亿人口、一个发展很不平衡、地区差异很大的国度,要实现现代化,我们必须有一支中坚力量,一支有理想、敢担当、能奉献的中坚政治力量。这支中坚力量就是8600万成员的中国共产党。8600万中共党员,如果人人都按照党章要求,担当各条战线的先锋,那么,任何难题都难不倒中国,任何困难都阻挡不住中国。
更重要的是,这支8600万的党员队伍需要一个坚强的领导核心。而这个核心,就是以同志为的党中央。在以为的党中央的统率和擘划下,中国这条巨大的航船正在按照自己的既定航程坚定前行。我们一定能实现我们的目标,我们对此有充分的自信。
同时,中国的发展既与每一个中国人民的生活密切相关,也与全世界人民的利益密切相关。我们非常希望在进一步融入国际社会的过程中,得到更多国家的理解。中国决不会输出我们的社会制度和发展模式,因为每个国家都有权根据本国国情来选择发展道路。但我们愿意在平等基础上,同国际社会进行相互交流。
大家都知道有一本书叫作《谈治国理政》。这本书自2014年开始对外发行,很快就风靡全球,目前已在100多个国家和地区出版,总发行量达到500多万册。我们希望并相信,随着中国同世界各国的交往进一步加深,一定会有更多国家和民众理解、支持中国选择的社会制度和发展模式。这也是中国外交必须要承担的使命。
第二项使命,是中国外交要坚定维护二战胜利以后形成的国际秩序和国际体系。我们绝不会“另搞一套”。因为中国是当年在联合国宪章上第一个签字的国家,我们用3500万人伤亡代价换来了这个世界的和平。
我们首先要坚定维护以联合国为核心的当代国际体系,以及以联合国宪章宗旨和原则为代表的国际关系基本准则。我们认为,当今世界之所以乱象频生,很重要的一个背景是联合国宪章的宗旨和原则没有得到充分贯彻,不干涉内政、和平解决争端等重要理念被抛到一边。所以中国外交一个重要的任务就是通过我们的身体力行,通过外交行动,真正把宪章的宗旨和原则贯彻到国与国交往和具体实践当中。这是中国应该发挥的国际作用。
我们还需要维护自由开放的世界贸易体系,中国依靠开放得到了快速发展,我们正在并希望与世界各国一起来建立开放的经济体系,我们反对一切形式的贸易保护主义。面对现在世界各地不断出现的各种区域或次区域自贸安排,我们不希望它们碎片化发展。不管什么样的自贸安排,包括TPP也好、RCEP也好,都应该成为通向更广泛的自由贸易体制的路径。这一点实际上已经在前年北京APEC会议中作出明确宣示,美国、中国以及所有APEC成员国都做出了承诺。我们不仅要维护一个自由开放的贸易体制,我们还希望把它延伸至投资领域。大家知道,迄今为止,世界上还没有统一的投资规则。今年9月在杭州召开的G20峰会,作为东道主,我们希望与G20的成员们共同讨论,如何来形成一个大家都遵守的、开放的全球投资规则,这不可能一蹴而就,但我们希望启动这一进程。
此外,我们还希望不断完善当今的国际经济金融治理机制。中国已经深入参与了现有国际经济和金融机制。比如延宕5年的IMF改革方案,去年底美国国会终于通过了。中国在IMF的份额和投票权都有了明显增加。今年初,中国还成为欧洲复兴开发银行成员。我们将继续在现有的国际经济金融体制中发挥应有的作用。同时,我们倡议成立了亚投行(AIIB),一开始有些国家对此有疑虑,甚至怀疑中国是不是要搞亚洲版的“门罗主义”。但现在情况已经清楚,中国从一开始就敞开臂膀,欢迎全世界的国家加入,而不仅仅局限在中国所在地区。目前,57个创始成员国一半以上是亚洲以外的国家。除了美国、日本以外的发达国家几乎都参加进来,我们都持非常欢迎的态度。现在还有将近40个国家在排队等待加入。我们将与各成员国一道,将AIIB打造成具有国际标准、专业化的,同时又没有那么多官僚主义,能够填补亚洲基础设施建设融资瓶颈的多边金融机构。它将是对现存的国际金融机制的补充,绝不是要另起炉灶。
中国外交的第三项使命,就是要更加积极有为地为中国自身的发展服务。当前最重要的工作就是同各国一道推进“一带一路”建设。我们所在的欧亚大陆,几百年来充满了刀与剑、血与火,战争战乱不断。现在亚欧大陆国家最大的公约数就是要发展,要加速工业化进程,提高自主发展能力。而中国恰恰可以向这些国家提供所需的先进装备、成熟技术以及管理、融资、人才培训。总之,这完全是一个优势互补、经济合作、互利共赢的倡议,它会为中国和参与“一带一路”的国家开创新的发展前景,开拓新的合作领域。不仅对中国、对所有国家都有利。目前,已有70多个国家支持并愿参与“一带一路”建设。
“一带一路”建设有三大支柱,第一大支柱是互联互通,中国目前正积极与各国合作,打通相互联接的通道。我们不仅要进一步打通欧亚大陆通道,还希望建设泛亚铁路,我们也愿意响应非洲朋友们的愿望,将来把非洲54国用高速铁路连接起来。中国高速铁路已达1.8万公里,占全世界70%以上,我们完全有能力与大家一起实现互联互通。
“一带一路”第二大支柱是产能合作。我们已与20多个国家签署国际产能合作协议。我们希望通过产能合作来加快各自的工业化进程,实现更高层次的发展,从而应对目前世界经济低迷给各国带来的各种挑战。实际上,美国也有“再工业化”进程,欧洲也有相应倡议。中国的国际产能合作计划是开放的,不仅跟所有有意愿的国家进行产能合作,也欢迎三方合作。如果把中国的先进装备、充足的融资和发达国家,比如美国的一些技术和关键部件结合起来,这种产能合作就将更加有效地推动各国经济发展,从而促进世界繁荣。
“一带一路”的第三大支柱是人文交流。欧亚大陆有各种不同文明和文化,没有优劣、高下之分。我们愿通过一带一路建设使不同的文明和文化相互借鉴、相互包容,共同促进人类历史进步。
中国外交的第四项使命,就是有效维护中国不断拓展的海外利益。与其他大国发展轨迹一样,中国已经到了越来越多企业、越来越多公民走出国门、到世界各地去发展的新阶段。中国目前有3万家企业遍布世界各地,数百万中国人工作生活在世界各个角落。中国每年非金融类直接投资快速增长,去年已达到1200亿美元。这个数字已经接近甚至超过中国引进外资的规模。再加上每年约1.2亿人次中国公民出境,构成了全世界最大的流动人员群体。中国政府当然有责任、有义务维护好这些机构和人员的合法权益。但坦率地讲,我们在这方面手段缺乏,资源不足,能力建设薄弱。因此,中国外交一项非常紧要的任务就是要不断增强我们海外维权的能力建设,要运用更多的资源,同国际社会一起来维护好我们不断拓展的巨大海外利益。当然,是合法、正当的利益。
中国外交的第五项使命就是要更加建设性地参与国际与地区热点问题的解决。这首先是因为中国作为联合国安理会常任理事国,对国际和平与安全承担着重要责任。同时,热点问题的解决也将为中国的发展提供更好的国际环境。在非洲,我们斡旋南苏丹的纠纷;在亚洲,我们斡旋阿富汗和谈、缅甸国内和解。我们和各方一起促成了伊朗核问题全面协议的达成。我们还积极参与了叙利亚问题的政治解决进程。
可能目前大家最关心的是朝鲜半岛核问题。我愿在之后的答问环节详细回答大家的提问,但我要强调中方的三点基本立场。第一点,我们反对朝鲜发展核武器,朝鲜半岛不能有核,无论是北方还是南方,无论是自己制造还是引进部署。半岛出现核武器,不符合各方利益,也不利于朝鲜维护自身安全。所以,半岛必须实现无核化,对此中国坚定不移。
第二点,半岛不能战、不能乱。半岛任何战乱都会带来无法想象的严重后果。如何来实现无核化?最终还是需要通过谈判解决。就和伊朗核问题的解决一样,十年谈判,十年磨一剑。半岛核问题就是因为六方会谈中断了八年,才出现了朝鲜一次又一次的核试验。我们当然要通过新的联合国决议,采取进一步有力措施,有效阻断朝鲜方面的核导发展计划。但是另一方面,我们绝不能放弃和谈的努力,因为和谈才是解决问题的唯一可行途径。中方作为六方会谈东道主,我们履行责任和义务,本着公正客观立场,提出了一个并进谈判的思路,那就是半岛无核化和停和机制转换并行推进。没有半岛无核化,就没有停和机制转换;反过来,停和机制转换不起来,各方的合理关切、包括朝鲜方面的安全关切都得不到解决,那么无核化也难以真正可持续地落到实处。这两个方面需要齐头并进,它的特征在于明确了无核化的大方向,同时合理平衡地解决了各方要价。我们愿意同其他各方进一步探讨如何推进这一并进思路的路径和步骤。
第三点,中国正当的国家利益必须得到保障。这里大家自然想到“萨德”反导系统。美国有可能在韩国部署“萨德”反导系统,这最终将由韩国来决定。韩国的内政我们当然是不干涉的。我们也理解美国和韩国在这种复杂形势下维护自身安全的迫切需要。但我要告诉大家的是,“萨德”反导系统X波段雷达覆盖范围已深入中国内陆,也就是说中国的正当国家安全和利益很可能受到损害、甚至威胁。所以美国和韩国如果商量是否部署“萨德”反导系统的时候,应该考虑中国的合理安全关切,应该给中国一个有说服力的、能够让中方信服的解释和说明。中方的上述要求合情合理。
大家一定也很关心南海局势。我要告诉大家的是,南海局势实际上是总体平稳的。因为没有一条商船抱怨过它在南海的航行受到了干扰。南沙部分岛礁确实存在争议。中国有42个岛礁被一些国家相继非法占领。但尽管如此,中国政府的立场是坚持通过对话谈判、以和平的方式、根据国际法包括《联合国海洋法公约》来寻求妥善解决。这是中国政府坚定明确的立场,也成为确保南海局势总体稳定的重要因素。我们正在与东盟国家一起落实《南海各方行为宣言》,加快推进“南海行为准则”磋商。中国和东盟国家完全有能力维护好南海地区的和平与稳定。我们曾经提出过几条建议:
第一,争议各方要按照DOC的规定,通过直接商谈和平解决争议。DOC第四条明确规定,争议由直接当事方通过谈判解决。中国与东盟10国领导人都在DOC上签了字,这份文件是有约束力的。尽管菲律宾不愿同中国谈,但我们仍然在同其他国家一起履行这一规定。
第二,域内国家即使不是争议国,但作为南海沿岸国,应一起努力维护南海地区的和平与稳定,维护根据国际法规定享有的航行自由。中国将在其中发挥自己的作用。
第三,域外国家能够支持有关争议通过直接谈判来解决,支持中国和东盟一起维护南海地区的和平与稳定。
我想如果能做到以上三点,南海将继续保持和平与稳定。大家不必过于担心。
最后我要谈一下中美关系。大家都说中美关系是最重要的双边关系,确实如此。一个最大的发达国家和一个最大的发展中国家之间的关系搞好了,对两国人民甚至对世界都是有益的。但如果搞不好,有可能掉进所谓的“修昔底德”陷阱。为此,中国国家主席提出中美双方要共同建设新型大国关系,说到底就是要建设合作共赢的中美关系。我认为这是一个明智的选择,也是一个正确的方向,我们正在朝这个方向跟美方合作,不断加强对话,增进相互了解,推动关系发展。同时我们希望,建设新型大国关系也应该成为中美两国社会各界的共识,得到更多中美两国人民的支持。
最近对中美关系的议论比较多。媒体也有些炒作,似乎中美之间出了这么多分歧。昨天同克里国务卿会见记者时,我们都重申中美的共同利益远远大于分歧。有分歧不要紧,我们一起通过协商加以解决。但现在确实有一个值得我们注意的说法,有一些美国的朋友担心,认为中国才是美国将来真正的主要对手,可能有一天中国要取代美国。这背后其实是一种战略互不信,是对中国长远意图的战略怀疑。战略疑虑不解决,小问题会变成大问题,没有问题会生出问题。相反,如果我们能建立战略信任,消除战略疑虑,加强战略合作,任何问题都可以通过对话协商找到解决办法。
中国会不会成为美国将来最主要的对手,甚至取代美国?我认为这个命题是完全不存在的。首先,中国虽然已是第二大经济体,但按照人均计算,我们仍排在世界80名以后。人的发展是一个国家发展的基础,因此我们仍然是一个发展中国家,仍然要聚焦自身的发展,今后很长一段时间要把我们的主要精力放在我们自己的发展上。我们不会去和别人竞争,也无意去取代谁。
第二,中美之间已经进入了一个相互依存的时代,谁也离不离开谁。大量美国企业在中国有自己的事业,中国企业也越来越多进入美国,进入美国各个州市,在当地创造着就业机会。去年中国已成为美国最大的贸易伙伴,5580多亿美元的贸易规模。每年中美之间来往的人次是475万,每天都有一万多名中美民众在天上飞着。
这种相互融合的关系,怎么能想象发生冲突呢?一旦发生冲突肯定是双输,而合作才能双赢。如果我们大家都意识到这一点的话,为什么要去进行无谓的零和竞争?我们应该合作,而且完全可以开展更深入的合作。中美之间具有高度的互补性,我们应该不断发掘中美合作的潜力和空间。
还有一点,为什么中国不会取代美国?很简单,因为中国不是美国。中国就是中国,中国今后也不会成为另一个美国。中国人的血脉中没有多少扩张的基因,也没有多少当救世主的冲动。中国从2000多年前开始,就不断地修建长城来保卫我们自己。这就是中国文化特质的一个典型表现。这种融化于血脉当中的文化基因和传统会继续下去。即便我们将来进一步发展了,壮大了,甚至在未来的某一天,我们的经济总体规模可能会成为世界第一。但即便到了那个时候,中国仍然不是美国。我们会以中国人的方式,以东方人的思维,以更加和谐和包容的态度来与其他国家交往,在国际社会上发挥中国应该发挥的作用。而且那个时候,中美之间的合作会更加深入,更加紧密。我认为,当今最需要的就是增进我们彼此的相互理解。
这是我今天最想讲的,谢谢大家。
看了“"2016年王毅在美国智库演讲"”
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罗纳德·麦金农是当代金融发展和金融压抑理论的奠基人,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇罗纳德·麦金农的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
“国际货币体系的演变和人民币的角色”为主题,这个话题很广泛,之前我们主要的话题是国际货币体系的演变和人民币的角色。现在很多的讨论来自于周小川行长3月份说要推动G20来提高国际货币基金组织的贷款能力,增加2500亿SDR特别提款权。我认为可能SDR并不能承担这么重要的角色。因为从历史上面来看,70年代末以来,每一个人对于美元的标准都不是满意,这和周小川行长一样,我们每个人都在说需要另外一种储备货币。周小川就谈到了特别提款权所承载的角色。
国际货币基金组织没有一个独立的权利来确定SDR潜在货币的购买力,无法确定每个国家的购买力。所以资产负债情况比较好的,国际收支情况比较好的国家,就不大愿意接受这样一个建议。但是现在我的观点不太一样,我觉得2500亿SDR可以作为一个救火资金,让国际货币基金组织如果增加其贷款能力,可能只是第一步。我觉得单一的一个中央银行没有办法解决这样的问题。
中国在这种情况下该如何来应对?首先就是要考虑中国的汇率,我们有一些人可能还记得在90年代早期的时候,93年到96年之间,中国出现了很严重的通胀,但它非常成功的稳定了这一通胀。一方面要考虑经常项目人民币可兑换,然后采用了固汇制,95年开始人民币对美元是8.28,一直维系了十年,这是非常成功的举措,使中国的工资还有实体经济有了快速增长,而且价格比较稳定,周期性的波动也降到了最低。美国经济学家、还有政治家开始强调中国开始操纵其货币,旨在获得贸易顺差,他们对中国施加压力,要求人民币升值。我觉得这可能又要再次兴起。但是如果你升值可以降低顺差的话,其实并不一定是这样的。要求一个国家的货币升值并不一定就会减少顺差,而且升值以后会带来一种混乱,并不像很多人想象那样,只要升值就会减少顺差。所以周小川他也考虑到美国施加的压力,中国官员做出了这样的反映,就是要用一个超主权的储备货币,在2005年的7月开始,中国人民币开始缓慢升值,一开始2.5%,过去三年看到人民币以可预期的方式升值,这就带来了货币体系的混乱,没有一个金融公司或者个人想要持有美元资产,因为他们知道这样的每年肯定亏损6%到7%。私营资本都不愿意持有美元,还有热线涌入中国。
其实这种聪明、合理的投资者并不一定都是非常理性的。我们看到很多热钱都涌入了中国。央行看到人民币单边升值必须进行大幅干预,不得不买入美元,这样造成大量外汇储备,然后又不得不冻结这些货币,发了很多债券,然后又提高中国商业银行储备金率。到2008年的6月,外汇储备已经到达两万亿美元,中国的通胀也开始攀升,由于中国冻结货币的措施不是很成功,这对于美国来说,也是一个灾难。而且在这一进程当中贸易顺差仍然在攀升,而不是减少,过去三年当中还是看到这一迹象的。
去年夏天我们来到第三个阶段,很奇怪,美元在外汇市场上面均大幅升值,对于英镑、法郎、欧元、加拿大元都升值,让所有人感到非常惊讶。在7月份的时候,中国的央行就抓住了这一机会,停止升值,停止对美元的升值,停止每年7%到8%的升值。当时是6.83,人民币对美元,现在和它还是非常相近的,现在热钱也不再涌入,甚至有一些私营资本流出中国。因为中国放了很多贸易信贷,现在又有很多私营资本流入国外,外汇储备也停止攀升,中央银行可以在国内投放更多的信贷,因为他们降低了商业银行的储备金率,大幅的降低了储备金率。所以我们看到了信用的扩张。其实这是世界唯一一个国家看到银行信贷的扩张,对于中国经济和世界经济都意义非凡,因为中国出口大幅的降低,我觉得这比固汇制更好,这本身听起来不是很好,我觉得用稳定制比较好,用固汇制有一点贬义。
在不确定的将来没有人可以预计将来会怎么样,但是随着整个世界信任度衰退,而且是严重的衰退,有很严重的趋势,美元继续贬值,有这样的趋势。这样的情况下如果两大经济体,中国和美国,两个很大的经济体,他们把汇率固定,我觉得这就像一个锚一样,可以使经济稳定,遏制了其他国家相应贬值的步伐。哦,现在英国已经贬值了,但不管怎么样我们可以看看,如果锚定了汇率,看可否促进出口增长。这个6.8,我觉得可以说是有利于出口的。
还有一个,就是中国现在的外汇储备还是有两万亿美金。如果让美元不断的贬值,对中国国民财富也不是一个好消息吧。所以保持一个相对稳定的汇率还是很有必要的。刚刚一位已经谈到了人民币国际化会有什么样的影响。我觉得如果是循序渐进的话,如果让人民币对美元相对稳定,采取循序渐进,会更好。想想日本人用了15年才让日元国际化,试图让日元国际化,但失败了,现在比15年前在这个当中的比例更小。因为现在没有什么正常的人,日元碰到巨大挑战,没有什么人用日元来借钱。如果我们可以有一个固汇制的话,可以让人民币有一个风险的上限,然后在这一进程中,我们也可以让其他国家的货币相信人民币不会大幅的升值,中国又可以以人民币贷更多款出去,这样减少国际货币错配,货币和经济的错配。只要中国人民银行不来进行干涉,而让市场进行这种调节,我觉得那些人民币债务的持有人就会继续的持有这种人民币。
我想下面的问题还是问我们其他的演讲嘉宾吧。其实日本人就受到了这样问题的挑战。搞国际化确实有一点优势,但同时应当让这个汇率趋于稳定。主席,是不是可以这样做一个后续的讨论。贸易顺差又怎么样,你可以有比较好的、比较稳定的货币制度,但是你再怎么去操纵汇率都无法解决贸易顺差的问题。所以就要进入到第二个阶段,这个内容是大家比较熟悉的,中国必须减少储蓄和投资之间的差距。美国也有问题,储蓄不足,也就是说要两个方面都来做调整,中国要少储蓄多投资,美国要多储蓄少花钱。
看了“"罗纳德·麦金农的精彩演讲"”
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胡锦涛中国共产党党员。中国共产党、中华人民共和国领导人,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇胡锦涛在美国耶鲁大学的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
尊敬的理查德·莱文校长,同学们,老师们,女士们,先生们:
首先,我感谢莱文校长的邀请,使我有机会来到世界著名学府耶鲁大学,同青年朋友和老师们相聚在一起。
进入耶鲁大学的校园,看到莘莘学子青春洋溢的脸庞,呼吸着书香浓郁的空气,我不由回想起40年前在北京清华大学度过的美好时光。学生时代,对人的一生都会产生重要影响。当年老师们对我的教诲,同学们给我的启发,我至今仍受用不尽。
耶鲁大学以悠久的发展历史、独特的办学风格、卓著的学术成就闻名于世。如果时光能够倒流几十年,我真希望成为你们中的一员。
耶鲁大学校训强调追求光明和真理,这符合人类进步的法则,也符合每个有志青年的心愿。300多年来,耶鲁大学培养出一大批杰出人才,其中包括20位诺贝尔奖获得者、5位美国总统。美国民族英雄内森·黑尔是耶鲁校友,他的名言――“我唯一的憾事,就是没有第二次生命献给我的祖国”,深深感染了我和许多中国人。我衷心祝愿贵校培养出更多英才,为美国经济社会发展、为人类进步事业作出更大贡献!
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
长期以来,中美两国人民一直相互抱有浓厚的兴趣和友好的感情。中国人民欣赏美国人民的开拓进取精神,钦佩美国人民在建设国家中取得的骄人业绩。随着中国的快速发展和中美合作的不断拓展,越来越多的美国人也把目光投向中国,更加关注中国的发展进步。
了解是信任的基础。今天,我愿从中华文明历史流变和现实发展的角度,谈谈当代中国的发展战略和前进方向,希望有助于美国人民更全面、更深入地了解中国。
在5000多年的历史长河中,中华民族为人类文明进步作出了巨大贡献,同时也走过了曲折艰辛的道路。特别是从1840年鸦片战争以来的160多年间,中国人民为摆脱积贫积弱的境遇,实现民族复兴,前仆后继,顽强斗争,使中华民族的命运发生了深刻变化。95年前,中国人民通过辛亥革命推翻了统治中国几千年的君主专制制度,为中国的进步打开了闸门。57年前,中国人民经过长期浴血奋斗实现了民族独立和人民解放,建立了人民当家作主的新中国。28年前,中国人民开始了改革开放和现代化建设的伟大历史进程,经过艰苦创业取得了举世瞩目的巨大成就,从1978年到2005年,中国国内生产总值从1473亿美元增长到22257亿美元,进出口总额从206亿美元增长到14221亿美元,国家外汇储备从1.67亿美元增加到8189亿美元,农村贫困人口由2.5亿人减少到2300多万人。回顾这160多年来中国发生的沧桑巨变,可以说,中国人民经过艰苦探索和顽强奋斗,既改变了自己的命运,也推动了人类进步事业。
必须看到,中国尽管取得了巨大的发展成就,但仍是世界上最大的发展中国家,人均国内生产总值仍排在世界100名之后,中国人民的生活还不富裕,中国的发展还面临着不少突出的矛盾和问题。要彻底改变中国的面貌和改善中国人民的生活,需要继续持之以恒地艰苦奋斗。中国将在未来15年集中力量全面建设惠及十几亿人口的更高水平的小康社会。具体来说,就是要使中国国内生产总值到2020年达到40000亿美元左右,人均达到3000美元左右,使经济更加发展、民主更加健全、科教更加进步、文化更加繁荣、社会更加和谐、人民生活更加殷实。
为了实现我们的发展目标,中国根据本国国情和时代要求明确了自己的发展理念,这就是树立和贯彻以人为本、全面协调可持续发展的科学发展观,统筹城乡发展、统筹区域发展、统筹经济社会发展、统筹人与自然和谐发展、统筹国内发展和对外开放,更加注重解决民生问题,更加注重克服发展的不平衡性,更加注重解决发展中存在的突出矛盾,致力于走科技含量高、经济效益好、资源消耗低、环境污染少、人力资源优势得到充分发挥的新型工业化道路,推进经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设协调发展,努力实现生产发展、生活富裕、生态良好的文明发展格局。
科学发展的理念,是在总结中国现代化建设经验、顺应时代潮流的基础上提出来的,也是在继承中华民族优秀文化传统的基础上提出来的。
中华文明是世界古代文明中始终没有中断、连续5000多年发展至今的文明。中华民族在漫长历史发展中形成的独具特色的文化传统,深深影响了古代中国,也深深影响着当代中国。现时代中国强调的以人为本、与时俱进、社会和谐、和平发展,既有着中华文明的深厚根基,又体现了时代发展的进步精神。
――中华文明历来注重以民为本,尊重人的尊严和价值。早在千百年前,中国人就提出“民惟邦本,本固邦宁”、“天地之间,莫贵于人”,强调要利民、裕民、养民、惠民。今天,我们坚持以人为本,就是要坚持发展为了人民、发展依靠人民、发展成果由人民共享,关注人的价值、权益和自由,关注人的生活质量、发展潜能和幸福指数,最终是为了实现人的全面发展。保障人民的生存权和发展权仍是中国的首要任务。我们将大力推动经济社会发展,依法保障人民享有自由、民主和人权,实现社会公平和正义,使13亿中国人民过上幸福生活。
――中华文明历来注重自强不息,不断革故鼎新。“天行健,君子以自强不息。”这是中国的一句千年传世格言。中华民族所以能在5000多年的历史进程中生生不息、发展壮大,历经挫折而不屈,屡遭坎坷而不馁,靠的就是这样一种发愤图强、坚忍不拔、与时俱进的精神。中国人民在改革开放中表现出来的进取精神,在建设国家中焕发出来的创造热情,在克服前进道路上的各种困难中表现出来的顽强毅力,正是这种自强不息精神的生动写照。
――中华文明历来注重社会和谐,强调团结互助。中国人早就提出了“和为贵”的思想,追求天人和谐、人际和谐、身心和谐,向往“人人相亲,人人平等,天下为公”的理想社会。今天,中国提出构建和谐社会,就是要建设一个民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处的社会,实现物质和精神、民主和法治、公平和效率、活力和秩序的有机统一。中国人民把维护民族团结作为自己义不容辞的职责,把维护国家主权和领土完整作为自己至高无上的使命。一切有利于民族团结和国家统一的行为,都会得到中国人民真诚的欢迎和拥护。一切有损于民族团结和国家统一的举动,都会遭到中国人民强烈的反对和抗争。
――中华文明历来注重亲仁善邻,讲求和睦相处。中华民族历来爱好和平。中国人在对外关系中始终秉承“强不执弱”、“富不侮贫”的精神,主张“协和万邦”。中国人提倡“海纳百川,有容乃大”,主张吸纳百家优长、兼集八方精义。今天,中国高举和平、发展、合作的旗帜,奉行独立自主的和平外交政策,坚定不移地走和平发展道路,既通过维护世界和平来发展自己,又通过自身的发展来促进世界和平。中国坚持实施互利共赢的对外开放战略,真诚愿意同各国广泛开展合作,真诚愿意兼收并蓄、博采各种文明之长,以合作谋和平、以合作促发展,推动建设一个持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
中美都拥有辽阔的国土,都是多个民族并存、多种文化融合的国家,都生活着勤劳智慧的人民。中美因不同的历史背景和现实国情而存在着差异,这有利于我们相互借鉴,取长补短。中美加强合作,符合两国和两国人民的根本利益,对世界的和平与发展也具有重大影响。
200多年来,浩瀚的太平洋并未阻断中美两国人民的交流合作,中美两国人民相互学习、相互帮助,谱写了世界不同文明相互借鉴的美好篇章。1979年中美建交27年来,两国关系曾历经曲折,但总体上保持了稳定发展的大方向,给两国和两国人民带来了巨大利益。
进入21世纪,国际形势继续深刻变化。和平与发展仍然是当今时代的主题,但不稳定不确定因素在增多,新挑战新威胁在增加。在新的国际形势下,中美两国共同利益在增多,合作领域在扩大。世界和平与安全面临的新课题,特别是反对国际恐怖主义、防止大规模杀伤性武器扩散、保护人类生存环境、打击跨国犯罪等,使我们两国拥有重要的共同战略利益。中国的巨大市场和发展需求,美国的先进科技和优质产品,使两国具有巨大的经济技术合作空间。中美全面发展建设性合作关系前景广阔。
昨天上午,我同布什总统就中美关系及共同关心的重大国际和地区问题深入交换看法,达成了许多重要共识。我们都认为,双方应该坚持从战略高度和长远角度审视和处理中美关系,加强对话,扩大共识,增进互信,深化合作,全面推进21世纪中美建设性合作关系。
我相信,只要我们从中美关系发展的大局出发,彼此尊重,相互理解,两国关系就能够健康稳定地向前发展,给两国人民带来更多利益,给世界各国人民带来更大希望。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
一个音符无法表达出优美的旋律,一种颜色难以描绘出多彩的画卷。世界是一座丰富多彩的艺术殿堂,各国人民创造的独特文化都是这座殿堂里的瑰宝。一个民族的文化,往往凝聚着这个民族对世界和生命的历史认知和现实感受,也往往积淀着这个民族最深层的精神追求和行为准则。人类历史发展的过程,就是各种文明不断交流、融合、创新的过程。人类历史上各种文明都以各自的独特方式为人类进步作出了贡献。
文明多样性是人类社会的客观现实,是当今世界的基本特征,也是人类进步的重要动力。历史经验表明,在人类文明交流的过程中,不仅需要克服自然的屏障和隔阂,而且需要超越思想的障碍和束缚,更需要克服形形色色的偏见和误解。意识形态、社会制度、发展模式的差异不应成为人类文明交流的障碍,更不能成为相互对抗的理由。我们应该积极维护世界多样性,推动不同文明的对话和交融,相互借鉴而不是相互排斥,使人类更加和睦幸福,让世界更加丰富多彩。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
文化、教育和青年交流是中美两国人民增进相互了解和友谊的重要桥梁,也是推动中美关系健康稳定发展的重要力量。耶鲁大学是中美教育合作的先行者和文化交流的重要平台。156年前,一位名叫容闳的中国青年走进了耶鲁大学校园,4年后他以优异的成绩获得了文学士学位,成为毕业于美国大学的第一个中国留学生。此后,一批又一批中国青年来到耶鲁大学求学。近20年来,耶鲁大学吸引了4000多名中国留学人员,同中国文化界、科技界、教育界的合作项目超过80个。去年夏天,耶鲁大学派遣首批学生到中国实习,其中一些人成为中国故宫博物院的第一批外国实习生。借此机会,我对莱文校长和耶鲁大学为增进中美两国人民的交流所做的积极努力表示赞赏。
为增进中美两国青年以及教育界的相互了解,我高兴地宣布,中方决定邀请100名耶鲁大学师生今年夏天访问中国。我相信,你们的访问将是一次十分愉快的经历。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
“长江后浪推前浪,世上新人换旧人。”青年人是世界的希望和未来,青年人有着蓬勃向上的生命活力和无穷的创造力。我衷心希望,中美两国青年携起手来,以实际行动促进中美两国人民友好,同世界各国人民一道,共创世界美好的明天。
谢谢各位。
看了“"胡锦涛在美国耶鲁大学的演讲"”
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