为您找到与美国20世纪事件相关的共200个结果:
王毅是经济学硕士、国际关系学博士,中华人民共和国外交部部长、党委副书记,中国共产党十八届中央委员,中央外事工作领导小组成员,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇2016年王毅在美国智库的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
很高兴有机会与各位专家学者进行交流。我今天演讲的题目是“发展中的中国和中国外交”。
中国最大的发展变化就是改革开放以来保持了30多年的两位数增长,在世界上创造了“中国奇迹”。我们不仅成为了世界第二大经济体,还让6亿多人口成功脱贫,成为实现联合国千年发展目标的最佳实践。
同时我们非常清醒地意识到,以往的发展模式已经不能持续。无论是从中国人民的长远利益出发,还是从世界的可持续发展考虑,都必须转变我们的发展模式。所以中国毅然决然地做出了决定,那就是以壮士断腕的决心推进结构性改革,走出一条节能、环保、绿色、循环和可持续的发展新路。
我要告诉各位的是,我们已经取得了明显进展。去年,中国第三产业的比重已经超过了50%,环境污染正在得到有效管控。消费对经济增长的拉动快速上升,去年消费对中国经济增长的贡献率已经达到66%。也就是说,在投资、出口和消费三驾马车当中,消费第一次成为最重要的动力。这是一个健康和可持续的变化趋势。当然,由于我们不再依靠大规模投资,经济增长速度有所下降。但尽管如此,我们去年仍然在10万亿美元的巨大基数上实现了6.9%的中高速增长,这其中增长的每个百分点都相当于10年前的2.6个百分点。中国,仍是全球最重要的发展引擎。
最近一段时间,中国经济确实面临一些下行压力,这与国际经济环境的变化密切相关,因为中国已是一个高度开放的经济体。我们听到了一些对中国经济前景的担忧,但我要非常明确地告诉各位,中国经济不会硬着陆,中国开放的大门不会关上,中国改革的步伐不会停止。
改革和开放是中国实现经济发展奇迹的两大重要法宝,已经成为了我们的基本国策。继续改革,继续开放,是中国全党全国的共识。中国经济将会在更加健康、更有效率的基础上保持长时期的中高速增长,并迈向中高端水平。
这个自信来自于何处?我并不是经济专家,我在这里只想告诉大家中国经济具有的三个重要优势和潜力。
第一个优势是中国的巨大市场潜力。昨天在美国国会,有几个议员对我说,美方对同中国的贸易不平衡特别重视,我们买了中国太多的东西,中国买得太少。我告诉他们,不要着急,情况一定会变化,因为中国拥有13亿人口,也就是说中国的市场规模是美国的四倍。中国正在从潜在的市场快速成长为现实的市场,这个市场一旦成熟,肯定会从美国和全世界买更多的东西,到那时,就可能变成中国对美国的巨大逆差了。当然,美国需要向中国提供更加物美价廉的商品。
第二个优势是中国城镇化的发展。发达国家的城镇化水平一般在80%以上。但中国目前的城镇化,如果按照户籍人口计算还不到40%。也就是说,我们还有巨大的空间和潜力,还有巨大的城镇化需求有待开发。这里面蕴藏着巨大的商机。
第三个优势是服务业的扩张。发达国家服务业占经济结构比例一般70%以上。而中国的第三产业才刚刚迈过50%的门槛。也就是说这方面我们也仍然具有巨大发展潜力和空间。
中国自身的发展一定会持续下去,同时也一定会为包括美国在内的国际社会提供更多机遇。中国和美国一定会成为长期稳定的经贸合作伙伴。
接下来,我说说中国的外交。外交是内政的延伸。我们已经制定了“两个百年”的奋斗目标,要团结全国各族人民共同实现民族复兴的中国梦。中国的外交就是要为这个最大的内政来服务,就是要为中国实现发展目标提供更加稳定、良好、友善的外部环境,就是要为助力这个目标的实现营造和开创更多外部资源。
大家对中国外交这几年的进展印象深刻,甚至是刮目相看。近三年来,主席就如何在继承基础上进一步拓展中国外交,提出了一系列重要的新思想和新理念。中国外交正在更加积极地维护正当的国家利益,更加积极地承担应尽的国际责任,也更加积极地同世界各国,当然包括美国发展互利共赢的国家关系。
中国外交在当前和今后一段时间主要会做什么?我的说明是,当前和今后一段时间,中国外交要承担起五项重要使命。
第一项使命,是中国外交要使更多国家和民众了解并理解中国选择的社会制度和发展道路。中国是国际社会的成员,我们希望更多、更深入地融入国际社会。同时,我们必须坚持自己选择的中国特色社会主义道路。这是因为,这个选择完全适合中国国情,完全符合中国人民的利益,得到了中国社会各界最广泛的支持。中国特色社会主义,最简要地讲,其特征就是在尽可能调动亿万人民奋发有为、竞相发展积极性的基础上,坚持共同富裕的目标。也就是说,每一个中国人,无论身在城市还是农村,无论处在顺境还是暂时处在逆境,无论有什么样的社会背景和家庭出身,都可以对自己的前途怀有憧憬,抱有希望,都可以通过自身的打拼实现自己的梦想。正因为如此,中国特色社会主义制度和道路得到了最广泛人民大众的强有力支持。
同时我们看到,在一个拥有13亿人口、一个发展很不平衡、地区差异很大的国度,要实现现代化,我们必须有一支中坚力量,一支有理想、敢担当、能奉献的中坚政治力量。这支中坚力量就是8600万成员的中国共产党。8600万中共党员,如果人人都按照党章要求,担当各条战线的先锋,那么,任何难题都难不倒中国,任何困难都阻挡不住中国。
更重要的是,这支8600万的党员队伍需要一个坚强的领导核心。而这个核心,就是以同志为的党中央。在以为的党中央的统率和擘划下,中国这条巨大的航船正在按照自己的既定航程坚定前行。我们一定能实现我们的目标,我们对此有充分的自信。
同时,中国的发展既与每一个中国人民的生活密切相关,也与全世界人民的利益密切相关。我们非常希望在进一步融入国际社会的过程中,得到更多国家的理解。中国决不会输出我们的社会制度和发展模式,因为每个国家都有权根据本国国情来选择发展道路。但我们愿意在平等基础上,同国际社会进行相互交流。
大家都知道有一本书叫作《谈治国理政》。这本书自2014年开始对外发行,很快就风靡全球,目前已在100多个国家和地区出版,总发行量达到500多万册。我们希望并相信,随着中国同世界各国的交往进一步加深,一定会有更多国家和民众理解、支持中国选择的社会制度和发展模式。这也是中国外交必须要承担的使命。
第二项使命,是中国外交要坚定维护二战胜利以后形成的国际秩序和国际体系。我们绝不会“另搞一套”。因为中国是当年在联合国宪章上第一个签字的国家,我们用3500万人伤亡代价换来了这个世界的和平。
我们首先要坚定维护以联合国为核心的当代国际体系,以及以联合国宪章宗旨和原则为代表的国际关系基本准则。我们认为,当今世界之所以乱象频生,很重要的一个背景是联合国宪章的宗旨和原则没有得到充分贯彻,不干涉内政、和平解决争端等重要理念被抛到一边。所以中国外交一个重要的任务就是通过我们的身体力行,通过外交行动,真正把宪章的宗旨和原则贯彻到国与国交往和具体实践当中。这是中国应该发挥的国际作用。
我们还需要维护自由开放的世界贸易体系,中国依靠开放得到了快速发展,我们正在并希望与世界各国一起来建立开放的经济体系,我们反对一切形式的贸易保护主义。面对现在世界各地不断出现的各种区域或次区域自贸安排,我们不希望它们碎片化发展。不管什么样的自贸安排,包括TPP也好、RCEP也好,都应该成为通向更广泛的自由贸易体制的路径。这一点实际上已经在前年北京APEC会议中作出明确宣示,美国、中国以及所有APEC成员国都做出了承诺。我们不仅要维护一个自由开放的贸易体制,我们还希望把它延伸至投资领域。大家知道,迄今为止,世界上还没有统一的投资规则。今年9月在杭州召开的G20峰会,作为东道主,我们希望与G20的成员们共同讨论,如何来形成一个大家都遵守的、开放的全球投资规则,这不可能一蹴而就,但我们希望启动这一进程。
此外,我们还希望不断完善当今的国际经济金融治理机制。中国已经深入参与了现有国际经济和金融机制。比如延宕5年的IMF改革方案,去年底美国国会终于通过了。中国在IMF的份额和投票权都有了明显增加。今年初,中国还成为欧洲复兴开发银行成员。我们将继续在现有的国际经济金融体制中发挥应有的作用。同时,我们倡议成立了亚投行(AIIB),一开始有些国家对此有疑虑,甚至怀疑中国是不是要搞亚洲版的“门罗主义”。但现在情况已经清楚,中国从一开始就敞开臂膀,欢迎全世界的国家加入,而不仅仅局限在中国所在地区。目前,57个创始成员国一半以上是亚洲以外的国家。除了美国、日本以外的发达国家几乎都参加进来,我们都持非常欢迎的态度。现在还有将近40个国家在排队等待加入。我们将与各成员国一道,将AIIB打造成具有国际标准、专业化的,同时又没有那么多官僚主义,能够填补亚洲基础设施建设融资瓶颈的多边金融机构。它将是对现存的国际金融机制的补充,绝不是要另起炉灶。
中国外交的第三项使命,就是要更加积极有为地为中国自身的发展服务。当前最重要的工作就是同各国一道推进“一带一路”建设。我们所在的欧亚大陆,几百年来充满了刀与剑、血与火,战争战乱不断。现在亚欧大陆国家最大的公约数就是要发展,要加速工业化进程,提高自主发展能力。而中国恰恰可以向这些国家提供所需的先进装备、成熟技术以及管理、融资、人才培训。总之,这完全是一个优势互补、经济合作、互利共赢的倡议,它会为中国和参与“一带一路”的国家开创新的发展前景,开拓新的合作领域。不仅对中国、对所有国家都有利。目前,已有70多个国家支持并愿参与“一带一路”建设。
“一带一路”建设有三大支柱,第一大支柱是互联互通,中国目前正积极与各国合作,打通相互联接的通道。我们不仅要进一步打通欧亚大陆通道,还希望建设泛亚铁路,我们也愿意响应非洲朋友们的愿望,将来把非洲54国用高速铁路连接起来。中国高速铁路已达1.8万公里,占全世界70%以上,我们完全有能力与大家一起实现互联互通。
“一带一路”第二大支柱是产能合作。我们已与20多个国家签署国际产能合作协议。我们希望通过产能合作来加快各自的工业化进程,实现更高层次的发展,从而应对目前世界经济低迷给各国带来的各种挑战。实际上,美国也有“再工业化”进程,欧洲也有相应倡议。中国的国际产能合作计划是开放的,不仅跟所有有意愿的国家进行产能合作,也欢迎三方合作。如果把中国的先进装备、充足的融资和发达国家,比如美国的一些技术和关键部件结合起来,这种产能合作就将更加有效地推动各国经济发展,从而促进世界繁荣。
“一带一路”的第三大支柱是人文交流。欧亚大陆有各种不同文明和文化,没有优劣、高下之分。我们愿通过一带一路建设使不同的文明和文化相互借鉴、相互包容,共同促进人类历史进步。
中国外交的第四项使命,就是有效维护中国不断拓展的海外利益。与其他大国发展轨迹一样,中国已经到了越来越多企业、越来越多公民走出国门、到世界各地去发展的新阶段。中国目前有3万家企业遍布世界各地,数百万中国人工作生活在世界各个角落。中国每年非金融类直接投资快速增长,去年已达到1200亿美元。这个数字已经接近甚至超过中国引进外资的规模。再加上每年约1.2亿人次中国公民出境,构成了全世界最大的流动人员群体。中国政府当然有责任、有义务维护好这些机构和人员的合法权益。但坦率地讲,我们在这方面手段缺乏,资源不足,能力建设薄弱。因此,中国外交一项非常紧要的任务就是要不断增强我们海外维权的能力建设,要运用更多的资源,同国际社会一起来维护好我们不断拓展的巨大海外利益。当然,是合法、正当的利益。
中国外交的第五项使命就是要更加建设性地参与国际与地区热点问题的解决。这首先是因为中国作为联合国安理会常任理事国,对国际和平与安全承担着重要责任。同时,热点问题的解决也将为中国的发展提供更好的国际环境。在非洲,我们斡旋南苏丹的纠纷;在亚洲,我们斡旋阿富汗和谈、缅甸国内和解。我们和各方一起促成了伊朗核问题全面协议的达成。我们还积极参与了叙利亚问题的政治解决进程。
可能目前大家最关心的是朝鲜半岛核问题。我愿在之后的答问环节详细回答大家的提问,但我要强调中方的三点基本立场。第一点,我们反对朝鲜发展核武器,朝鲜半岛不能有核,无论是北方还是南方,无论是自己制造还是引进部署。半岛出现核武器,不符合各方利益,也不利于朝鲜维护自身安全。所以,半岛必须实现无核化,对此中国坚定不移。
第二点,半岛不能战、不能乱。半岛任何战乱都会带来无法想象的严重后果。如何来实现无核化?最终还是需要通过谈判解决。就和伊朗核问题的解决一样,十年谈判,十年磨一剑。半岛核问题就是因为六方会谈中断了八年,才出现了朝鲜一次又一次的核试验。我们当然要通过新的联合国决议,采取进一步有力措施,有效阻断朝鲜方面的核导发展计划。但是另一方面,我们绝不能放弃和谈的努力,因为和谈才是解决问题的唯一可行途径。中方作为六方会谈东道主,我们履行责任和义务,本着公正客观立场,提出了一个并进谈判的思路,那就是半岛无核化和停和机制转换并行推进。没有半岛无核化,就没有停和机制转换;反过来,停和机制转换不起来,各方的合理关切、包括朝鲜方面的安全关切都得不到解决,那么无核化也难以真正可持续地落到实处。这两个方面需要齐头并进,它的特征在于明确了无核化的大方向,同时合理平衡地解决了各方要价。我们愿意同其他各方进一步探讨如何推进这一并进思路的路径和步骤。
第三点,中国正当的国家利益必须得到保障。这里大家自然想到“萨德”反导系统。美国有可能在韩国部署“萨德”反导系统,这最终将由韩国来决定。韩国的内政我们当然是不干涉的。我们也理解美国和韩国在这种复杂形势下维护自身安全的迫切需要。但我要告诉大家的是,“萨德”反导系统X波段雷达覆盖范围已深入中国内陆,也就是说中国的正当国家安全和利益很可能受到损害、甚至威胁。所以美国和韩国如果商量是否部署“萨德”反导系统的时候,应该考虑中国的合理安全关切,应该给中国一个有说服力的、能够让中方信服的解释和说明。中方的上述要求合情合理。
大家一定也很关心南海局势。我要告诉大家的是,南海局势实际上是总体平稳的。因为没有一条商船抱怨过它在南海的航行受到了干扰。南沙部分岛礁确实存在争议。中国有42个岛礁被一些国家相继非法占领。但尽管如此,中国政府的立场是坚持通过对话谈判、以和平的方式、根据国际法包括《联合国海洋法公约》来寻求妥善解决。这是中国政府坚定明确的立场,也成为确保南海局势总体稳定的重要因素。我们正在与东盟国家一起落实《南海各方行为宣言》,加快推进“南海行为准则”磋商。中国和东盟国家完全有能力维护好南海地区的和平与稳定。我们曾经提出过几条建议:
第一,争议各方要按照DOC的规定,通过直接商谈和平解决争议。DOC第四条明确规定,争议由直接当事方通过谈判解决。中国与东盟10国领导人都在DOC上签了字,这份文件是有约束力的。尽管菲律宾不愿同中国谈,但我们仍然在同其他国家一起履行这一规定。
第二,域内国家即使不是争议国,但作为南海沿岸国,应一起努力维护南海地区的和平与稳定,维护根据国际法规定享有的航行自由。中国将在其中发挥自己的作用。
第三,域外国家能够支持有关争议通过直接谈判来解决,支持中国和东盟一起维护南海地区的和平与稳定。
我想如果能做到以上三点,南海将继续保持和平与稳定。大家不必过于担心。
最后我要谈一下中美关系。大家都说中美关系是最重要的双边关系,确实如此。一个最大的发达国家和一个最大的发展中国家之间的关系搞好了,对两国人民甚至对世界都是有益的。但如果搞不好,有可能掉进所谓的“修昔底德”陷阱。为此,中国国家主席提出中美双方要共同建设新型大国关系,说到底就是要建设合作共赢的中美关系。我认为这是一个明智的选择,也是一个正确的方向,我们正在朝这个方向跟美方合作,不断加强对话,增进相互了解,推动关系发展。同时我们希望,建设新型大国关系也应该成为中美两国社会各界的共识,得到更多中美两国人民的支持。
最近对中美关系的议论比较多。媒体也有些炒作,似乎中美之间出了这么多分歧。昨天同克里国务卿会见记者时,我们都重申中美的共同利益远远大于分歧。有分歧不要紧,我们一起通过协商加以解决。但现在确实有一个值得我们注意的说法,有一些美国的朋友担心,认为中国才是美国将来真正的主要对手,可能有一天中国要取代美国。这背后其实是一种战略互不信,是对中国长远意图的战略怀疑。战略疑虑不解决,小问题会变成大问题,没有问题会生出问题。相反,如果我们能建立战略信任,消除战略疑虑,加强战略合作,任何问题都可以通过对话协商找到解决办法。
中国会不会成为美国将来最主要的对手,甚至取代美国?我认为这个命题是完全不存在的。首先,中国虽然已是第二大经济体,但按照人均计算,我们仍排在世界80名以后。人的发展是一个国家发展的基础,因此我们仍然是一个发展中国家,仍然要聚焦自身的发展,今后很长一段时间要把我们的主要精力放在我们自己的发展上。我们不会去和别人竞争,也无意去取代谁。
第二,中美之间已经进入了一个相互依存的时代,谁也离不离开谁。大量美国企业在中国有自己的事业,中国企业也越来越多进入美国,进入美国各个州市,在当地创造着就业机会。去年中国已成为美国最大的贸易伙伴,5580多亿美元的贸易规模。每年中美之间来往的人次是475万,每天都有一万多名中美民众在天上飞着。
这种相互融合的关系,怎么能想象发生冲突呢?一旦发生冲突肯定是双输,而合作才能双赢。如果我们大家都意识到这一点的话,为什么要去进行无谓的零和竞争?我们应该合作,而且完全可以开展更深入的合作。中美之间具有高度的互补性,我们应该不断发掘中美合作的潜力和空间。
还有一点,为什么中国不会取代美国?很简单,因为中国不是美国。中国就是中国,中国今后也不会成为另一个美国。中国人的血脉中没有多少扩张的基因,也没有多少当救世主的冲动。中国从2000多年前开始,就不断地修建长城来保卫我们自己。这就是中国文化特质的一个典型表现。这种融化于血脉当中的文化基因和传统会继续下去。即便我们将来进一步发展了,壮大了,甚至在未来的某一天,我们的经济总体规模可能会成为世界第一。但即便到了那个时候,中国仍然不是美国。我们会以中国人的方式,以东方人的思维,以更加和谐和包容的态度来与其他国家交往,在国际社会上发挥中国应该发挥的作用。而且那个时候,中美之间的合作会更加深入,更加紧密。我认为,当今最需要的就是增进我们彼此的相互理解。
这是我今天最想讲的,谢谢大家。
看了“"2016年王毅在美国智库演讲"”
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19世纪初,美国开始对外扩张,历经二次世界大战后,美国国力大增,是当今世界上唯一的“霸权”超级大国 。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Itssuccessful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-socialconditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effortand expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter ofmilitary urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one mustunderstand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on thecharacter of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity tounderstand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as I said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of militarystrategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where oursupply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.
Good Bye.
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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在这辞旧迎新的时刻在2017年元旦来临之际,下面读文网小编整理了2017年最新迎新年朗诵稿,供你阅读参考。
迎春花开放
在火红的太阳底下
你听,那是百鸟的啁鸣
它们惊喜地叩响了
春天的第一道门扉
白云衔来温暖的怀念
久别的问好
又为咱们带来了新年的祝愿
那些沉甸甸的欢笑
像爸爸母亲的双手写满劳作和收成
一杯烈酒
盛满酽酽的乡愁
在顶风的早晨把我醉倒
流浪的游子
忍不住加紧了回家的脚步
我所酷爱的少女
已经久未谋面
仿如故园里轻轻颤栗的蛛网
默默地长成了蚕茧
趁春风还早,我要快快赶路
好问心爱的姑娘一声
爱情她可会在这个春天,开出花来
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要学会与人沟通,只要学会与人沟通,你百事都轻松,人事沟通技巧有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了人事沟通技巧,供你阅读参考。
如果彼此交情不够,问对方为什么?有时会有责问、探人隐私的意味。例如,你为什么那样做、你为什么做这个决定,这些问题都要避免。
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愉悦的暑假奔向过去,崭新的学年伴随着金色的秋天已经到来。新的一学年开始了。读文网小编为大家整理了关于2016年新学期的开学典礼主持词3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位老师,亲爱的同学们:
大家上午好!
沐浴清晨,充满了新学期的希望。今天我们欢聚一堂;在全体教职员工的精诚团结下,在所有莘莘学子的积极进取、努力拼搏中,我们手捧着锦旗、鲜花和赞誉的掌声,我们又迎来了新的学期,走进新学年,升起新希望,创造新业绩,书写新篇章!
下面,我宣布:张维一中2015-2016学年第二学期开学典礼现在开始!
大会第一项:举行升旗仪式
请全体起立,出旗!!! 升国旗,奏国歌!
礼毕,请坐。
下面,我们用掌声请各位领导到主席台就坐。
常言道:一个好校长就有一所好学校。我们张维一中之所以能够屡创佳绩、誉满城乡,是因为我们有一位理念先进、敬业爱岗、精通管理、无私奉献的好校长!
下面进行大会第二项:
让我们以热烈的掌声欢迎高军校长做新学期致辞。
高校长热情洋溢、慷慨激昂的讲话全面展示了上一学年校容校貌的巨大变化,回顾了教育教学管理的喜人成果,充分肯定了师生的优异成绩,从校长的谆谆教诲中,进一步明确了新学期的奋斗目标,吹响了新学年进军的号角。
人们说老师像红烛,照亮了别人,燃烧了自己。老师是人梯,
用自己的双肩把一代代人托起。无私奉献是老师的信念,我们的成长是老师的希冀。我们张维一中有一批高素质的教师队伍,他们乐于奉献、以校为家;他们热爱教育、富于创造;在同学们成长的路途上无私地撒播着阳光雨露。
下面进行大会第三项:请教师代表刘志娟老师讲话,掌声欢迎。
让我们再次以热烈的掌声表达对全体老师的敬意、谢意,
接下来进行大会第四项:请学生代表 同学发言。大家欢迎。
同学代表同学们对新学期表了态,希望大家处处严格要求自己,在新学期取得更大的进步。
下面进行大会第五项:宣读表彰名单
首先由我来宣读教师表彰名单,
下面我们用热烈掌声请校级优秀教职工及优秀集体负责人上台领奖。
下面请政教处郑主任宣读学生表彰名单:
请获奖学生上台领奖,我们掌声欢迎。
校长的要求,老师的教诲,同学的心声,我们时时铭记在心, “书山有路勤为径,学海无涯苦做舟”。让我们新学期在老师们的精心教导下,刻苦学习、奋力进取。用德育、知识双丰收的成绩,为张维一中这幅美丽的画卷再谱写出一页更加辉煌的篇章吧!
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过完一个轻松的暑假,迎来一个新的学期。那秋季小学开学典礼主持词该如何写?读文网小编为大家整理了3篇2016年的秋季小学开学典礼主持词,欢迎大家阅读。
2016秋季小学开学典礼主持词篇1
亲爱的老师、同学们:
大家早上好!
沐浴清晨,充满了新学期的希望。再起秋风,吹拂着跳动的心房。清爽的季节里,我们欢聚一堂;和谐的气氛中,让我们倾诉心声。敞开你的心扉,共享这难得的时光。
xx小学2011年秋季开学典礼现在开始。
第一项:升中华人民共和国国旗。
全体同学,向后转!全体立正!
升国旗、奏国歌,齐唱中华人民共和国国歌,敬礼!
礼毕!
进行第二项介绍护旗手,今天担任护旗手的是六1班的某某某同学。
(介绍护旗手)
让我们向这位光荣的护旗手致以少先队员最崇高的敬礼!
礼毕!让我们用掌声欢迎升旗手和护旗手归队!
全体同学,向后转!向前看齐!向前看!
新学期,咱们的校园里来了许多的新面孔,除了小朋友更有我们的大朋友。接下来,请学校教务主任x主任向同学们介绍刚刚来到我们学校的新老师!(介绍新老师,新老师上台前亮相)
让我们用最热烈的掌声欢迎新老师的到来。
我们xx小学之所以能够蓬勃发展,是因为我们有勤奋博学、进取争先、热爱祖国、献身教育的校领导和老师们!新的学期,新的希望,下面,我们以热烈的掌声欢迎陈校长为本次开学典礼致辞。(x校长讲话)让我们再一次用热烈的掌声感谢x校长,从校长的谆谆教诲中,我们进一步明确了新学期的奋斗目标,努力的方向。
同学们,从你们的掌声里,我深深地体会到了激情和力量。我们学校有一流的教学设施,一流的教师,更重要的是有一流的学生。同学们要在学校所提供的条件下勤奋博学、进取争先,掌握扎实的文化知识,全面提高综合素质,学会学习、学会做人,为将来立足社会、奉献社会打下扎实的基础。接下来,请学生代表xxx同学发言,大家欢迎。(学生代表讲话)xxx同学代表同学们对新学期表了态,希望大家处处严格要求自己,在新学期取得更大的进步。
人们说老师像红烛,照亮了别人,燃烧了自己。老师是人梯,用自己的双肩把一代代人托起。无私奉献是老师的信念,我们的成长是老师的希冀。我们xx小学有一批高素质的教师队伍,他们乐于奉献、以校为家;他们热爱教育、富于创造;她们是老师、更是妈妈,在同学们成长的路途上无私地撒播着阳光雨露。下面让我们以热烈的掌声有请教师代表裴洁老师讲话。(教师代表讲话)让我们再次以热烈的掌声表达对全体老师的敬意、谢意,好吗?
校长的要求,老师的教诲,同学的心声,我们要时时铭记在心。同学们,当你早上背着书包迎着朝阳开始第一天的学习时,你要抬头,你要挺胸,精神振作,信心百倍,你的心里要装上一个伟大的决心;当你在放学回家的路上,你要摸摸自己的书包,问问自己今天你又学到了什么?有没有白白浪费一天的光阴?距离你那神奇的梦、伟大的理想、美好的愿望是不是又近了一步?
同学们,让我们跟着秋天,拿起小画笔,把生活描绘得更美丽。让我们放飞心灵,展开歌喉,共唱一首春天的歌。
最后祝愿同学们在新的起点,新的航程中扬起前进的风帆,取得更辉煌的成绩!祝各位老师身体健康、工作顺心!谢谢大家!
我宣布:xx小学开学典礼到此结束。请各班有秩序地回教室。
2016秋季小学开学典礼主持词篇2
老师们、同学们:
大家上午好!
雨后的空气格外清爽,美丽的校园激情飞扬!我们刚刚度过了一个愉快、充实的暑假,迎来了XX至XX学年新的学期。在这欢快祥和的日子里,我们平顶山市第二中学的全体师生欢聚在这里,举行本学期第一次盛大聚会:开学典礼。
本学期我们迎来了650名高一新生,这为我们二中的进一步发展注入了新的活力,在此,让我们以热烈的掌声欢迎新同学!现在,请允许我向大家介绍主席台上的领导:22校长(鼓掌)、,,,副校长(鼓掌)、...副校长(鼓掌)、...副校长(鼓掌)、....副校长(鼓掌)。今天的大会由我主持,我是学校党总支书记////。现在,请允许我郑重宣布:........第二中学XX年秋季开学典礼现在开始!
鸣炮奏乐!
大会进行第一项,升国旗、奏国歌,请全体起立,行瞩目礼。请坐下。
同学们,过去的一学年,经过全校师生共同努力,学校稳步发展,取得了一个又一个令人振奋的成绩。许多同学在各级各类比赛中,取得了一个又一个佳绩,不仅展示了自己的青春风彩,同时为学校赢得了荣誉。
大会进行第二项:由陈诚副校长代表学校宣读文件“关于表彰优秀学生、优秀学生干部的决定”。
大会进行第三项:为优秀学生颁奖,请一等奖学金获得者学生代表迅速上来领奖。让我们以热烈的掌声对获奖的同学表示祝贺!
让我们用掌声对以上获奖的同学表示祝贺。同时也希望广大同学们以他们为榜样,取长补短、努力拼搏、刻苦学习。在新学期取得更大进步!
同学们,从你们的掌声里,我深深地体会到了激情和力量。一流名校的创建,要有一流的校园、一流的教学设施,一流的教师,更重要的是要有一流的学生。我们的学生要勤奋博学、奋勇争先,掌握扎实的文化知识,全面提高综合素质,学会学习、学会做人,为将来立足社会、奉献社会打下扎实的基础。再过不到一年,高三年级同学即将参加迎来人生的关键时刻,对于他们来说,这十个月的学习生活将会更加紧张,让我们听一听高三年同学的心声吧。
大会进行第四项:让我们以热烈的掌声欢迎学生代表三年级二班薛静静同学发言。
让我们再一次用掌声鼓励高三年级的同学,在不到一年的时间里,更加努力,抓紧时间。考出好成绩,给母校、家长、老师、同学交上一份满意的答卷。
二中今天的成绩,是与全体教教工的辛勤付出分不开。正是这样一批兢兢业业的教师,才让我们享受到了在平顶山最优质的高中教育。接下来的一位老师,定会让大家感受一名二中教师的风采。
大会进行第五项:欢迎教师代表苏/////老师发言。
大会进行第六项:请张扬校长作重要讲话,我们掌声欢迎------
张校长的讲话很精彩,振奋人心,相信在张校长英明的领导下,在我们全校师生的共同努力下,二中的明天一定会更加美好!
结束语
同学们,新学期,在我们每个人的面前都摊开了一张新的白纸,那么我们将如何在这张白纸上画出人生的又一幅精彩的画卷呢?同学们,有耕耘就有收获,你们成长的历程中播下的每一粒种子,都将长成参天大树;你们前进的路途上洒下的每一滴汗水,终将汇成大海中的浩瀚碧波。作为老师,为你们人生中的每一次进步、每一点进步,都会感到由衷的欣慰与高兴。二中是你的母校,将会记录你成功的每一个鼓点,这些小小的悦耳的音符,将谱就你理想的宏大乐章。那么就请用我们的勤奋和汗水,用我们的智慧和热情,抓住这宝贵的今天,师生团结一心,努力就在今朝,让我们共同描绘一幅崭新的教育奇葩,一起谱写一曲最动听、最感人的生命乐章!
我宣布:......第二中学XX年秋季开学典礼到此结束!
请同学们按指挥口令依次退场。
2016秋季小学开学典礼主持词篇3
尊敬的家长,敬爱的老师,亲爱的同学:
大家好!沐浴晨光,充满了新学期的希望。今天,我们欢聚一堂,共享这难得的时光!今天是开学的第一天,我们全校400多名学生,40多名老师,带着对暑假生活的美好记忆,带着对新学期的向往,一起开始这新学期的第一课。
下面我宣布新都小学2016秋季开学典礼暨一年级新生入学仪式现在开始。
二、升旗仪式
全体肃立,少先队员敬队礼,出旗敬礼(礼毕)
升旗、敬礼、奏唱国歌!(礼毕)
三、上场、戴校徽:
今天,我们学校迎来了一群新同学,首先就让我们以最热烈的掌声有请一年级的新同学上场。(音乐响起) (一年级小学生)
今天,我们在这里举行隆重的欢迎仪式,欢迎你们成为新都小学的学生。
下面请高年级的大哥哥大姐姐给我们的一年级小学生戴上校徽。欢迎你们加入新都小学这个大家庭。
小朋友们,看看校徽,在胸前闪光。摸摸他吧,他标志着你是一名光荣的新都小学小学生了。
四、宣誓:
请我们的小朋友右手握拳,跟我宣誓:
我骄傲,我是新都小学生!我上学,我快乐!我爱爸爸妈妈,我爱老师同学,我爱我的学校。我要好好学习,天天向上!
礼毕,把小手放下。好,请我们的一年级小学生回到队伍中。
同学们,从现在开始,这些小弟弟小妹妹和新转入的同学就正式成为我们新都小学的一员了,那么高年级的同学想对我们说些什么呢?有请学生代表2年级 的上台。
我提议,让我们再次以最热烈的掌声对他们表示祝贺,
我想说,作为一名新都小学的学生,我很幸福,因为在这个大家庭里,有那么多像爸爸妈妈一样爱我们的老师。
我想说,作为一名新都小学的学生,我很骄傲,因为我们的学校是那么美,我们的老师是那么棒。
当然,我们新都小学的学生也最棒!我们不打架,不骂人,懂礼貌,讲卫生,我们都是文明的好学生,我相信大家一定能成为新同学 学习上的榜样,生活上的帮手,让他们在新都这个大家庭中度过充实、快乐的每一天。谢谢大家!
五、介绍老师、献花、教师代表发言
一年级小朋友的成长离不开大哥哥大姐姐的关心,更离不开老师的付出和关注,现在让我们有请一年级教师团队上场。
下面请允许我为大家介绍我们一年级老师团队。他们是:
庾* 杨* 张* 李* 余* 方*
崔* 马* 朱* 徐* 殷*
下面请王校长为他们送上鲜花,请他们接受全体师生崇高的敬意。
新都小学有美丽的校园,有宽敞明亮的教室,还有这么多可亲可敬的老师,下面请一年级教师代表庾老师发言,大家欢迎!
老师的嘱托我们一定放在心上,老师们请放心。一年级小朋友们一定会努力!
六、校长致辞,教师宣誓
新的学期,新的希望,下面,我们以热烈的掌声欢迎王校长为本次开学典礼致辞。
结束语:校长的要求,老师的教诲,同学的心声,我们要时时铭记在心。下面我宣布新都小学20114秋学期开学典礼到此结束。最后祝老师们在本学期中身心健康,工作顺利!祝同学们学习进步,快乐成长!祝我们新都小学这个大家庭蒸蒸日上!各班带队回教室。一年级学生留下来合影。并且参观校园。
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寒雪梅中尽,春风柳上归,经过了一个平安、愉快的寒假,我们满怀着新的希望迎来了2017年开学典礼。读文网小编为大家整理了关于2017年春季开学典礼的主持词3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位领导、老师、亲爱的同学们:
度过一个充实、愉快而有意义的假期,我们怀着激动的心情,承载着父母的期望,背负着远大的理想,信心满怀地回到了学校,精神抖擞地走进了新学期。拉开了新学年工作和学习的序幕。今天桃园中学全体师生欢聚一起,举行本学期第一次集会开学典礼,暨*****中学2017-2018学年度上学期开学典礼。
参加今天会议有七年级新生980人,八九年级学生1927人,全体教职员工312人,主席台就座的领导:
现在我宣布****2017-2018学年度上学期开学典礼现在开始。 进行大会第一项:奏国歌升国旗,全体起立,立正、脱帽向国旗注目。
礼毕请坐。
进行大会第二项:由贾校长宣读表奖决定。
第三项:由孙校长宣布名单
第四项:表奖
第五项:学生代表发言
第六项:教师代表发言
第七项:年部校长讲话
六个年部校长的讲话都结合本年部的学生特点设置具体的工作思路,七年级以养成教育为主线,重点培养学生的学习习惯,生活习惯与行为习惯。八年级以个性发展为主导,培养良好兴趣渲染学习氛围,远离不良行为。九年级以理想前途为主题,争取高优教育机遇,实现人生第一个梦想。在六位年部校长的发言中有三个共同点:一是紧紧抓住管理的一个共同重点——课堂,要向45分钟要质量,课堂教学改革势在必行,要进一步明确教育流程。二是紧紧抓住管理的一个共同问题——效能,充分发挥新型管理体制的能动性。三是紧紧抓住管理的一个共同目标——中考,这是民心工程、质量工程,所有教学教育活动要紧紧围绕这一目标开展,在教学过程中要分析好重难点,抓住关键点,理清考点,贯通知识链接点。让同学们清楚学什么,为什么学,怎么学,学到什么程度,各年部充分发挥新型管理体制的能动性,要抓好教学管理与学生管理。六位年部校长代表全体教师表明了新组建的桃园中学爱业敬业、务业精业的决心。
同学们、老师们,我们就要扬正气打造桃园新形象。请各位老师全体同学们用良好的态度,十足的干劲为美好的明天而奋斗。美国作家罗曼·文森特·皮尔说过:人不能改变过去,但可以改变现在;人不能改变别人,但可以改变自己;人不能改变环境,但可以改变态度;人不能样样顺利,但可以事事尽心。心态决定命运,态度决定一切。无论做什么只要端正态度就是成功的开始。
第八项请刘校长讲话
刘校长用简洁干练精辟的语言描绘了桃园中学美好的前景,阐明了学校的办学思想,及完善高标准硬件设施,为师生校园生活打造坚实的物质基础,优化适应人才发展的教育环境,为师生成长提供营养丰富的土壤,创新教育教学管理方法,为师生知识情感沟通搭建桥梁,明确了学校各项工作的方向与主要措施,重点强调了学生管理要求,学生对生活学习从细节,从统一,从规范做起;阐明桃园中学的办学目标,就是建设一流的领导集体,打造一流的师资队伍,营造一流的办学环境,推行一流的管理模式,实施一流的教学方法,达成一流的人才出口,在刘校长的讲话中,蕴涵着成人成才,成功的办学理念,鼓舞着全校教职工的工作干劲,激发着同学们学习热情,章显爱心教育、快乐教育、激情教育的办学特色。
同学们老师们,让我们借开学典礼的东风,弘壮志树新风共同描绘一幅崭新的教育奇葩,谱写一曲最动听、最感人的生命乐章!下面我宣布开学典礼到此结束。各班级下周一前召开主题班会,深入贯彻大会精神,学习各项制度,制定班级目标。现在我宣布****2017-2018学年度开学典礼现在毕会。
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父母如何和20岁的孩子沟通?父母和20岁的孩子沟通的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了父母和20岁的孩子沟通的方法,供你阅读参考。
1、父母与孩子要坦诚交心。
这样才能了解孩子的心境,才知道孩子在想什么,需要什么,出现了问题然后才能对症下药,给予适当的引导和帮助。譬如遇到孩子有些不良行为时,如上网成瘾、抽烟等,父母首先要冷静处理,不要气昏了头。要以体贴、谅解的语气鼓励孩子说出原因或心中感觉,巧妙地使用沉默与倾听,领略孩子谈话的要点或弦外之音。由于父母的态度诚恳及友善,孩子会毫无保留地宣泄内心的情感,通过聆听、对话的方式,父母逐渐引导孩子重新思考问题的核心,共同摸索一个解决的办法,孩子知道父母尊重他、愿意接受他,了解他和帮助他,当然孩子也就会听父母的话,改正不良毛病。
2、要达到良好的沟通,父母温和的态度很关键。
如果父母在孩子面前总是处于居高临下的地位,总是以一副威严的的面孔对孩子,以严厉的语气与孩子讲话,无形中会使孩子产生畏惧的心理,从而不敢和父母交流,有的孩子甚至还会产生反抗的心理。这样不仅达不到教育孩子的目的,而且还会阻断亲子间的沟通。父母只有以温和的态度对待孩子,才能使孩子感到爱和温暖,才能使孩子愿意向父母吐露心声,才能达到孩子愿意接受教育的目的。相反,父母用粗暴野蛮的方式打孩子,就会造成孩子反敢。打孩子是愚蠢的行为,最终只会出现两种结果。一是打出一个小霸王,你打他他就打别人。二是打出一个窝囊废,他见了谁都害怕。这是家长愿意看到的结果吗?当然不是,所以还是要与孩子讲道理,以理服人。
3、平等相处,把孩子视为自己的朋友。
真正的朋友是无年龄、无性别、无职位、无地位之分。与孩子交朋友,用老百姓的话说就是要看得起孩子,对他有一种认可的态度,而不是用成人的眼光,完美无缺的标准,高出孩子实际年龄的尺度来要求孩子。否则,就会造成孩子对父母惧怕的心理,甚至是存有戒心,那么他就会敬而远之,不可能向父母袒露胸怀的。父母只有与孩子平等相处,尊重他的意愿,孩子才会把你当作真正的朋友,愿意和你分享他的忧愁,也才不会压抑和膨胀。父母才能给孩子真正的朋友感觉,父母在孩子的心目中才是真正的力量源泉,父母给孩子的爱才能永远不衰竭,成为孩子向上的精神支柱,成为孩子心灵的永久归属。《中学生心理》杂志一篇文章中写到,94,5%的网瘾青少年对父母产生敌意,北京军区总医院青少年心理成长基地陶然主任,在收治641例网络成瘾青少年临床心理分析报告中指出:青少年网瘾的影响因素包括家庭、学校、社会,其家庭因素的影响为主要的。调查发现:46%网瘾青少年在童年期受过重大生活的创伤。94,5%的孩子对父母有敌意,52%的孩子评价父母缺乏温暖和理解。孩子对父母有敌意怎么会愿意接受父母的教育呢?
4、和孩子交流时要多倾听、少说话。
许多家长在与孩子沟通过程中,总是自己说让孩子听,特别是当孩子在某一个问题上申诉时,家长就以翅膀长硬了为理由,堵住了孩子说话的机会,而这样的交流,实际上是家长给自己设置了与孩子沟通的障碍。如果家长要了解孩子的想法与感受。就应当多让孩子说,既算是孩子真的犯了错误,父母也要静下心来,以同情与认同的态度,站在孩子的立场让他倾诉,不要打断孩子的说话,加插自己的意见与批评,孩子心中的感受得以抒发后,烦恼自然就会消失一半。这样做不但可增进亲子沟通的感情,也可以让孩子明白,当遇到任何烦恼时,回到家里都会得到父母的体谅和支持。这会增加孩子的安全感,当然,孩子也更愿意在这种安全感中多与父母交谈和沟通,把自己的所感所想都倾诉给父母。
5、与孩子一起探讨教育的方法。
不少父母为教育孩子彻夜难眠,到处打听教育孩子的方法,却忽略了一个简单的道理,如农民种庄稼,知道庄稼最需要的养料是最好的养料,企业家懂得顾客最满意的商品才是最好的商品,孩子最喜欢的方法才是最好的方法。家长不妨找孩子一起探讨,什么教育方法才是受孩子欢迎的。家长应当怎么做才是孩子感到快乐并愿意接受的。教育者父母的行为和态度方式最直接深刻地影响教育对象,在这个过程中我们要给孩子什么,必须先明确他需要什么?如现在的孩子追星的问题,有一个家长就特别明智,她的女儿偶像是周杰伦,她说作为我个人并不欣赏周杰伦,但因为女儿喜欢,我只好试着去了解,如果父母看不起周杰伦,哪么他必然形成代沟。家长说我搜集周杰伦的资料,他是奋斗出来的天才,青少年喜欢他是有原因的,他生活在单亲家庭,对母亲非常孝顺,这是很感人的,出售周杰伦的书我是见一本买一本,跟女儿学唱他的歌。然后去与孩子有效地引导,理性地对待偶像,母子之间就有了共同的话题。我认为歌唱得不好并不重要关键是与孩子沟通,沟通比水平更重要。
6、父母要给孩子充分的个人空间。
孩子不希望父母完全控制他们的生活,只希望父母充当顾问或支持才的角色,过多的干涉他们会有一种被监督的感觉,认为失去了自由,便会产生一种不满情绪,就会躲避家长,并产生隔阂。所以家长要尊重孩子,给孩子充分的个人空间,放手让他们自己去思考去设计去独立完成自己想做的事,真正实现自己的愿望。
7、父母要尊重孩子、信任孩子。
尊重孩子首先要把孩子看着是自由、独立、完整、有独特个性、人格和尊严的人。要尊重孩子的兴趣和爱好;尊重孩子的情绪和情感;尊重孩子的个性差异;尊重孩子的报负和志向;尊重孩子的选择和判断及个人的意愿。切忌伤害孩子的自尊心,体罚或变相体罚孩子。父母尊重孩子才会激起孩子的自尊。人性最大的悲哀是缺乏自尊。自尊是一个人灵魂中伟大的杠杆,没有尊严的人等于是一具躯壳。父母尊重孩子,孩子才会尊重他人尊重社会,才能获得外界对他的尊重。
8、父母要与时俱进,讲究教育的艺术。
我们经常遇到一些苦恼的家长,殚精竭虑,什么招都用了,孩子就是不听话。究其原因是我们的家长落伍了。现今社会是个多元的时代,孩子面前的诱惑很多,从客观上讲教育的难度确实是增大了,但我们的家长没有与时俱进努力学习则是一个很重要的问题。我国有70%的家长没有系统地学习过养育孩子方面的知识,使用的方法多是上一代养育方法的延续,有的则是一成不变的方法来培育不同年龄阶段的孩子,难免在教育孩子时力不成心。
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沟通对于我们无论是小孩与大人之间或者是小孩与小孩之间都需要,当今社会的人的"语言"是沟通的最重要元素,父母应该怎么和20岁的孩子沟通?父母和20岁的孩子沟通的方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了父母和20岁的孩子沟通的方法,供你阅读参考。
放下父母的架子,坦开自己的胸怀,尊重孩子的观点,和孩子平等地交谈。给孩子营造一种他(她)已是大人的气氛,让他(她)享受大人的部分权利,同时引导他(她)自觉地履行大人的义务。如果做到这些,他(她)与父母的共同语言就多了,父母与孩子的交流和沟通自然就更容易了。时间一长,孩子就会什么都告诉你的,父母和孩子就会成为无话不谈的好朋友了。
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化学老师面试自我介绍范文5篇【精选】
当我们要去应聘化学老师的时候我们的自我介绍该怎么做呢?让我们一起来看看化学老师面试时的自我介绍是怎么做的吧!今天小编在这给大家整理了一些化学老师面试自我介绍范文,就让我们一起来看看吧!
尊敬的校长:
您好!首先感谢您能抽出宝贵的时间来看我的自荐信。
我是__学院初等教育学院20__年应届毕业生,我叫。毕业在际,我已做好各方面的准备,有足够的信心和能力从事教师工作。衷心希望能到贵校任教,在您麾下效力。
我是一个性格开朗、外向、幽默、为人直爽,平时爱说爱笑爱玩爱闹的女孩,但做起事来认真投入,责任感强,思维比较活跃,具有较强的创新意识和能力。
教育经历(20__—20__年在师范学习,20__—20__年在__学院初等学院学习)在校期间,主修了音乐、舞蹈、钢琴、乐理视唱等,选修了体育拉钉和公务员等课程,学习认真努力,成绩优良。教育实习期间,积极深入班级、悉心研究教法,虚心向师长求教,在教学方面进步很快,受到师生的一致好评,实习成绩优秀。由于我在各方面都能严格要求自己,在学习和工作中都取得了较好的成绩,(08到20__年获三好学生称号,20__年学习雷锋演讲比赛获三等奖,在20__年古筝四级通过,20__年舞蹈八级通过。)
我对自己的能力颇有信心。做一名优秀的教师是我一直以来的理想;我所崇高的教育是以人为本,因人施教。教育、教人、学校应该是为学生服务的。
四年技校生活的学习和锻炼,给我仅是初步的经验积累,对于迈向社会远远不够的,但所谓士为知已者死,我相信自己的饱满的工作热情以及认真好学的态度完全可以弥补暂时的不足。因此,面对过去,我无怨无悔,来到这里是一种明智的选择;面对现在,我努力拼搏;面对将来,我期待更多的挑战。战胜困难,抓住每一个机遇,相信自己一定会演绎出精彩的一幕。
我的人生格言是少壮不努力,老大徒伤悲。
希望通过我的这封自荐信,能使您对我有一个更全面深入的了解,我愿意以极大的热情与责任心投入到贵学校的教育事业中去。您的选择是我的期望。
最后祝贵学校的教育蒸蒸日上--稳步发展!
此致
敬礼
师范音乐班
20__年5月
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2023年个人最新自我介绍12篇
自我介绍如果需要介绍的内容比较多,可以将其分为几个部分,每个部分分别介绍。下面给大家分享一些关于2023年个人最新自我介绍12篇,希望能够对大家的需要带来力所能及的有效帮助。
尊敬的各位评委老师:
大家好,我叫__,今年__岁,__即将获得__大学__学位。
很荣幸今天能参加这次面试,我有信心自己能够有好的表现。我的专业是__。除了牢牢掌握专业知识外,我对英语和计算机的兴趣非常浓厚,在校期间通过了专业英语__级,计算机__等级。
生活中我的性格比较热情开朗,容易相处,在工作上我却认真而严谨,没有一丝马虎。我相信工作的压力是前进的动力。如果您愿意给我一个动力,我一定会竭尽所能把工作做好!谢谢!
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2023年面试简短自我介绍10篇
面试在自我介绍中,要突出自己的重点和特点,下面给大家分享一些关于2023年面试简短自我介绍10篇,希望能够对大家的需要带来力所能及的有效帮助。
各位尊敬的考官:
大家好!
我叫__,来自称为之邦发源地的山东。我有着山东人的豪爽和直率,虽不能称为山东大汉,可坦率和乐观是我不变的本色。
我尽管看上去瘦瘦的,可我的肩膀并不稚嫩。她在高中三年,挑起了整个班级的职责。班级中,我亲历亲为,上与班主任,下与同学们,都作好交流与沟通。她既承载了荣誉,也承受过委屈,所以我认为我看上去瘦弱的身躯其实有着能够承担千斤重担的臂膀,这令我充满了勇气和信心:那就是在艰难、挫折、屈辱面前,始终持续好自己的心境,用平和的心态,多方位的.角度去处理棘手的问题。
我对自己要求严格,从多个方面锻炼自己:看书,是我不断增长知识、吸取智慧的重要途径,亦是加强自我修养的最佳方法;,给了我色彩斑斓的世界,我用我仅学过两年的画笔描摹出我心中稚雅而又理想的世界;演讲,它给了我展示自己风采的舞台,我想把我思想着,成熟亦或不成熟的观点,传达给观众,与他们交流,听他们,完善着自我;音乐,我从音乐中获取心灵的快乐与宁静,音乐教给我如何细细体悟人生。
随着这些潜力的增长,加上我乐观的性格,平和的心态,谦恭的举止,我想,我会与同学们融合在一齐,共同为我们的整体做出自己应有的贡献。
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2023面试如何做自我介绍(12篇)
有效的自我介绍应该包括自己的职业、教育背景、工作经历、兴趣爱好等,下面给大家分享一些关于2023面试如何做自我介绍(12篇),希望能够对大家的需要带来力所能及的有效帮助。
各位面试官:
您们好!
首先,非常感谢各位面试官,给了我,一个展示自我的机会和平台,来实现我的理想。我是一个性格开朗,爱好广泛的女孩。从小我就有一个愿望,长大后一定要做新闻的女孩,因此我选择了新闻学专业,大学的四年,给我奠定了扎实的专业理论基础,务实的工作作风还有良好的为人处世能力。
我注重专业知识的学习,学习成绩优秀,掌握了基本的新闻理论基础知识。在大学里,我们主修了新闻概论,新闻采访,新闻写作,新闻摄影摄像等一系列相关课程。我也利用课余时间阅读了大量书籍,观赏了很多有价值的电视专题。这些为以后的工作学习打下了基础。打小我就对文学有着特殊的感情,进入本专业也与之有一定关联。经过长时间的实践和积累,现在已经可以熟练地运用文字,形成了自己的写作风格。自小便有文章陆续发表。同时,我也学会了基本新闻摄影及新闻剪辑技术。
大学期间我还担任过学生干部,有良好的管理能力、组织能力、协调能力和强烈的集体主义精神,注重团队的合作。在这些活动和工作中,我培养了自己快速高效的做事能力。也养成了良好的思想品格.
四年大学的学习生活把我培养成拥有自信的性格和踏实严谨的工作作风的成熟青年,然而,我深知自己所学知识是有限的,也正因为如此我真诚希望贵单位能够给我一个机会。我将在今后工作中虚心学习,不断钻研,积累工作经验,提高工作能力,为贵单位奉献自己有限的才智!
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2024求职面试自我介绍精选11篇
在自我介绍时,可以适当地使用一些实例或者数据来支持自己的观点,以便让听众更好地了解自己。下面给大家分享一些关于2024求职面试自我介绍精选11篇,希望能够对大家的需要带来力所能及的有效帮助。
我是__学院工程管理系建筑学的学生。大学期间,我以优秀成绩,多次获得校综合,国家励志奖学金,并多次被评为“优秀学生”荣誉称号,以满足专业知识。
在造价专业上,我学习了《工程造价计价与控制》、《工程经济学》、《市政工程计量与计价》、《建筑工程计量与计价》、《安装工程计量与计价》、《合同管理与招投标》、《建筑审计》等专业课程。熟练操作并应用晨曦计价软件、华平钢筋计算软件与CAD建筑绘图软件。
在校时经常做专业课程设计,并到工地现场进行一星期的现场观摩实习,跟着高级工程师学习以及实践,掌握了经纬仪在工地上的应用,混凝土试块的检验,钢筋的绑扎以及熟悉配筋图,了解一些应办理施工签证的情况等等。在学校学习的理论知识与实践结合起来,更加全方面地掌握专业技能。学习之余,我参加了大量的社会实践活动,从而锻炼了自己吃
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面试自我介绍范文简短(精选20篇)
面试自我介绍范文简短怎么写?在自我介绍中需要表达自信和积极的态度,这可以让自己看起来更加自信、有魅力,同时也可以让听众感受到自己的热情和积极性。下面是为大家整理的面试自我介绍范文简短,希望大家喜欢!
很荣幸能够站在这个舞台上与来自我们系各个班的精英们一起展示自己,首先请允许我自我介绍一下,我叫李廷巧,来自电子商务0601班,是现任的团支书,今天我竞选的是团总支助管。我有着强烈的工作心和责任感,有胜任领导工作的组织能力,文化水平和专业知识。一向热爱集体,乐于助人的一个平凡的我,怀着锻炼自己,积累经验,服务老师和同学的目的,让我毫不犹豫的选择了团总支这个大舞台,在这个舞台上,我将会把握自己,挖掘自己,展示自己,实现自己。
助管部在团总支中扮演着重要角色,它主要服务广大的贫困生,同时兼顾其他需要帮助的同学。它经过一年多的发展壮大,在全系乃至整个学院的影响力不断扩大,它让很多贫困学生重新找回了自信,部门成员在部门里从各个方面提高了自己的能力,尤其在社交和人际交往方面有了很大的提升。部门取得了诸多成绩,使部长一职更具挑战力,但我自信我有能力做好组织和引导工作,同时,我也坚信,通过今天的洗礼,明天的我必将受益匪浅,在团总支的工作锻炼中,一只雏鸟必将长起丰满的双翼。
虽然,面前的我们还可能是陌生的面孔,但这只是暂时的,不能阻碍你们对我的信任和支持,今天我以助管部为荣,明天助管部以我为荣,请不要再犹豫,为我投上你们真诚的每一票,请大家支持我,谢谢大家!
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万能自我介绍60秒(通用20篇)
万能自我介绍60秒怎么写?自我介绍可能需要根据不同场合进行调整。例如,在面试或演讲时需要更加正式和谨慎地表达自己,避免使用太多的俚语和幽默等口语化的语言。下面是为大家整理的万能自我介绍60秒,希望大家喜欢!
各位下午好!
下面我将通过简单的面试自我介绍让您来了解我。我叫__,来自__,年龄__岁。于今年6月份毕业于__学院,专业为__,我以前做过__销售和__销售,所以对销售有一定的经验。此外,我在__店门市工作过,对服务好顾客有一定的心得。
在读书期间,我已经做过暑期工,是向用餐的客人推销啤酒。那时我则我认为,营销是一种服务。既然是一种服务,就应该做到让大家满意,用热情和真心去做。激情,工作中不可或缺的要素,是推动我们在工作中不断创新,全身心投入工作的动力。激情加上挑战自我的意识,我相信我能胜任这份工作。
我非常欣赏贵司企业文化:“诚信是我们合作的基础,双赢是我们共同的目标!”我愿与__文化一起发展,一起创造辉煌的明天!请考官考虑给我提供一个试岗的机会,我有信心做好该岗位工作,愿服从贵公司的安排,随时可以就任岗位,并在贵公司做长期发展的准备,因为是贵公司给了我这样一个机会。
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