为您找到与经典英文诗朗诵三分钟相关的共200个结果:
我们如果掌握了用声音塑造形象的手法,那将为诗歌创作开拓一个更加广阔的领域。无论是比拟、夸张或借代,都有赖于诗人对客观事物进行敏锐的观察,融入自己的情感,加以大胆的想象,甚至幻想。下面读文网小编整理了优美的英文诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
However mean your life is, meet it and live it; do not shun it and call it hard names.It is not so bad as you are.
It looks poorest when you are richest.The fault-finder will find faults in paradise. Love your life, poor as it is.
You may perhaps have some pleasant, thrilling, glorious hours, even in a poor-house. The setting sun is reflected from the windows of the alms-house as brightly as from the rich man's abode; the snow melts before its door as early in the spring. I do not see but a quiet mind may live as contentedly there, and have as cheering thoughts, as in a palace.
The town's poor seem to me often to live the most independent lives of any. Maybe they are simply great enough to receive without misgiving. Most think that they are above being supported by the town; but it often happens that they are not above supporting themselves by dishonest means. which should be more disreputable.
Cultivate poverty like a garden herb, like sage.Do not trouble yourself much to get new things, whether clothes or friends. Turn the old, return to them.
Things do not change; we change. Sell your clothes and keep your thoughts.
看过“优美的英文诗朗诵”
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文经典演讲文章,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Dr. Conant, members of the Board of Overseers, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am
overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position. But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of Europe and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.
In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the German war machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.
There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery, as I have said, is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.
Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So, the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from America -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character.
The remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the people of Europe in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to question.
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States. It is already evident that before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.
I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions. But, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Thank you very much.
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朗诵要注意嗓音、用气、语言的理解、轻重缓急、停顿等朗诵的表达技巧的充分运用。下面读文网小编整理了三分钟朗读的经典散文7篇_适合朗读的文章3分钟,供你阅读参考。
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闲读梧桐
余秋雨
梧桐就在我们住的那幢楼的前面,在花圃和草地的中央,在曲径通幽的那个拐弯口,整日整夜地与我们对视。
它要比别处的其他树大出许多,足有合抱之粗,如一位“伟丈夫”,向空中伸展;又像一位矜持的少女,繁茂的叶子如长发,披肩掩面,甚至遮住了整个身躯。我猜想,当初它的身边定然有许多的树苗和它并肩成长,后来,或许因为环境规划需要,被砍伐了;或许就是它本身的素质好,顽强地坚持下来。它从从容容地走过岁月的风雨,高大起来了。闲来临窗读树已成为我生活中的一部分了。
某日,母亲从北方来信:寒潮来了,注意保暖御寒。入夜,便加了一床被子。果然,夜半有呼风啸雨紧叩窗棂。我从酣梦里惊醒,听到那冷雨滴落空阶如原始的打击乐。于是无眠,想起家信。想起母亲说起的家谱,想起外祖父风雨如晦的际遇。外祖父是地方上知名的教育家,一生两袖清风献给桑梓教育事业,放弃了几次外聘高就的机会。然而,在那史无前例的岁月里,他不愿屈从于非人的折磨,在一个冷雨的冬夜,饮恨自尽。我无缘见到他老人家,只是从小舅家读到一张黑色镜框里肃然的面容。我不敢说画师的技艺有多高,只是坚信那双眼睛是传了神的。每次站到它跟前,总有一种情思嬗传于我,冥冥之中,与我的心灵默默碰撞。
浮想联翩,伴以风雨大作,了无睡意,就独自披衣临窗。夜如墨染,顷刻间我也融入这浓稠的夜色中了。惊奇地发现,天边竟有几颗寒星眨巴着瞌睡的眼!先前原是错觉,根本就没有下雨,只有风,粗暴狂虐的北风。这时,最让我“心有戚戚”的便是不远处的那株梧桐了。只能依稀看到它黛青色的轮廓,承受着一份天边的苍凉。阵风过处,是叶叶枝枝互相簇拥颤起的呼号,时而像俄罗斯民谣,时而像若有若无的诗歌。不知怎的,外祖父的遗像又蓦然浮上眼帘,似与这株沉默的梧桐有种无法言喻的契合。不求巨臂擎天的闻达,但也有荫庇一方的坦荡。
次日醒来,红日满窗,竟是大晴。
惦念的是那一树黄叶。推开窗棂,读到的树,竟是一个显山露水的甲骨文字;没有昨日那遮天蔽日的叶子,剩下的是虬树挺干。我的心像是被谁搁上了一块沉重的冰,无法再幻作一只鸟,向那棵树飞去了。这一夜的风呵,就凋零了满树的生命!而风又奈你何,坠落的终要坠落,无须挽留,你还有一身傲骨与春天之前的整个冬季抗争!
于是,我读懂了梧桐的寂寞,不是慨叹韶华流逝的漠然,不是哀怨人潮人海中的孤寂,而是一种禅意,一种宁静和虚空的玄奥,服从自然又抗衡自然,洞悉自然又糊涂自然,任风雕雨蚀,四季轮回,日月如晦,花开花落,好一种从容淡泊的大度!不禁又感慨起外祖父的英年早逝,悲哀起他屈从天命的无奈、悲哀起那个年代里的人们。
又是一阵熟悉的树叶婆娑的沙沙声响,亲切地叩击着耳鼓。俯目望去,一个红衣女孩雀跃在那黄叶覆盖的小径,那模样似乎每一片叶子都在为她青春的步履伴奏。此刻,我的窗台上,扑进一阙蓬松的阳光,洒在案前昨夜未曾合上的一卷旧书上。
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态度是个体对特定对象所持有的稳定的心理倾向。这种心理倾向蕴含着个体的主观评价以及由此产生的行为倾向性。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些关于态度决定一切英文三分钟演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
There is a well-known proverb,“Every horse thinks its own pack heaviest,” which means whether people feel optimistic or not lies in what attitudes they adopt. It is universally acknowledged that life is by no means perfect and a positive attitude makes life brighter. As the case stands, it is our attitude rather than the situation itself that determines how we feel.
On the one hand, a positive mind brings about an active life, because to be in a good mood or a bad mood is at one’ s own choice. On the other hand, looking at the bright side of the situation and remaining cheerful work out quite well when one is confronted with adversity.
In such a rat-race society, everyone is bound to encounter difficulties. In my opinion, we should keep an optimistic attitude to pull through any hardship, as we can say “attitude is everything” .
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教师既是一种社会角色,也是角色的承担者,泛指传授知识、经验的人,狭义上指指受过专门教育和训练,并在教育(学校)中担任教育、教学工作的人。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些教师三分钟英文即兴演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Welcome to NBA.First, let me show a short video to you.
The First team I will talk about is Houston Rockets.In this team,there are two MAP candidates.One is T-Mac,the other one is Yao Ming.There are Bonzi Wells,Steve Francis,Mike James,Shane Battier and Rafer Alston also.I think it’s powerful enough.
Some experts even claim that they could win 60 games.But in fact,they have lost 7 games.I think maybe they can’t win the games as many as the experts said,but they must be a strong power in the western this season if the stars specially Tracy and Yao could keep health.
The second team is Dallas Mavericks.Last season,they won more than 60 games,but they were washed out in the playoff.And this team became the second team which won 60 or more games but lost the champion.
This season,most of the players there are in their golden age and I think they own the ability to create everything what even out of everyone’s expectation.
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演讲是一种对自身沟通能力的提升的活动,英语演讲更是提升我们英语能力的方式。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些经典三分钟英语演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
世界是我们的,未来是我们的
Someone said “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. I don’t know who wrote these words, but I’ve always liked them as a reminder that the future can be anything we want it to be. We are all in the position of the farmers. If we plant a good seed ,we reap a good harvest. If we plant nothing at all, we harvest nothing at all.
We are young. “How to spend the youth?” It is a meaningful question. To answer it, first I have to ask “what do you understand by the word youth?” Youth is not a time of life, it’s a state of mind. It’s not a matter of rosy cheeks, red lips or supple knees. It’s the matter of the will. It’s the freshneof the deep spring of life.
A poet said “To see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wild flower, hold infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour. Several days ago, I had a chance to listen to a lecture. I learnt a lot there. I’d like to share it with all of you. Let’s show our right palms. We can see three lines that show how our love.career and life is. I have a short line of life.
What about yours? I wondered whether we could see our future in this way. Well, let’s make a fist. Where is our future?
Where is our love, career, and life? Tell me.Yeah, it is in our hands. It is held in ourselves.
We all want the future to be better than the past. But the future can go better itself. Don’t cry because it is over, smile because it happened. From the past, we’ve learnt that the life is tough, but we are tougher. We’ve learnt that we can’t choose how we feel, but we can choose what about it. Failure doesn’t mean you don’t have it, it does mean you should do it in a different way. Failure doesn’t mean you should give up, it does mean you must try harder.
As what I said at the beginning, “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. The past has gone. Nothing we do will change it. But the future is in front of us. Believe that what we give to the world, the world will give to us. And from today on, let’s be the owners of ourselves, and speak out “We are the world, we are the future.”
看了“"经典三分钟英语演讲稿三篇"”
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TED演讲的特点是毫无繁杂冗长的专业讲座,观点响亮,开门见山,种类繁多,看法新颖。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些ted的经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Imagine a big explosion as you climb through 3,000 ft. Imagine a plane full of smoke. Imagine an engine going clack, clack, clack, clack, clack, clack, clack. It sounds scary.
想像一个大爆炸,当你在三千多英尺的高空;想像机舱内布满黑烟,想像引擎发出喀啦、喀啦、喀啦、喀啦、喀啦的声响,听起来很可怕。
Well I had a unique seat that day. I was sitting in 1D. I was the only one who can talk to the flight attendants. So I looked at them right away, and they said, "No problem. We probably hit some birds." The pilot had already turned the plane around, and we weren't that far. You could see Manhattan.
那天我的位置很特別,我坐在1D,我是唯一可以和空服员说话的人,于是我立刻看着他们,他们说,“没问题,我们可能撞上鸟了。” 机长已经把机头转向,我们离目的地很近,已经可以看到曼哈顿了。
Two minutes later, 3 things happened at the same time. The pilot lines up the plane with the Hudson River. That's usually not the route. He turns off the engines. Now imagine being in a plane with no sound. And then he says 3 words-the most unemotional 3 words I've ever heard. He says, "Brace for impact."
两分钟以后,三件事情同时发生:机长把飞机对齐哈德逊河,一般的航道可不是这样。他关上引擎。想像坐在一架没有声音的飞机上。然后他说了几个字,我听过最不带情绪的几个字,他说,“即将迫降,小心冲击。”
I didn't have to talk to the flight attendant anymore. I could see in her eyes, it was terror. Life was over.
我不用再问空服员什么了。我可以在她眼神里看到恐惧,人生结束了。
Now I want to share with you 3 things I learned about myself that day.
现在我想和你们分享那天我所学到的三件事。
I leant that it all changes in an instant. We have this bucket list, we have these things we want to do in life, and I thought about all the people I wanted to reach out to that I didn't, all the fences I wanted to mend, all the experiences I wanted to have and I never did. As I thought about that later on, I came up with a saying, which is, "collect bad wines". Because if the wine is ready and the person is there, I'm opening it. I no longer want to postpone anything in life. And that urgency, that purpose, has really changed my life.
在那一瞬间内,一切都改变了。我们的人生目标清单,那些我们想做的事,所有那些我想联络却没有联络的人,那些我想修补的围墙,人际关系,所有我想经历却没有经历的事。之后我回想那些事,我想到一句话,那就是,“我收藏的酒都很差。” 因为如果酒已成熟,分享对象也有,我早就把把酒打开了。我不想再把生命中的任何事延后,这种紧迫感、目标性改变了我的生命。
The second thing I learnt that day - and this is as we clear the George Washington bridge, which was by not a lot - I thought about, wow, I really feel one real regret, I've lived a good life. In my own humanity and mistaked, I've tired to get better at everything I tried. But in my humanity, I also allow my ego to get in. And I regretted the time I wasted on things that did not matter with people that matter. And I thought about my relationship with my wife, my friends, with people. And after, as I reflected on that, I decided to eliminate negative energy from my life. It's not perfect, but it's a lot better. I've not had a fight with my wife in 2 years. It feels great. I no longer try to be right; I choose to be happy.
那天我学到的第二件事是,正当我们通过乔治华盛顿大桥,那也没过多久,我想,哇,我有一件真正后悔的事。虽然我有人性缺点,也犯了些错,但我生活得其实不错。我试着把每件事做得更好。但因为人性,我难免有些自我中心,我后悔竟然花了许多时间,和生命中重要的人讨论那些不重要的事。我想到我和妻子、朋友及人们的关系,之后,回想这件事时,我决定除掉我人生中的负面情绪。还没完全做到,但确实好多了。过去两年我从未和妻子吵架,感觉很好,我不再尝试争论对错,我选择快乐。
The third thing I learned - and this's as you mental clock starts going, "15, 14, 13." You can see the water coming. I'm saying, "Please blow up." I don't want this thing to break in 20 pieces like you've seen in those documentaries. And as we're coming down, I had a sense of, wow, dying is not scary. It's almost like we've been preparing for it our whole lives .But it was very sad. I didn't want to go. I love my life. And that sadness really framed in one thought, which is, I only wish for one thing. I only wish I could see my kids grow up.
我所学到的第三件事是,当你脑中的始终开始倒数“15,14,13”,看到水开始涌入,心想,“拜托爆炸吧!” 我不希望这东西碎成20片,就像纪录片中看到的那样。当我们逐渐下沉,我突然感觉到,哇,死亡并不可怕,就像是我们一生一直在为此做准备,但很令人悲伤。我不想就这样离开,我热爱我的生命。这个悲伤的主要来源是,我只期待一件事,我只希望能看到孩子长大。
About a month later, I was at a performance by my daugter - first-grade, not much artistic talent... yet. And I 'm balling, I'm crying, like a little kid. And it made all the sense in the world to me. I realized at that point by connecting those two dots, that the only thing that matters in my life is being a great dad. Above all, above all, the only goal I have in life is to be a good dad.
一个月后,我参加女儿的表演,她一年级,没什么艺术天份,就算如此。我泪流满面,像个孩子,这让我的世界重新有了意义。当当时我意识到,将这两件事连接起来,其实我生命中唯一重要的事,就是成为一个好父亲,比任何事都重要,比任何事都重要,我人生中唯一的目标就是做个好父亲。
I was given the gift of a miracle, of not dying that day. I was given another gift, which was to be able to see into the future and come back and live differently.
那天我经历了一个奇迹,我活下來了。我还得到另一个启示,像是看见自己的未来再回來,改变自己的人生。
I challenge you guys that are flying today, imagine the same thing happens on your plane - and please don't - but imagine, and how would you change? What would you get done that you're waiting to get done because you think you'll be here forever? How would you change your relationtships and the negative energy in them? And more than anything, are you being the best parent you can?
我鼓励今天要坐飞机的各位,想像如果你坐的飞机出了同样的事,最好不要-但想像一下,你会如何改变?有什么是你想做却没做的,因为你觉得你有其它机会做它?你会如何改变你的人际关系,不再如此负面?最重要的是,你是否尽力成为一个好父母?
Thank you.
谢谢。
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朗诵艺术是通过有声语言对文学作品进行再创造的一种语言表演艺术,大学毕业朗诵经典诗有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了大学毕业经典诗朗诵稿,供你阅读参考。
道平常
写下的字
划下的伤
抹不掉的思念
解不开的千千结
一片落叶的飘零
谁人识得它的模样
它曾经在春天与花相伴
它曾经在夏日托起绿荫
它也会在冬天同雪长眠
鸟儿在寻找
冬天温暖的归宿
人们看见了无数的感伤
每一次毕业的旅行
就像鸟儿的迁徙
停下的不是归途
而是中转站
母校是一棵树
毕业生就像一片落叶
秋天是落叶的季节
夏天是毕业的季节
落叶有秋风相送
叶有多轻风就送走多远
毕业无人相聚
人有多少
分离就有多长
借一支笔给你
不用还
只要还能相遇
就不会忘记
曾经有一支笔
让你写下了那么多秘密
关于你的记忆我的回忆
我不说话
只能笑了
不笑只能苦了自己
一阵风吹来
最好的感觉
在阳光下
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朗诵是一门语言艺术,朗诵个体角色是朗诵的直接实现者。那么传承文化经典诗朗诵稿如何写?下面读文网小编整理了传承文化经典诗朗诵稿,供你阅读参考。
主持人A:中华文明,源远流长,
主持人B:齐风韶韵,流传四方。
主持人A:灿烂的文化丰盈着我们的童年,
主持人B:沁人的书香浸润着我们的成长。
主持人A:我国历来被称为诗的国度,自诗经开始,中国古典诗文一直洋溢着独具魅力的灵性风韵。唐诗更是古典诗歌发展的高峰。
主持人B:唐诗是我国优秀的文学遗产之一,也是全世界文学宝库中的一颗灿烂的明珠。尤其是李白的绝世才华,他豪放飘逸的气质,把诗写得行云流水而又变幻莫测,情财飘逸隽永,美如清水荚蓉。现在请听李白的《古风》。
二、感受经典的魅力
诗歌朗诵
古风
唐李白
孤兰生幽园,众草共芜没。
虽照阳春晖,复悲高秋月。
飞霜早淅沥,绿艳恐休歇。
若无清风吹,香气为谁发。
主持人A:下面请听朗诵《兰》。
兰
明 陈汝言
兰生深山中,馥馥吐幽香。
偶为世人赏,移之置高堂。
雨露失天时,根株离本乡。
虽承爱护力,长养非其方。
冬寒霜雪零,绿叶恐雕伤。
何如在林壑,时至还自芳。
主持人B:名著不仅具有不朽的本质,而且是我们人生旅途中必不可少的伴侣与慰籍。名著是怎样伴我成长的呢?请聆听《论语》同我行。
见义不为,无勇也。——《为政》
成事不说,遂事不谏,既往不咎。——《八佾》
学而不思则罔,思而不学则殆。
知之为知之,不知为不知,是知也。
温故而知新,可以为师矣。
主持人A:《论语》中的“孝敬之道”,塑造着我们高尚的灵魂,它的“智慧之道”,启迪着我们的思维,它的“治世之道”教会了我们仁爱,书籍是这样的神奇!同学们还给我们带来了有趣的经典故事呢!
学生1:《孔融让梨》
主持人B:小小的孔融教会了我们,与人交往要宽容。让我们再来听听另一个故事,会给我们带来怎样的启示呢?
学生2:《凿壁借光 》
主持人A:这些故事不仅有趣,而且给我们带来了新的思考。那么都给大家带来了哪些思考呢?或者你有什么想说的吗?对你有哪些影响呢?
主持人B:经典名著的博大精深,真令人回味无穷。
主持人A :走进经典,我们走进生活的四季。
主持人B:走进经典,我们走进人生的四季。
主持人A:底蕴深厚的《老子》可吟读,可朗诵,
主持人B:能从耳朵钻入心中,如同一股泉水涓涓流淌,与大自然相融合。
主持人A:草木为了感激春的到来——吐露新芽;
主持人B:鲜花为了感激夏的到来——竞相开放;
主持人A:硕果为了感激秋的到来——挂满枝头;
合:我们为了感激经典——今天在此展示自己。
主持人B:《弟子规》主要讲如何孝敬父母,如何为人处世,以增进团结,促进和谐。这些都是我们中华民族的优秀传统,为世人所称道,所敬仰。下面请欣赏小故事《孟信不卖病牛》
《孟信不卖病牛》
古代,有个叫孟信的人,被罢免了官职以后,家里很穷,甚至连吃的东西都没有了。一天,家里人趁孟信外出把家里仅有的一头病牛卖了,来换粮食。孟信回家后发现病牛被卖了,就把家里人打了一顿,还去把病牛要了回来,他对买主说这是病牛,没什么用处了,这样的病牛不能卖给你。
如果我们都能像孟信一样,做人诚实守信,经商公平交易。那像“三鹿奶粉”等欺诈行为事件就不会发生。
主持人A:听了这个故事,你认为孟信是一个什么样的人?生活中有没有这样的人呢?见没见过和他不一样的人呢?(通过小故事和同学们的评论,让孩子们明白怎样做人。)
主持人B:诵读中华经典,让优秀的民族精神在我们血脉中流淌。
主持人A:诵读中华经典,让民族文化智慧支撑我们人格的脊梁。
三、班主任总结
中华经典的铿锵音韵在我们耳边回响,中华经典的千古风韵在我们心头荡漾。培根在《论读书》中这样说:读史使人明智,读诗使人灵秀,伦理使人庄重……凡有所学,皆成性格。从《忆读书》中我们知道冰心奶奶从小就贪婪地吮吸着经典文化的营养而长大,受着古典文化的熏陶而成就了她高尚的人格。孩子们让我们一起参与到“经典诵读”活动中,去汲取甘露,感受中华文化的博大精深,一路让经典润泽我们的心灵。
看过“传承文化经典诗朗诵稿”
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2023面试自我介绍简短经典(10篇)
面试自我介绍简短经典怎么写?自我介绍需要简洁明了,避免过多的废话和冗长的句子。尽量用短句和简短的词汇表达自己的主要信息。下面是为大家整理的面试自我介绍简短经典,希望大家喜欢!
尊敬的面试官:
你好!
我叫__,毕业于财务与信息服务专业。
我在中专两年生活中学知识、学技能、学做人、学处世,在风雨中逐渐少了幼稚与单纯,成为一名有思想、有道德、有原则、有文化的中专生。在校期间我系统地学习了基础会计、会计电算化、财经法规与职业道德、珠算、点钞、账务操作、统计原理、市场营销等专业知识,还荣获07—08年度校级“五好学生”“三等奖学金”“文明礼仪之星”获取“普通话二级甲等证书”。
我还积极的参加学校组织的活动,既锻炼了我的身体,又提高了我的集体意识和团队意识,并取得了一定的成绩。在暑假里我出去打工,加强了我吃苦耐劳的精神,我相信我可以做好每一件工作。因为年轻,我有充沛的工作精力和不灭的工作热情,我真诚的期望能为贵公司的发展添砖加瓦,即使我现在达不到贵公司的要求,我仍将以满怀的执著面对未来!紧张的学习和繁忙的社会工作曾使我劳累不堪,却不曾动摇我的信念和追求。最后,希望您能给我一个展示自己的机会,我将尽力把我所学的知识奉献给您,还您一片蓝天。我不愿说我是千里马,只愿想你是一个好伯乐。
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没有祖国哪来的家,我们要热爱祖国热爱家。热爱祖国的诗朗诵有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了热爱祖国的诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
祖国在我心中 作者:漆明
祖国是童年的幻想
少年的希望
中年的辉煌
老年的安康
祖国是炊烟的馨香
牛羊归家的安详
春晨群鸟的集鸣
田园宁静的村庄
祖国是落草时的豪迈啼哭
家乡清冽的山泉
是信天游野花儿
是撕天裂地的一声唢呐
祖国是诗风乐府
是孔孟老庄
是建安七子竹林七贤
是李白和杜甫的诗篇
祖国是今天如织的高速路
明天的登月向往
是我们身后的强大
是站起来的中国人
祖国是我激动的泪光
走向母亲匆促的脚步
是爱人深情的呼唤
是亲情如酒的醇甘
祖国在我心中
是头顶朗朗青天
脚下坚实的土地
是我从鸡啼中醒来
看到的第一缕曙光
热爱祖国的诗朗诵相关
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祖国是哺育我们的母亲,是所有是生命的摇篮,我们应该因为自己是一个中国人而感到骄傲。青春祖国诗朗诵有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了青春祖国诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
祖国啊 我对你说
作者:天山树
胡杨吻着沙漠
深情地对祖国说
这里是我火热的胸膛
这里是我跳动的脉博
天山的气魄
昆仑的巍峨
凝结成我的的品格
执着的我坚守信念的真谛
点燃了青春的火热
红柳吻着沙漠
深情地对祖国说
这里是我的枫桥的夜泊
这里是我的魂牵的依托
春风的梦想
白云的嘱托
情牵着岁月的长河
红红的笑脸伴着太阳
点亮我人生前程的广阔
青春吻着沙漠
深情地对祖国说
这是有我的拚搏
这里有我的开拓
24年的风雨
悲过喜过泪不曾流过
井桇承载着祖国的富强
铮铮铁骨竖起的誓言
那是青春向祖国的承诺
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热爱自己的祖国是理所当然的事。真正的爱国主义不应表现在漂亮的话上,而应该表现在为祖国谋福利的行动上。热爱祖国诗朗诵稿有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了热爱祖国诗朗诵稿,供你阅读参考。
辛拾
祖国,是多么深情的名字!
每次想起都抑制不住心情的起伏,
赞叹你五千年里的瑰丽,
感慨你百十年间的命运。
祖国,是多么绚丽的词句!
每次念及都忍不住让眉眼弯起,
身负着礼仪之邦的美誉,
创造着举世瞩目的惊奇。
祖国,是多么温暖的归属!
每次听到都泛滥起自豪的心绪,
在心底深深感激先辈的壮举,
立志要把祖国的明天托起。
祖国,是每个国人冀望的期许!
祖国,是我心底最动听的旋律!
今天我们手持接力的火炬,
未来让我们与你一路同行!
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不是每个人的梦想都能实现,也并不是每个人的梦想都不能圆梦。但每一个人都有一个梦想。我有一个梦想诗朗诵有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了我有一个梦想诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
我有一个梦想
作者:石上的云
我有一个梦想
梦想在黎明时拥抱昨夜的月亮
尽管寒风吹起伤苦
但总有一抹暖意撩起微笑
我有一个梦想
梦想着像那夕阳一样生活
尽管黑夜吞噬身体
但至少有一刻钟的美丽
我有一个梦想
梦想着做一尾风荡起的涟漪
尽管消失在风听后
但至少我存在过
我有一个梦想
梦想着有一个平静的梦
尽管没有一个角落宁静
但至少我有一个梦
我有一个梦想诗朗诵相关
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梦想是一缕阳光,驱散你前行的阴霾;梦想是一泓清泉,洗净你心中的铅华。未来梦想诗朗诵有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了未来梦想诗朗诵,供你阅读参考。
我有一个梦想
作者:浮生如斯
我有一个梦想
良田三亩,种上油菜花
日出而作,日落而息
父母、姐弟、娇妻、儿女,合家欢乐
一张牛车,一栋房子
有向东的落地窗与向西的阳台
我有一个梦想
每日把酒问友,三两清酒
暖一暖焦虑的心扉
再配上一碟花生米,论天下谁是英雄
夜半,来盘烧烤,顺便
K首老歌,说说长征时峥嵘岁月
忆往昔,长刀策马
我有一个梦想
尽早学会游泳,不用再呆呆坐在池边
看燕瘦环肥,也可下去鸳鸯戏水
减去日渐臃肿的身材
胸肌、腹肌,管他什么肌
该要的都要,男人得壮
就算是文艺青年也不可手无缚鸡之力
我有一个梦想
牵上一匹老马,仗剑天涯
大口喝酒大口吃肉
不平事,用剑说话
当一次仗义的莽夫
有朝一日,江湖人称:侠者
我有一个梦想
戴上一顶草帽,在日落时
骑上老马,路过油菜花田
看见村上炊烟袅袅,村口站着等我回家的孩儿
桌上家常小菜,吃着笑着
我与父亲,姐夫喝着烈酒
娇妻与母亲,姐姐咯着家常
孩子们闹着
在夜幕降临时,骑上老马
在城市穿梭,在凌晨来临之前
写下诗篇,归家与娇妻低低耳语
在晨曦破晓前,扛上锄具
打理我的油菜花
我有一个梦想
淡淡的活着
我有一个梦想
侠者
在家人的心中,在你的心中
我有一个梦想
存在一个梦想
便是这个梦想
未来梦想诗朗诵相关
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青春,不应该服输!我们的梦想不应该停止!一粒普通的沙,都想成为美丽耀眼的珍珠,我们又怎能不想成为一个有所成就的人?青春梦想诗朗诵稿有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了青春梦想诗朗诵稿,供你阅读参考。
青春颂歌 作者:若丹
人虚度青春年华
然青春极易褪色
挥霍青春的人
幸福终将被抛弃
青春着实有限
时光转移
青春已留不住
流年似水
弹指间万物轮回
纵使无复返
让有限的青春时光
充满诗意浪漫画面
青春是奇异刺激的
充满着力量
充满着求知和斗争的志向
一些事情渐渐变得淡灭
你知道它存在过
但却已经忘记怎样的存在过。
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