为您找到与经典英文演讲稿短篇相关的共200个结果:
2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文经典演讲文章,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Dr. Conant, members of the Board of Overseers, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am
overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position. But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of Europe and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.
In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the German war machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.
There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery, as I have said, is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.
Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So, the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from America -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character.
The remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the people of Europe in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to question.
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States. It is already evident that before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.
I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions. But, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Thank you very much.
浏览量:3
下载量:0
时间:
英语在许多国际组织或者会议上都是必需语言,联合国秘书长的当选条件之一,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些经典英语短篇演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Ladies and Gentlemen, good evening. Today I’d like to talk about the importance of
smiling and kindness. Life is like a mirror.
When you smile, people will smile back. When you treat other people kindly, they will treat you kindly in return. Try to spend one day smiling and being kind
to everyone you meet.
You will see a big difference in your life. If you keep on smiling and being kind, smiling and kindness will become your habits. If everyone tried to do this, the world would be a kinder, brighter, and happier place.
Start smiling right away. That’s all. Thank you.
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
很多以青春为主题的励志演讲稿,对于我们的青年学生们具有很好的激励作用。下面是小编整理的青春励志演讲稿范文,分享给大家!
大家好,今天,我演讲的题目是《生命在平凡中闪光》
朋友们,我曾听过这样的感叹:我生不逢时,没赶上英雄时代,要不我也会扬名天下!我也听到类似的抱怨:我时运不佳,没摊上一个好岗位,否则咱也能露露脸!
是啊,和平年代,普通工作,我们很平凡。但我要说,伟大正寓于平凡之中,平凡的我们一样能高扬精神的风帆,因为平凡中,我们一样能够奉献!
在我们的身边,有这样一位普通共产党员,他没有豪言壮语,没有惊天动地的事迹,有的只是无私无畏,默默奉献。在鲜红的党旗下,他履行着共产党员神圣的义务和职责,从我做起,塑造着新时期×××广电人的光辉形象。
他中等身材,四方脸,黑红的脸膛,双目炯炯有神,他就是×××广播电视局物管中心保卫科长,一名普通但又是优秀的共产党员。
××年,伴着新世纪的钟声,×××告别了与之相伴×年之久的绿色军营,打起背包,转业至××广播电视局物管中心保卫科工作。说起广播电视,外人首先想到的是无冕之王——新闻记者,还有公众人物——名播音、名主持,在这样一个颇具几分吸引力和神奇色彩的单位里,保卫科的工作岗位,实在是最基层、最平凡、最累而又最不起眼的工作。有的朋友甚至戏谑地对×××说,堂堂的连职转业干部,咋就看起了电视台的大门呢?可×××却说“广电事业的发展需要名主持、名记者,可也离不开像我们这样的普通一员。在广电这棵参天的大树上,做一片默默无闻的绿叶又何妨。”就这样,在一个平凡得不能再平凡的岗位上,赵光文用自己的赤诚和真情牢牢地扎下了根。
×年里,有多少个节假日、公休日,他是在工作中度过的,他数不清;×年里,不分白天黑夜,随叫随到地干了多少事,他说不清;×年里,他关了多少窗,关了多少水龙头,关了多少灯,他记不清。而他数得清的是广电中心大楼纵横交错的消防管道;他说得清的是大楼里密密麻麻的电线电缆布置线路;他说得清的是中心大楼里每一位工作人员的姓名和上班作息规律!
夏天,职工们在蚊蝇成群、臭气熏人的下水道口,见到的是疏通堵塞、排放积水的×××;冬天,在寒冷刺骨的风雪里,职工们见到的是忙着扫雪清障的×××;每天最早到班的是他,最迟下班的也是他……事实上,凡他认为是他分内的工作,哪怕再苦、再累、再险,他都会主动请缨,说干就干。但当他高烧39度要住院挂水时,他却一拖再拖;陪妻子孩子逛公园,他总是没时间;好容易有个星期天,他又忙碌在结对帮扶对象的家中……
××同志曾经说过:“在平凡的岗位上,在人们认为没有前途的地方,一样会出英雄人物;在人们认为有前途的工作岗位上,也不见得会成为英雄。”我想,这句话套用在×××身上是再适合不过的。因为他有着这样的信念:“世上三百六十行,行行都得有人干,既然干了这一行,就要对这一行负起责任。”应着这句“负起责任”的宣言,×××用他的行动给我们作了最有力的证明。那是一个夏日暴雨的凌晨,×××在睡梦中被电话惊醒,广电中心地下室浸水、配电房告急。×××立即冒着滂沱大雨,赶到现场。当时由于雨量太大,地下室的水位迅速上涨,距离配电柜仅有3、4公分的高度差距,按照当时水势的蔓延速度,只要再过十几分钟,积水就将淹没配电柜,引发大面积的短路,进而造成地下室两台变压器爆炸,在现场抢险的同志们将面临生命危险。面对死神的威胁,×××没有退缩,他镇定自若地带领闻讯赶来的消防官兵,趟着齐腰深的积水,一面堵住进水口,一面寻找最佳位置,抢排积水。分分秒秒间,×××与洪水进行着一场生死较量,一分钟、两分钟……半小时、一小时……水位终于止住了上涨的脚步,险情排除了,配电房保住了。“为人民服务,再苦再累再危险我也甘心”——这是他的行动,更是他的心声。
对工作,×××有着一股夏天般的火热激情,对同志,×××则始终象春天一样温暖。保卫科有一位同志一直认为保安工作低人一等,加之性格倔强,脾气暴躁,执勤时经常与人发生争吵,甚至顶撞领导。为了帮助这位同志摆脱“自暴自弃”的消极状态,×××主动地在工作上给予他指导和督促,在生活上给予关心和帮助,通过以身作则帮助他逐步树立“干一行、爱一行”的思想,这种以心交心、春风化雨般的真诚很快感动了这位同志,使他的工作态度有了彻底转变,重新找到了生活的坐标。就这样,×××的真诚和关爱化作一股凝聚力和感召力,将保卫科十多位同志的心紧紧连在一起,人人争先,乐于奉献也随之在全科上下蔚然成风。
心血、汗水、辛劳和热忱,终于为×××换来了一系列的荣誉:×××市新长征突击手、优秀共产党员、消防工作先进个人……那一张张奖状是他辛勤工作的结晶,那一本本证书是他创新求实的写照!这就是×××——安于平凡,耐得住寂寞,而又积极进取,乐于奉献。×××是平凡的,但谁又能否认,那样一份无私、一份奉献同样也是是一道亮丽而夺目的风景呢?
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
美国911事件之后服役的三分之一退伍军人认为伊拉克和阿富汗战争不值得打,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战英文演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
And I tried hard to be proud of my service but all I could feel was shame.
The racism could no longer mask the reality of the occupation. These were people, these were human beings. I’ve since been claimed by guilt anytime I see an elderly man like the one who couldn’t walk and we rolled out on a stretcher and told the Iraqi police to take him away.
I feel guilt anytime I see a mother with her children like the one who cried hysterically and screamed that we were worst than Saddam as we forced her from her home.
I feel guilt anytime I see a young girl, like the one I grabbed by the arm, and dragged into the street. We are told we are fighting terrorists; the real terrorist was me and the real terrorism is this occupation. Racism within the military has long been an important tool to justify the destruction and occupation of another country.
It’s long been used to justify the killing, subjugation and torture of another people. Racism is a vital weapon employed by this government. It’s a more important weapon than a rifle, a tank, a bomber or a battleship. It’s more destructive than an artillery shell or a bunker buster, or a Tomahawk missile.
While those weapons are created and owned by this government, they are harmless without people willing to use them. Those who send us to war do not have to pull a trigger or lob a mortar round. They do not have to fight the war, they merely have to sell the war.
They need a public who is willing to send their soldiers into harm’s way. They need soldiers who are willing to kill and be killed without question. They can spend millions on a single bomb, but that bomb only becomes a weapon when the ranks in the military are willing to follow orders to use it. They can send every last soldier anywhere on Earth, but there’ll only be a war, if soldiers are willing to fight.
And the ruling class, the billionaires who profit from human suffering care only about expending their wealth, controlling the world economy. Understand that their power lies only in their ability to convince us that war, oppression and exploitation is in our interest. They understand that their wealth is dependent on their ability to convince the working class to die to control the market of another country.
And, convincing us to kill and die is based on their ability to make us think that we are somehow superior. Soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen, have nothing to gain from this occupation. The vast majority of people living in the U.S. have nothing to gain from this occupation.
In fact, not only do we have nothing to gain, but we suffer more because of it. We lose limbs, endure trauma and give our lives. Our families have to watch flag draped coffins roll into the earth. Millions in this country without health care, jobs or access to education, just watch as this government squander over 450 million dollars a day on this occupation.
Poor and working people in this country are sent to kill poor and working people in other country to make the rich richer. Without racism soldiers would realize that they have more in common with the Iraqi people than they do with the billionaires who send us to war.
I threw families onto the street in Iraq only to come home and find families thrown onto the street in this country and this tragic, tragic and unnecessary foreclosure crisis. We need to wake up and realize that our real enemies are not in some distant land and not people whose names we don’t know and cultures we don’t understand. The enemy is people we know very well and people we can identify.
The enemy is a system that wages war when it’s profitable. The enemy is the CEOs who lay us off our jobs when it’s profitable, is the insurance companies who deny us health care when it’s profitable, is the banks who take away our homes when it’s profitable.
Our enemy is not five thousands miles away, they are right here at home. If we organize and fight with our sisters and brothers we can stop this war, we can stop this government and we can create a better world.
“If tyranny and oppression come to this land, it will be in the guise of fighting a foreign enemy… The loss of Liberty at home is to be charged to the provisions against danger real or imagined from abroad…”
看了“"美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战演讲稿英文"”
浏览量:3
下载量:0
时间:
态度是个体对特定对象所持有的稳定的心理倾向。这种心理倾向蕴含着个体的主观评价以及由此产生的行为倾向性。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些关于态度决定一切英文三分钟演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
There is a well-known proverb,“Every horse thinks its own pack heaviest,” which means whether people feel optimistic or not lies in what attitudes they adopt. It is universally acknowledged that life is by no means perfect and a positive attitude makes life brighter. As the case stands, it is our attitude rather than the situation itself that determines how we feel.
On the one hand, a positive mind brings about an active life, because to be in a good mood or a bad mood is at one’ s own choice. On the other hand, looking at the bright side of the situation and remaining cheerful work out quite well when one is confronted with adversity.
In such a rat-race society, everyone is bound to encounter difficulties. In my opinion, we should keep an optimistic attitude to pull through any hardship, as we can say “attitude is everything” .
看了“"态度决定一切英文三分钟演讲稿三篇"”
浏览量:3
下载量:0
时间:
约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪是美国第35任总统,是美国历史上最年轻的当选总统,也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇肯尼迪的就职演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
看了“"肯尼迪就职演讲稿英文"”
浏览量:3
下载量:0
时间:
演讲是一种对自身沟通能力的提升的活动,英语演讲更是提升我们英语能力的方式。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些经典三分钟英语演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
世界是我们的,未来是我们的
Someone said “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. I don’t know who wrote these words, but I’ve always liked them as a reminder that the future can be anything we want it to be. We are all in the position of the farmers. If we plant a good seed ,we reap a good harvest. If we plant nothing at all, we harvest nothing at all.
We are young. “How to spend the youth?” It is a meaningful question. To answer it, first I have to ask “what do you understand by the word youth?” Youth is not a time of life, it’s a state of mind. It’s not a matter of rosy cheeks, red lips or supple knees. It’s the matter of the will. It’s the freshneof the deep spring of life.
A poet said “To see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wild flower, hold infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour. Several days ago, I had a chance to listen to a lecture. I learnt a lot there. I’d like to share it with all of you. Let’s show our right palms. We can see three lines that show how our love.career and life is. I have a short line of life.
What about yours? I wondered whether we could see our future in this way. Well, let’s make a fist. Where is our future?
Where is our love, career, and life? Tell me.Yeah, it is in our hands. It is held in ourselves.
We all want the future to be better than the past. But the future can go better itself. Don’t cry because it is over, smile because it happened. From the past, we’ve learnt that the life is tough, but we are tougher. We’ve learnt that we can’t choose how we feel, but we can choose what about it. Failure doesn’t mean you don’t have it, it does mean you should do it in a different way. Failure doesn’t mean you should give up, it does mean you must try harder.
As what I said at the beginning, “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. The past has gone. Nothing we do will change it. But the future is in front of us. Believe that what we give to the world, the world will give to us. And from today on, let’s be the owners of ourselves, and speak out “We are the world, we are the future.”
看了“"经典三分钟英语演讲稿三篇"”
浏览量:3
下载量:0
时间:
尊敬的老师,同学们:
大家好!
感恩,富有深刻含义的两个字。
以前我并不知感恩,但从我读了一个故事后,我明白了。
在一所小镇的学校有个非常不起眼的男生,从小父母离异,生活在单亲家底,家境不富裕,他的爸爸外打工,每天五元钱是他的伙食费,衣服没人洗,很脏,身体同样也很脏,但是教他们语文课的班主任老师,总是在每天放学后,不经意的拉一下他那脏兮兮的手,他在心底里说要感恩。
有一次老师在圣诞节让孩子们在黑板上画自己感觉最好的礼物。
老师选中了小男孩,大家都猜想他会画什么,有的说是火鸡,有的说是蛋糕……,没想到的是小男孩却在黑板上画了一只手,一只很漂亮的手。大家又七嘴八舌的讨论起来,有的说这是老师的手,因为她用这只手教给我们知识;有的说这是农夫的手,他用这只手喂养火鸡,但是只有老师知道小男孩的用意上。
从那以后我知道了感恩,感恩,二心,心连心形成感恩。
谢谢!
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
懂得感恩,才能拥有,怀着感恩的心,世界也才会美好!你们想知道更多的励志经典的演讲稿?下面就让读文网小编给大家分享一些经典的演讲稿吧,希望能对你有帮助!
尊敬的校领导、老师、亲爱的同学们:
大家早上好,我发言的题目是:青春的呐喊。
春回大地,万物吐露生机。高考的脚步和春天一起悄悄地想我们走来,在这明媚的春光里,我们已经进入高考冲刺阶段。
"逝者如斯夫,不舍昼夜。"的确,时光如流水般,一泻而过,转眼间,三年高中只剩下的不足百日。但是现在还有大部分人耽于玩乐,沉溺于网吧,私心杂念丛生,精神恍恍惚惚,生命只剩下了躯壳。浪掷青春虚度近三年。而不同的是另一部分同学勤奋拼搏近三年。前后两种的不同的高中生活,能折射出不同的人生前途。玩弄人生的人会被人生所戏弄。也许是被所谓的儿女私情/花前月下/出身贵贱/基础好坏等等因素所影响。同学们:所谓的花前月下,只是短暂的潇洒,迅速来临的失败,回让你在成功者面前沮丧。不要悲叹较低的的人生起点,不要悲感出生的贫贱,不要抱怨过去的基础不好。往前看吧,人生的道路可以逆转,时光的脚步只能向前。请你相信未来/相信自己/相信一分耕耘一分收获/相信皇天不负有心人/相信改变命运的只有自己。
暂时放下那些悲观的观念,暂时放下那些所谓的"我不行"去努力拼搏最后的90天。如果我们做与不做,都会有人笑;如果做不好与做得好,还会有人笑。那么我们索性就做的更好来给人笑吧!而今这百日冲刺在有些同学眼里觉得很无聊,很痛苦。而整日玩些无聊的游戏看小说/上课睡觉或说话……来虚度这百日冲刺,之所以感觉如此,是因为没有把心放在学习上,没有把自己融入到这百日冲刺之中,再说对考学倍感无力。。同学们:只要我们想上学,只要我们还愿意走这条路,对这条路还有信心,不怕这一路的荆棘,我们就有学上。古人云:“宝剑锋从磨砺出,梅花香自苦寒来”我们也耐的住寂寞,承受的起艰难。我们定能学业有成!
十年铸剑,只为炉火纯青。一朝出鞘,定当倚天长鸣。其中定有铸剑的艰难与寂寞,然而他们承受了。所以他们能铸成绝世好剑。十年寒窗寂寞伴,一朝成名幸福随。这也能说明,不付出何来回报。含笑播种的人,一定会含笑收获。也正是如此。
问苍忙大地,谁主沉浮?我们应当主宰我们自己的世界,我们的地盘我们做主。我们的人生我们自己走。风华正茂,书生义气。有谁能阻挡我们青春的脚步。鲁迅曾说:"真的猛士,是敢于直面惨淡的人生,敢于正视淋漓的鲜血。我们要向青春呐喊,不做艰难的奴隶,要做青春的主人/真的猛士。我们年轻,我们怕什么/怕就怕自己甘心忍受现存的生活。不敢拼,不敢做。这不是我们现代青年应有的。百日冲刺应一"两耳不闻窗外事,一心只读圣贤书。"为准则。努力搞好自己的学习任务。我们要以最饱满的热情,最昂扬的斗志,为三高创造奇迹,为三高树立一面大旗,为学弟学妹们树立一个奋斗的方向。
壮怀激烈,批荆斩棘。敢叫日月换新天,意气风发,批波斩浪,直挂云帆济沧海。十载寒窗,百日苦练,何等英才夺桂冠。一腔热血,万丈豪情。我辈健步登金榜。呕心沥血。卧薪尝胆,定将折桂涉蟾宫。百练成钢,十年一剑。宝剑今朝试锋芒。百日拼搏一战成功,少年自有少年狂,战舰扬帆,雄鹰展翅。誓圆大学梦!此新不改此行无撼!
历史的使命已经把年轻的我们推向时间的最前言,高考成功舍我其谁。我们应以十足的信心,百倍的决心,万分的恒心,将具有人生转折意义的高考进行到底,让我们年轻的生命在火热的六月尽情的燃烧吧!
看了2017年励志经典演讲稿的人还看:
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
老师们、同学们:
早上好!我讲话的题目是《诵读经典,同沐书香》。
同学们,书卷气是一个人最好的气质,书香气是一个校园最好的氛围。有人说:“世界上最自得的一幕,是在读书时那会心的微笑。”因为书籍是人类智慧的结晶,书中有着永世不朽的精神。
背诵经典,可以帮我们积累知识;感悟经典,可以帮我们涵养品性;吟诵经典,可以帮我们滋润心灵;演绎经典,可以帮我们增加智慧。经典诗文一旦在我们的灵魂深处沉淀下来,就会成为我们今后人生旅途上的精神养料,成为我们生命历程中最靓丽的风景。
同学们,请你坚持每天大声诵经典读吧,让诵读感悟从心灵流向笔尖,课间多和同学交流诵读感受,回家多与父母畅谈诵读心得,你一定更能领略学习的乐趣,明白什么是忘我,什么是充实;你也一定能感悟到更多做人的道理;你的生活中会多一些儒雅的谈吐,少一些粗浅的行动;多一些含蓄幽默,少一些词穷木讷;你更会养一些“富贵不能淫,贫贱不能移,威武不能屈,”的浩然正气;得一些“先天下之忧而忧,后天下之乐而乐”的胸怀;守一些“勿以恶小而为之,勿以善小而不为”的准则。
亲爱的同学们,我们正处于记忆的黄金阶段,让我们抓紧当前,沉下心来,诵读经典!让我们的心灵沐浴书香,让我们的校园充满朝气,把经典诵读融入每一天!谢谢!
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
演讲能力是不断积累学习的,我们要多向那些演讲大师学习,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些超级演说家经典演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
首先我要跟大家坦白我是一个非常自恋的人,我自恋到哪种程度呢?每天晚上我洗完脸,我看着镜子里面的自己我觉得这男孩长的白白净净、眉清目秀,真的特别值得被爱。我甚至认为我的朋友应该为拥有我感到无比的骄傲和自豪,因为我是上天送给他们的礼物。无数次我对我自己发自肺腑的表达我爱我自己,所以今天在这个舞台上我决定当着大家的面好好夸夸我自己。
首先我爱我自己的乐观,我爱我自己脸皮够厚,用我朋友的话说我就是“死猪不怕开水烫”,我记得很多年前我参加了一个比赛,比完赛之后评委和选手坐在一张桌子上吃饭,其中有一个老师他对我的态度一直都是批判性的,他说“肖骁,你不是幽默,你是滑稽,你就是这桌上的一盘花生米,有没有你我根本不会去在意。”他说完之后,本来其乐融融的氛围一下子尴尬了,我也是第一次了解到时空凝结是一种什么样的感觉。于是我点头,我微笑,我忍你。吃完饭之后,我回到酒店把我准备好的稿子从头到尾的改了一遍,完了之后我就像一个神经病一样又哭又笑的在房间里排练了一整个晚上,结果第二天的比赛我拿了第一名。当然,指责我的那名老师他作为去掉一个最高分、去掉一个最低分的那个最低分,他被去掉了,但是我依然相信他看到了我的不可替代,我依然相信我让他看到了一盘花生米的价值。而且偷偷告诉大家,酒桌上没有花生米伤胃。
我还喜欢我自己的真实,我喜欢我自己的不做作,就算我今天站在超演的舞台上我依然敢坦白的告诉大家我想拿冠军,就算我今天面对我的导师鲁豫老师,我依然直言不讳,我看着她的眼睛我告诉她“老师,我觉得我就是你最好的学员。如果有一人可以代表我们战队笑到最后,那个人应该是我。”我们对自己的爱是自私的,是盲目的,是与生俱来的,我们包容我们自己的缺点,当我们和别人发生争执的时候,我们觉得自己永远是对的,这是根上的。但是慢慢的,因为现实的打击,因为周遭的质疑,我们甚至会因为遇见了比我们更加优秀、更加成功的人而产生自卑这种可怕的情绪。这种可怕的情绪它会让我们一次又一次的质问自己,我到底行不行,但其实我们干嘛要抢着去做别人生活里的配角,我们干嘛总想着去复刻别人的成功,因为我们每个人就像掌纹一样,是这个世界上最特别的存在,我们应该为我们自己的独一无二感到无比自豪,我们对爱我们的人负责,对憎恨我们的人包容,对贫者关怀,对弱者友爱,其实仔细想想我们都挺棒的,不是吗?
所以没事多夸夸自己,我们要学会和自己表白,我们要时刻提醒我们自己到底有多棒。所以今天最后,我要对我自己说:“肖骁,我爱你,我爱你的乐观积极,我爱你的自信勇敢,我爱你的脸皮够厚,我爱你爱你,我爱死你。”我爱我自己,你呢?
看了“"超级演说家经典演讲稿"”
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
KTV是现在大家都常去的地方,那么就让我们一起去了解一下KTV员工的这些经典的演讲稿吧!下面就让读文网小编给大家分享一些经典的演讲吧,希望能对你有帮助!
尊敬的各位领导,尊敬的员工朋友们
大家下午好!鼓乐阵阵,爆竹声声。值此中华民族传统节日——春节来临之际,我们在这里欢聚一堂,辞旧迎新,共庆新春佳节,共商发展大计,共话美好未来。冬去春归,新春将至,在此,我谨代表恒达酒店全体管理人员及我本人,向一年来在工作岗位上默默奉献,为酒店发展付出辛勤劳动的全体员工,表示衷心的感谢和亲切的问候!大家辛苦了!谢谢你们!同时,向酒店全体员工及其家属,向所有曾经在恒达酒店奋斗过,现在仍奋斗在一线的管理人员和员工们拜个早年!祝大家在新的一年里工作顺利,身体健康,生活幸福,万事如意!20XX年,是旅游饭店业经受严峻考验的一年,20XX年开始不断蔓延的国际金融危机和20XX年下从半年通货膨胀的扩展使星级酒店的经营经历了前所未有的严峻考验。作为酒店业的一份子,我们同样经历了这一艰难历程。为了应对挑战,我们在年初的工作会议中就重点提出了20XX年工作的基本思路,并要求在新的一年里,我们要以更加饱满的热情,认认真真做好每一项工作,踏踏实实完成每一项任务,在不断完善自身的同时,还要认清形势,明确目标,整合队伍,团结奋战,争取创造更好的业绩。一年以来,在公司领导的正确指导下,酒店上下一心,团结奋战,努力拼搏,使我店的各项经营管理工作都能够有序运行,取得了良好的效果,共创营业收入约XXXX万元,实现利润约XXX万多元。
值此辞旧迎新之际,有必要回顾总结过去一年的工作、成绩、经验及不足,以利于扬长避短,奋发进取,在20XX年里努力再创佳绩。
一、立足武宣,做好服务立足武宣,作为XXX唯一一家四星级旅游饭店,服务XX是我们的本职工作,我们也一直以此为核心,进行各项工作的开展。不管是接待县里举行的会议,还是XXX举行的各种活动,我们都非常认真地开展服务工作。20XX年,我们紧紧围绕“搞好武宣服务工作”这个核心任务开展各项工作,认真完成各项接待任务,做好县委县政府的后勤保障。
一年来,我们先后接待了XX县人大、政协会议,XXXX接待及XXXXXX和XXXX会议,全市quduwen会议及各企事业单位的年会等几次大型会议接待工作,我们都非常重视,并根据接待规格召开专题会议,本着确保服务周到、确保安全可靠、确保代表满意的原则,提前安排好各项议程,做好各项接待准备工作,因此保证了各项会议的顺利进行,几次接待任务都圆满完成,赢得了与会领导的广泛好评。由于接待工作落实得好,XXX的很多大型会议都慕名而来,为酒店带来可观的经济效益和社会效益。
二、与时俱进,提升发展,酒店突显改观与时俱进,提升发展,酒店领导班子率先垂范,组织指导各级管理人员及员工,认真学习酒店知识,如通过市旅游局邀请专家到酒店内部的日常培训等等。并结合酒店经营、管理、服务等实际情况,与时俱进,提升素质,转变观念。在市场竞争的浪潮中求生存,使整个酒店范围突显了可喜的改观。主要表现在酒店各区的环境卫生和员工精神状态积极向上。我们大会、小会反复强调,管理人员及员工要有紧迫感,应具上进心,培养“精气神”。酒店的管理服务不是高科技,没有什么深奥的学问。
关键是人的主观能动性,是人的精神状态,是对酒店的忠诚度和敬业精神,是对管理与服务内涵真谛的理解及其运用。
各部门还通过组织对部门员工的各项培训交流,启发引导大家拓宽视野,学习进取,团结协作。在完成酒店经营指标、管理目标和接待任务的过程中实现自身价值,并感受人生乐趣。在一些大型的接待活动中,在各部门负责人的榜样作用下,部门领班及其员工,加班加点,任劳任怨,工作延长虽很疲惫却始终保持振作的精神状态,为酒店的窗口形象增添了光彩。
三、狠抓经营,促进效益狠抓经营,在年初,酒店就确立了“不断提高酒店经济效益,努力完成经营指标”的目标。效益是我们酒店经营工作的重中之重,只有效益上去了,我们才能够开展其它方面的工作。20XX年,我们努力抓好各方面的经营工作,尤其是狠抓客房、餐饮和KTV三个收入增长点,全力促进经营业绩勇攀新高。
四、严格管理,打造队伍严格管理,队伍建设一直是我们酒店的重要工作之一。20XX年我们继续加强队伍建设,从以下几个方面入手,努力打造强有力的团队。
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
经典演讲稿会吸引很多人的关注。下面就是读文网小编给大家整理的经典演讲稿开场白,希望对你有用!
Opening Statement
mr. chairman, senator thurmond, members of the committee, my name is anita f. hill, and i am a professor of law at the university of oklahoma. i was born on a farm in okmulgee county, oklahoma, in 1956. i am the youngest of 13 children. i had my early education in okmulgee county. my father, albert hill, is a farmer in that area. my mother's name is irma hill. she is also a farmer and a housewife.
my childhood was one of a lot of hard work and not much money, but it was one of solid family affection, as represented by my parents. i was reared in a religious atmosphere in the baptist faith, and i have been a member of the antioch baptist church in tulsa, oklahoma, since 1983. it is a very warm part of my life at the present time.
for my undergraduate work, i went to oklahoma state university and graduated from there in 1977. i am attaching to this statement a copy of my resume for further details of my education.
i graduated from the university with academic honors and proceeded to the yale law school, where i received my jd degree in 1980. upon graduation from law school, i became a practicing lawyer with the washington, dc, firm of ward, hardraker, and ross.
in 1981, i was introduced to now judge thomas by a mutual friend. judge thomas told me that he was anticipating a political appointment, and he asked if i would be interested in working with him. he was, in fact, appointed as assistant secretary of education for civil rights. after he had taken that post, he asked if i would become his assistant, and i accepted that position.
in my early period there, i had two major projects. the first was an article i wrote for judge thomas' signature on the education of minority students. the second was the organization of a seminar on high-risk students which was abandoned because judge thomas transferred to the eeoc where he became the chairman of that office.
during this period at the department of education, my working relationship with judge thomas was positive. i had a good deal of responsibility and independence. i thought he respected my work and that he trusted my judgment. after approximately three months of working there, he asked me to go out socially with him.
what happened next and telling the world about it are the two most difficult things -- experiences of my life. it is only after a great deal of agonizing consideration and sleeplenumber -- a great number of sleeplenights tha(t i am able to talk of these unpleasant matters to anyone but my close friends.
i declined the invitation to go out socially with him and explained to him that i thought it would jeopardize what at the time i considered to be a very good working relationship. i had a normal social life with other men outside of the office. i believed then, as now, that having a social relationship with a person who was supervising my work would be ill-advised. i was very uncomfortable with the idea and told him so.
i thought that by saying no and explaining my reasons my employer would abandon his social suggestions. however, to my regret, in the following few weeks, he continued to ask me out on several occasions. he pressed me to justify my reasons for saying no to him. these incidents took place in his office or mine. they were in the form of private conversations which would not have been overheard by anyone else.
my working relationship became even more strained when judge thomas began to use work situations to discuse-x. on these occasions, he would call me into his office for reports on education issues and projects, or he might suggest that, because of the time pressures of his schedule, we go to lunch to a government cafeteria. after a brief discussion of work, he would turn the conversation to a discussion of se-xual matters.
his conversations were very vivid. he spoke about acts that he had seen in pornographic films involving such matters as women having se-x with animals and films showing group se-x or rape scenes. he talked about pornographic materials depicting individuals with large penises or large breasts involved in various se-x acts. on several occasions, thomas told me graphically of his own se-xual prowess.
because i was extremely uncomfortable talking about se-x with him at all and particularly in such a graphic way, i told him that i did not want to talk about these subjects. i would also try to change the subject to education matters or to nonse-xual personal matters such as his background or his beliefs. my efforts to change the subject were rarely successful.
throughout the period of these conversations, he also from time to time asked me for social engagements. my reaction to these conversations was to avoid them by eliminating opportunities for us to engage in extended conversations. this was difficult because at the time i was his only assistant at the office of education -- or of
fice for civil rights.
浏览量:3
下载量:0
时间:
演讲是一件宣传主张,分享自己知识经验的一件事情,一场精彩的演讲对于演讲者和听众来说都是享受的盛宴。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文励志演讲稿的范文,希望对大家有所帮助。
as you slowly open your eyes,look around,notice where the light comes into your room;listen carefully,see if there are new sounds you can recognize;feel with your body and spirit, and see if you can sense the freshness in the air.
yes, it's a new day,it's a different day,and its a bright day!and most importantly,it is a new beginning for your life,a beginning where you are going to make new desicisions, take new actions,make new friends,and take your life to a totally unprecedented level!
in your mind's eye, you can see clearly the things you want to have,the paces you intend to go,the relationships you desire to develop,and the positions you aspire to reach.you can hear your laughters of joy and happiness on the day when everything happens as you dream.you can see the smiles on the people around you when the magic moment strikes.you can feel your face is getting red, your heart is beating fast,and your blood is rushing all over your body,to every single corner of your being!
you know all this is real as long as you are confident,passionate and committed! and you are confident,you are passionate,you are committed!
you will no longer fear making new sounds, showing new facial expressions, using your body in new ways,approaching new people,and asking new questions.you will live every single day of your life with absolute passion,and you will show your passion through the words you speak and the actions you take.you will focus all your time and effort on the most important goals of your life.you will never succumb to challenges of hardships.you will never waver in your pursuit of excellence.after all,you are the best,and you deserve the best!
as your coach and friend,i can assure you the door to all the best things in the world will open to you,but the key to that door is in your hand.you must do your part,you must faithfully follow the plans you make and take the actions you plan,you must never quit,you must never fear.i know you must do it,you can do it,you will do it,and you will succeed! now stand firm and tall,make a fist,get excited,and yell it out:i must do it!i can do it! i will do it!i will succeed!
看了“"英文励志演讲稿范文三篇"”
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
TED演讲的特点是毫无繁杂冗长的专业讲座,观点响亮,开门见山,种类繁多,看法新颖。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些ted的经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Imagine a big explosion as you climb through 3,000 ft. Imagine a plane full of smoke. Imagine an engine going clack, clack, clack, clack, clack, clack, clack. It sounds scary.
想像一个大爆炸,当你在三千多英尺的高空;想像机舱内布满黑烟,想像引擎发出喀啦、喀啦、喀啦、喀啦、喀啦的声响,听起来很可怕。
Well I had a unique seat that day. I was sitting in 1D. I was the only one who can talk to the flight attendants. So I looked at them right away, and they said, "No problem. We probably hit some birds." The pilot had already turned the plane around, and we weren't that far. You could see Manhattan.
那天我的位置很特別,我坐在1D,我是唯一可以和空服员说话的人,于是我立刻看着他们,他们说,“没问题,我们可能撞上鸟了。” 机长已经把机头转向,我们离目的地很近,已经可以看到曼哈顿了。
Two minutes later, 3 things happened at the same time. The pilot lines up the plane with the Hudson River. That's usually not the route. He turns off the engines. Now imagine being in a plane with no sound. And then he says 3 words-the most unemotional 3 words I've ever heard. He says, "Brace for impact."
两分钟以后,三件事情同时发生:机长把飞机对齐哈德逊河,一般的航道可不是这样。他关上引擎。想像坐在一架没有声音的飞机上。然后他说了几个字,我听过最不带情绪的几个字,他说,“即将迫降,小心冲击。”
I didn't have to talk to the flight attendant anymore. I could see in her eyes, it was terror. Life was over.
我不用再问空服员什么了。我可以在她眼神里看到恐惧,人生结束了。
Now I want to share with you 3 things I learned about myself that day.
现在我想和你们分享那天我所学到的三件事。
I leant that it all changes in an instant. We have this bucket list, we have these things we want to do in life, and I thought about all the people I wanted to reach out to that I didn't, all the fences I wanted to mend, all the experiences I wanted to have and I never did. As I thought about that later on, I came up with a saying, which is, "collect bad wines". Because if the wine is ready and the person is there, I'm opening it. I no longer want to postpone anything in life. And that urgency, that purpose, has really changed my life.
在那一瞬间内,一切都改变了。我们的人生目标清单,那些我们想做的事,所有那些我想联络却没有联络的人,那些我想修补的围墙,人际关系,所有我想经历却没有经历的事。之后我回想那些事,我想到一句话,那就是,“我收藏的酒都很差。” 因为如果酒已成熟,分享对象也有,我早就把把酒打开了。我不想再把生命中的任何事延后,这种紧迫感、目标性改变了我的生命。
The second thing I learnt that day - and this is as we clear the George Washington bridge, which was by not a lot - I thought about, wow, I really feel one real regret, I've lived a good life. In my own humanity and mistaked, I've tired to get better at everything I tried. But in my humanity, I also allow my ego to get in. And I regretted the time I wasted on things that did not matter with people that matter. And I thought about my relationship with my wife, my friends, with people. And after, as I reflected on that, I decided to eliminate negative energy from my life. It's not perfect, but it's a lot better. I've not had a fight with my wife in 2 years. It feels great. I no longer try to be right; I choose to be happy.
那天我学到的第二件事是,正当我们通过乔治华盛顿大桥,那也没过多久,我想,哇,我有一件真正后悔的事。虽然我有人性缺点,也犯了些错,但我生活得其实不错。我试着把每件事做得更好。但因为人性,我难免有些自我中心,我后悔竟然花了许多时间,和生命中重要的人讨论那些不重要的事。我想到我和妻子、朋友及人们的关系,之后,回想这件事时,我决定除掉我人生中的负面情绪。还没完全做到,但确实好多了。过去两年我从未和妻子吵架,感觉很好,我不再尝试争论对错,我选择快乐。
The third thing I learned - and this's as you mental clock starts going, "15, 14, 13." You can see the water coming. I'm saying, "Please blow up." I don't want this thing to break in 20 pieces like you've seen in those documentaries. And as we're coming down, I had a sense of, wow, dying is not scary. It's almost like we've been preparing for it our whole lives .But it was very sad. I didn't want to go. I love my life. And that sadness really framed in one thought, which is, I only wish for one thing. I only wish I could see my kids grow up.
我所学到的第三件事是,当你脑中的始终开始倒数“15,14,13”,看到水开始涌入,心想,“拜托爆炸吧!” 我不希望这东西碎成20片,就像纪录片中看到的那样。当我们逐渐下沉,我突然感觉到,哇,死亡并不可怕,就像是我们一生一直在为此做准备,但很令人悲伤。我不想就这样离开,我热爱我的生命。这个悲伤的主要来源是,我只期待一件事,我只希望能看到孩子长大。
About a month later, I was at a performance by my daugter - first-grade, not much artistic talent... yet. And I 'm balling, I'm crying, like a little kid. And it made all the sense in the world to me. I realized at that point by connecting those two dots, that the only thing that matters in my life is being a great dad. Above all, above all, the only goal I have in life is to be a good dad.
一个月后,我参加女儿的表演,她一年级,没什么艺术天份,就算如此。我泪流满面,像个孩子,这让我的世界重新有了意义。当当时我意识到,将这两件事连接起来,其实我生命中唯一重要的事,就是成为一个好父亲,比任何事都重要,比任何事都重要,我人生中唯一的目标就是做个好父亲。
I was given the gift of a miracle, of not dying that day. I was given another gift, which was to be able to see into the future and come back and live differently.
那天我经历了一个奇迹,我活下來了。我还得到另一个启示,像是看见自己的未来再回來,改变自己的人生。
I challenge you guys that are flying today, imagine the same thing happens on your plane - and please don't - but imagine, and how would you change? What would you get done that you're waiting to get done because you think you'll be here forever? How would you change your relationtships and the negative energy in them? And more than anything, are you being the best parent you can?
我鼓励今天要坐飞机的各位,想像如果你坐的飞机出了同样的事,最好不要-但想像一下,你会如何改变?有什么是你想做却没做的,因为你觉得你有其它机会做它?你会如何改变你的人际关系,不再如此负面?最重要的是,你是否尽力成为一个好父母?
Thank you.
谢谢。
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
英语是世界使用语言最广泛的语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些经典的英语演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
Hello, everybody! Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, everybody. All right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. How is everybody doing today? (Applause.) How about Tim Spicer? (Applause.) I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia. And we’ve got students tuning in from all across America, from kindergarten through 12th grade. And I am just so glad that all could join us today. And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host. Give yourselves a big round of applause. (Applause.)I know that for many of you, today is the first day of school. And for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it’s your first day in a new school, so it’s understandable if you’re a little nervous. I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go. And no matter what grade you’re in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could’ve stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.I know that feeling. When I was young, my family lived overseas. I lived in Indonesia for a few years. And my mother, she didn’t have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education. So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, Monday through Friday. But because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.Now, as you might imagine, I wasn’t too happy about getting up that early. And a lot of times, I’d fall asleep right there at the kitchen table. But whenever I’d complain, my mother would just give me one of those looks and she’d say, “This is no picnic for me either, buster.” (Laughter.)So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school. But I’m here today because I have something important to discuss with you. I’m here because I want to talk with you about your education and what’s expected of all of you in this new school year.But at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed. That’s what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself. Every single one of you has something that you’re good at. Every single one of you has something to offer. And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is. That’s the opportunity an education can provide.
浏览量:4
下载量:0
时间: