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中国梦,是中国共产党召开第十八次全国代表大会以来,所提出的重要指导思想和重要执政理念,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些关于中国梦的经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
祖国梦,我的梦相互交汇,融入这个世界,感受这个世界的美好,时代的超越,经济的进步,让我们不断深刻认识到前进加速的步伐,让我有了更好发展空间,有了更好生活条件,“一个人可以无所谓,但是不能没有理想、梦想”我一直认为梦想是自己奋进路线目标,是祖国奔向强国之梦,小康生活发展方向。我一直记得。是的,正是因为有梦想,我们才经历坎坷依然前行,正是因为有梦想,我们才历经沧桑信心不改,坚定我的信念与梦想,去与伴随祖国一起,实现那个梦想。
当鸦片战争击破“天朝上国”迷梦,当西方文明剧烈冲击“天不变,道亦不变”的心理,当中华民族面临“千年未有之变局”、面对“千年未有之强敌”,中华儿女就有一个梦想,一个民族复兴的梦想。五百多年历史悠久文明古国,遭受到了多少磨难,突然沧桑的巨变,虽然改变历史转变,但是,我们却洗刷不掉外来侵略和耻辱,用血肉铸造长城,用生命换来血的代价,铭刻记住那难忘历史岁月,那会的梦是沉睡的梦,刚睡醒的梦,让人民精诚团结,共同建造一条铁的长城,抵抗所有侵略分子野心与霸道,赶出中国,这是那段历史梦,逐渐实现了,完成了,而现在这个超越时代梦,我们还要共同与祖国一起完成这个梦想,实现伟大复兴梦想。
170多年来,无数中华儿女就执着于这个梦,为民族复兴上下求索,而今,在实现这个梦想的新的历史征程上,xx深情阐述“中国梦”, 他引用了三句诗“雄关漫道真如铁”、“人间正道是沧桑”、“长风破浪会有时”,将中华民族的昨天、今天和明天,熔铸于百余年中国沧桑巨变的历史图景,展现于几代人为民族复兴奋斗的艰辛历程,令人感慨、催人奋进。
在困苦岁月里,听爷爷、奶奶给我们讲故事,讲那些过去困苦,艰辛而无法对比的生活日子,那枪炮烟火的日子,生命与生存很难把握自己命运生活,饱受饥寒,衰弱祖国,用团结就是力量,人民的力量共同抗敌,一起抗战,反对外来侵略,解放全中国,解放全人民,为实现新的中国,而不断发展各项事业,大展发展农田水利建设,勒紧裤带建造两弹、一星,为保卫国家,保卫家园而超远战略思想,为长远发展奠定了坚实基础。
尽管我们的梦想实现未必尽如人意,有的人还在埋怨,收入还不够高,房子还不够大,工作还不够好,看病还不够方便,但与自己的过去相比,梦想的旅程都早已离开原点,梦想的花朵已然开始绽放。但是,我们逐渐在实现那美好梦想,渐渐的,渐而靠近了我们,不远了,越来越近。
当“中国梦”没有绽放,个人的梦又如何开花?从根本上说,我们每个人梦想生长的土壤,都深深植根于“中国梦”。我们随着祖国的这个梦不断在追求者,执着的向往那个目标,我们每个人梦想的成长,都有“中国梦”的成长相伴。有了“中国梦”的茁壮,我们才能与祖国这个梦一起分享,那快乐的大餐。
这30多年来,我们能够改变自己的生活甚至命运,能够让自己的梦想次第开放,展现自我,放飞自我,奔放自我,有你的发展选择,也是我的选择,是你的机遇,也是我的机会。亿万农民工能够在神州大地上自由流动,市场的生机活力在最贫穷的地方也能够崭露头角。我们也不能忘记,这一切根本得益于“中国梦”的追逐,得益于党带领人民在追逐“中国梦”的进程中,创造了发展传奇。都是邓爷爷给我们用改革开放的思路,对外贸易交流,使得我们进步加速,让我们感受了发展经济的强劲势头,高瞻远瞩超远的思想发展战略,与我们这个梦想逐渐临近,为实现伟大复兴而奋进努力。
中国梦”与个人梦唇齿相依。我们追逐自己的梦,本身构成了“中国梦”的一块块基石。“中国梦”的建构,又为我们放飞自己的梦想提供了平台和土壤。让我们去共建这个梦想,与你同伴,与你同行。
历史的年轮,让我们记住历史的耻辱,那过去发展史段的落后,接力棒在我们这代人的手中,我们要不负众望,不负使命,不负重托,社会给了我们责任和使命,我们要一起携手共建和谐时代,赶超那前进的年轮,无愧国家对我们的培养,为更好的梦想与祖国一起飞翔。实现那梦一样的崛起-----中国。
看了“"关于中国梦的经典演讲"”
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语录现指能引起共鸣的、发人深省,有一定传播力的名人之言、网民言论、社会事件所产生的新词条。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些演讲经典语录,希望对大家有所帮助。
1. 当我十七岁的时候,我读到了一句话:“如果你把每一天都当作生命中最后一天去生活的话,那么有一天你会发现你是正确的。”这句话给我留下了深刻的印象。从那时起的33年内,我在每天早晨都会对着镜子问自己:“如果今天是我生命中的最后一天,你会不会完成你今天想做的事情呢?”当答案连续多次都是“不”的时候,我知道自己需要改变某些事情了。
2. 读书一定要有专业知识和文化常识,特别是文化常识。古代的经典要读,现在人写的好书也要读。比如当年明月的《明朝那些事》。
3. 我要对那些正在看着我们的国家和人民说,无论你身处繁华的都市还是像养育了我父亲那样的小村庄:对于那些追求和平与尊严的男人、女人和孩子,美国将永远是你们的朋友,我们将继续和你们一起前进。
4. 你们可能从未象我这样经历过如此多的失败,但生命中必然存在失败。没有人可以永远成功,除非你象根本没有活着一样地小心生活——而这根本就是一种彻头彻尾的失败。
5. 人与人之间的关系是传球的关系,你传给别人一个干净的球别人也会传给你一个干净的球,如果你传给比人一个脏球,别人好的话会直接给你传回来,要是不好的再给上面吐两口再传回来。
6. 如今,我们面对的是一个全新的责任时代——人人都需重视,对我们自己,我们的国家乃至整个世界,都有一份责任。我们会欣然接受这份责任,人生也正因此而充实。
7. 三天半读一本书,记不住没关系,心里有一种自信:这本书我读过了,就像一个人谈过恋爱后又是光棍了和本来就是光棍不一样。
8. 感谢欣赏本篇经典语句文章,更多经典内容请关注:富含哲理的句子 感慨人生经典句子 失败是“0”,为自己的人生留下多少个“0”都不要紧,但不要忘记最后在“0”前写一个“1”。这个一就是你自己。
9. 失去并不一定是坏事,因为失去了,所以我们的心灵就渴望新的东西,生活就有了新的目标。从痛苦中领悟并解脱而获得的幸福才是你真实感受到的幸福。
10. 什么才能称得上你们这一代的伟大之处?我认为是使用你们在这里所学的知识,不仅仅是找到与计算机连接的方式,而且找到与人的连接方式;不仅仅是架设桥梁填补技术间的鸿沟,更是架设文化间的桥梁;不仅仅是使用数字和公式创造,更是使用语言去引领。在这个过程中,填补愚昧与智慧间的差距。
11. 世界上的机会是无穷无尽的,你找到机会的可能性也是无穷无尽的,只要你停止努力,你的生命就萎缩。只要有勇气就能找到机会,天无绝人之路,一个人再困难也会有出路。
12. 通过你的决心让自己脱颖而出,努力锻炼自己的能力,为生活设定一个目的,你将定义你自己的目标。努力工作并实现你的梦想。
13. 伟大不是凭空而来的,而是赢得的。在我们的历程中,从来没有走捷径或是退而求其次。
14. 未来20年,中国人崇拜的将是知识而不是官员。这一点我们应该向日本学习,这个民族对知识的尊重,无以复加。但现在在中国有点钱的人,有点小权的人--哪怕是个科长,也可以照样吧大学教授弄得没有尊严。这种貌似聪明的聪明,洋洋自得的市侩,是多么肤浅啊。
15. 我今天站在这里,因面前的任务感到谦卑,因你们的信任而感激,同时缅怀我们的前人所做出的牺牲。
16. 你们的时间很有限,所以不要将它们浪费在重复其他人的生活上。不要被教条束缚,那意味着你和其他人思考的结果一起生活。不要被其他人喧嚣的观点掩盖你真正的内心的声音。最重要的是,你要有勇气去听从你直觉和心灵的指示——它们在某种程度上知道你想要成为什么样子,所有其他的事情都是次要的。
17. 感谢欣赏本篇经典语句文章,更多经典内容请关注:富含哲理的句子 感慨人生经典句子 能力是通过的学习和实践而提高,必须面对变化的社会,根据社会的变化不断改变自己,不断更新自己。
18. 六个苹果自己吃不但单调甚至会有把肚子吃坏的危险,分给大家你并没有失去什么,而会得到友谊这种东西。还会得到六个不同颜色不同味道的水果。其实你很赚的。
19. 教育不仅要灌输知识,更重要的是铸就一种精神,爱国主义应该是教育的主题。要有民族的认同感。南北朝鲜在金刚山相聚的热烈拥抱,旅居北美的犹太人依然放弃外国国籍活到战火纷飞的故乡,西德推倒柏林墙,美国西部的开发,巴勒斯坦的小孩子向经过的坦克投掷石头。
20. 回忆录就是留下一段文字让别人感动的文字,是一路奋斗的历程,是一路有多少次让自己热泪盈眶,也让别人感动的回忆。
21. 我走路时都不会踩死蚂蚁,万一我踩死了那只公的,那母的怎么办啊。我一般也不吃鱼,我吃了那只母的,那只公的该怎么办啊。所以我一般不吃鱼,要吃就吃两条鱼。
22. 学会做人,最重要的是要有民族文化的根基。民族文化是我们民族精神的根基,民组语言是我们民族文化的核心。我们不能成为文化和精神的孤魂野鬼。
23. 在这个世界上一定要心平气和,但不要太平凡。毕竟来到地球上不容易!下一次什么时候来还不一定。
24. 这个世界对任何人都是公平的,世界上任何人的努力都是有回报的,没有经过努力的东西永远不属于你自己。
25. 真诚的微笑是如此的重要,是成功的敲门砖,当微笑时,对方看到的是精神体现,是一种友好和亲切,你生活中就会有许多朋友,而任何一个朋友给你的帮助是无限的。
看了“"演讲经典语录"”
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在19至20世纪的,英国和美国在文化、经济、军事、政治和科学在世界上的领先地位使得英语成为一种国际语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
看了“"英语经典演讲三篇"”
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经典指具有典范性、权威性的;经久不衰的万世之作;经过历史选择出来的“最有价值的”;最能表现本行业的精髓的;最具代表性的,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些中国的经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
研究国故,在现时确有这种需要。但是一般青年,对于中国本来的文化和学术,都缺乏研究的兴趣。讲到研究国故的人,真是很少,这原也怪不得他们,实有以下二种原因:一、古今比较起来,旧有的东西就很易现出破绽。在中国科学一方面,当然是不足道的;就是道德和宗教,也都觉浅薄得很,这样当然不能引起青年们的研究兴趣了。二、中国的国故书籍,实在太没有系统了。历史书,一本有系统的也找不到;哲学也是如此。就是文学一方面,《诗经》总算是世界文学上的宝贝,但假使我们去研究《诗经》,竟没有一本书能供给我们做研究的资料的。原来中国的书籍,都是为学者而设,非为普通人、一般人的研究而作的。所以青年们要研究,也就无从研究起。我很望诸君对于国故,有些研究的兴趣,来下一番真实的工夫,使彼成为有系统的。对于国故,亟应起来整理,方能使人有研究的兴趣,并能使有研究兴趣的人容易去研究。
“国故”的名词,比“国粹”好得多。自从章太炎著了一本《国故论衡》之后,这“国故”的名词于是成立。如果讲是“国粹”,就有人讲是“国渣”,“国故”(National Past)这个名词是中立的。我们要明了现社会的情况,就得去研究国故。古人讲,知道过去才能知道现在。国故专讲国家过去的文化,要研究它,就不得不注意以下四种方法:
一、历史的观念
在一般青年,所以对于国故没有研究兴趣的缘故,就没有历史的观念。我们看旧书,可当它作是历史看。清乾隆时,有个叫章学诚的,著了一本《文史通义》,上边说“六经皆史也”。我现在进一步来说:“一切旧书——古书——都是史也”。本来历史的观念,就不由然而然地生出兴趣了。如道家炼丹修命,确是很荒谬的,不值识者一笑。但本了历史的观念,看看它究竟荒谬到了什么田地,亦是很有趣的。把旧书当作历史看,知他好到什么地步,或是坏到什么地步,这是研究国故方法的起点,是叫“开宗明义”第一章。
二、疑古的态度
疑古的态度,简要言之,就是“宁可疑而错,不可信而错”十个字。譬如《书经》,有今文《尚书》和古文《尚书》之别。有人说,古文《尚书》是假的,今文《尚书》有一部分是真的,余外一部分,到了清时,才有人把它证明是假的。但是现在学校里边,并没有把假的删去,仍旧读它全书,这是我们应该怀疑的。至于《诗经》,本有三千篇,被孔子删剩十分之一,只得了三百篇。《关雎》这一首诗,孔子把它列在第一首,这首诗是很好的。内容是一很好的女子,有一男子要伊做妻子,但这事不易办到,于是男子“寤寐求之”,连睡在床上都要想伊,更要“悠哉悠哉,辗转反侧”呢!这能表现一种很好的爱情,是一首爱情的相思诗。后人误会,生了许多误解,竟牵到旁的问题上去。所以疑古的态度有两方面好讲:一、疑古书的真伪。二、疑真书被那山东老学究弄伪的地方。我们疑古的目的,是在得其“真”,就是疑错了,亦没有什么要紧。我们知道,[没有]哪一个科学家是没有错误的。假使信而错,那就上当不浅了!自己固然一味迷信,情愿做古人的奴隶,但是还要引旁人亦入于迷途呢!我们一方面研究,一方向就要怀疑,庶能不上老当呢!如中国的历史,从盘古氏一直相传下来,年代都是有“表”的,“像煞有介事”,看来很是可信。但是我们要怀疑,这怎样来的呢?根据什么呢?我们总要“打破砂锅问到底”,究其来源怎样,要知道这年月的计算,有的是从伪书来的,大部分还是宋朝一个算命先生,用算盘打出来的呢。这哪能信呢!我们是不得不去打破它的。
在东周以前的历史,是没有一字可以信的。以后呢?大部分也是不可靠的。如《禹贡》这一章书,一般学者都承认是可靠的。据我用历史的眼光看来,也是不可靠的,我敢断定它是伪的。在夏禹时,中国难道竟有这般大的上地么?四部书里边的经、史、子三种,大多是不可靠的。我们总要有疑古的态度才好!
三、系统的研究
古时的书籍,没有一部书是“著”的。中国的书籍虽多,但有系统的著作,竟找不到十部。我们研究无论什么书籍,都宜要寻出它的脉络,研究它的系统。所以我们无论研究什么东西,就须从历史方面着手。要研究文学和哲学,就得先研究文学史和哲学史。政治亦然。研究社会制度,亦宜先研究其制度沿革史,寻出因果的关系,前后的关键,要从没有系统的文学、哲学、政治等等里边,去寻出系统来。
有人说,中国几千年来没有进步,这话荒谬得很,足妨害我们研究的兴趣。更有一外国人,著了一部世界史,说中国自从唐代以后,就没有进步了,这也不对。我们定要去打破这种思想的。总之,我们是要从从前没有系统的文学、哲学、政治里边,以客观的态度,去寻出系统来的。
四、整理
整理国故,能使后人研究起来,不感受痛苦。整理国故的目的,就是要使从前少数人懂得的,现在变为人人能解的。整理的条件,可分形式内容二方面讲:
(一)形式方面,加上标点和符号,替它分开段落来。
(二)内容方面,加上新的注解,折中旧有的注解。并且加上新的序跋和考证,还要讲明书的历史和价值。
我们研究国故,非但为学识起见,并为诸君起见,更为诸君的兄弟姊妹起见。国故的研究,于教育上实有很大的需要。我们虽不能做创造者,我们亦当做运输人——这是我们的责任,这种人是不可少的。
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感恩是对别人所给的帮助表示感激,是对他人帮助的回报。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些感恩企业的经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
尊敬的各位领导、各位评委、各位同事:
大家好,今天我演讲的题目是《感恩企业、从我做起》。
首先我要感谢矿领导和工会组织的这次演讲活动,能给我一个在这里展现自我的机会。我是一名来自基层的普通矿工,在我们芦沟煤矿干了将近X个年头,见证了芦沟煤矿从集团公司的老大难到如今的佼佼者,从举步维艰到步履铿锵、栉风沐雨、砥砺奋进的发展历程。想想艰难困苦时的芦沟,再对比现在惬意富足的生活,不禁让人心潮澎湃、感慨万千。说句心里话,刚到煤矿参加工作时,面对一个又脏又累的工作岗位和“煤黑子”这样一个贬义称呼,面对一月不到千元的工资和上有老下有小的生活压力,内心也曾犹豫过、挣扎过、动摇过、退缩过,但是面对企业的温暖、领导的关怀、同事的帮助和家人的期待,我浮躁的内心渐渐被充实的工作所平息,渐渐爱上了我的岗位,坚定了从事煤炭行业的决心和信心。
近几年来,矿党政领导班子带领全框干部职工披星戴月、风雨兼程,同舟共济、砥砺奋进,逐步摆脱了过去的困境,一步步取得了今天的辉煌成绩,在企业创造经济效益的同时,不忘回报职工,为职工提高了工资福利水平,改善了生产生活环境。现在我们住着洁净舒适的职工公寓,看着液晶电视,吹着空调暖气,大部分职工还实现了有房有车的梦想。与此同时,企业为减轻职工劳动强度,不惜投入大量资金购买设备;为应对物价上涨,给职工补贴伙食费:为活跃职工业余生活,建立了文体中心和灯光球场:为保障职工身心健康,每年为职工做体检等等。如今我们工作有尊严,生活有盼头,事业有作为,上下同欲,矿区一片和谐繁荣、充满生机与活力的景象。这一切都是矿领导班子带领广大职工凝神聚力、团结进取、勇攀高峰的结果。企业的不断发展壮大给我们职工带来了良好舒适的工作环境,带来了实实在在的实惠利益,也给我们每位职工提供了广阔的建功立业平台,为我们创造了充分展现才华,实现自我人生价值的机会。
今年来,随着国内经济增速放缓,造成市场需求疲软、煤价下滑等因素导致煤炭企业遭遇了突然来袭的寒冬。常言说,滴水之恩,涌泉相报,在我们享受企业发展成果时,在企业遇到发展难题和危机时,我们是否更应该常怀感恩之心,以奉献精神去回报企业,和企业共担风雨,同舟共济,共度难关呢?
有时我常常会想,企业给了我一份工作,使我得到了成长和锻炼;企业给了我一份事业,使我有了奋斗方向和目标。企业给与了我们很多,而我们为企业付出了什么呢?该以怎样的方式去回报企业呢?我们郑煤集团董事长说:“感恩,需要职工主动为企业分忧,把企业面临的压力变为自身的动力。”事实的确如此,虽然我们大多都是郑煤的一名普通职工,但是我们同样是郑煤的主人翁,在企业辉煌时,我们为他锦上添花,在企业遇到困境时,更需要我们每一位企业的职工为他分忧,把企业的面临压力变为自身动力,保持积极向上的乐观心态,拿出所有的工作热情,全身心的投入到自己的本职工作中去;更需要我们充分发扬创新进取、艰苦奋斗工作作风,坚定我们对企业的信心,树立必胜信念,圆满完成各项目标任务。一个人只有懂得感恩,才能想干事、能干事,才能不断产生持久的动力,我们应该做一名有感恩心的职工,感恩企业、回报企业,把企业当成自己的家,从我做起,从现在做起,从每一件小事做起,从节约每一滴水、一度电、一张纸、一颗钉、一根椽子做起,为企业增收节支、节能降耗。以实际行动为企业多做奉献与企业共度寒冬。
我们集团总经理张明剑曾这样说:感恩是双向的,不管企业面对什么样的形势,郑煤集团年初定下的职工工资福利待遇不会降。所以说感恩既是一种责任担当,也需要一种奉献精神,我们有这样为职工着想的好领导,还有什么理由不干好本职工作,奉献企业呢?还有什么理由不把工作当成我们毕生追求的事业,感恩企业呢?企业为我谋幸福,我与企业共成长,在当今这样一个大环境下,正是我们发扬团队精神奋力拼搏的时候,正是我们每一位职工在困境中迎难而上的时候,让我们把对企业感恩的心转化为实际行动吧!相信只要我们坚定与企业在一起,同呼吸,共命运,同心协力,就一定能克难攻坚,抵御风雨,迎接郑煤辉煌灿烂的明天!
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国王的演讲这部影片获得金球奖、美国制片人公会、导演公会和影视演员公会奖等多项提名和奖项。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些国王的演讲经典句子,希望对大家有所帮助。
1.King George VI: [Logue is sitting on the coronation throne] Get up! Y-you can't sit there! GET UP!
Lionel Logue: Why not? It's a chair.
King George VI: T-that... that is Saint Edward's chair. Lionel Logue: People have carved their names on it.
【罗格端坐在加冕典礼宝座上】
乔治六世:给我起来!你不能坐哪儿!快起来 莱诺·罗格:为啥不行?不就是一椅子么。
乔治六世:呐……那……那是圣爱德华的椅子。 莱诺·罗格:人家都随便刻了名字上去了。
2.Lionel Logue: Do you know any jokes?
King George VI: ...Timing isn't my strong suit.
【第一次看诊】 莱诺·罗格:你会说笑话么?
乔治六世:……掌控时间,不是我强项。
3.King George VI: L-listen to me... listen to me!
Lionel Logue: Why should I waste my time listening to you? King George VI: Because I have a voice! Lionel Logue: ...yes, you do.
【两个人的争执】
乔治六世:听……听我说……听我说! 莱诺·罗格:凭啥我要浪费时间听你说话? 乔治六世:就因为我说的话举足轻重。 莱诺·罗格:……没错,的确如此。
4.Stanley Baldwin: Your greatest test... is yet to come!
【首相辞职】 斯坦利·鲍德温:你最大的考验……即将到来。
5.Queen Elizabeth: My husband's work involves a great deal of public speaking. Lionel Logue: Then he should change jobs. Queen Elizabeth: He can't.
Lionel Logue: What is he, an indentured servant? Queen Elizabeth: Something like that.
【伊丽莎白王后第一次匿名登门造访罗格】
伊丽莎白王后:我丈夫的工作涉及大量公众演说。 莱诺·罗格:还是换个工作比较靠谱。 伊丽莎白王后:能换早换了。 莱诺·罗格:难不成是个受人摆布的奴仆? 伊丽莎白王后:也差不多啦。
6.Logue: What was your earliest memory?
King George VI: I'm not... -here to discuss... -personal matters. Lionel Logue: Why are you here then?
King George VI: Because I bloody well stammer!
【依旧是第一次看诊】 莱诺·罗格:你最早的记忆是什么?
乔治六世:我不是……到这里来讨论……个人隐私的。 莱诺·罗格:那你干嘛到这里来?
乔治六世:因为我口吃得要死行了吧。
7.Lilibet: What's he saying? [watching a clip of Hitler speaking]
King George VI: I don't know but... he seems to be saying it rather well.
【看希特勒的演说影像】 伊丽伯特:他在说什么?
乔治六世:我不知道,不过……貌似说得很有煽动力。
8.Myrtle Logue: Will their Majesties be staying for dinner?
Queen Elizabeth: We would love to, such a treat, but alas... a previous engagement. What a pity.
【罗格太太提前回家,撞到了国王和王后陛下】 梅顿·罗格:敢问陛下是否留下共进晚餐?
伊丽莎白王后:我们很乐意,盛情难却,不过……早有安排在先。甚为遗憾。
9.King George VI: If I am King, where is my power? Can I declare war? Form a government? Levy a tax? No! And yet I am the seat of all authority because they think that when I speak, I speak for them.But I can't speak.
【宣战演说之前】 乔治六世:如果我是国王,我的权力又在哪里?我能宣战么?我能组建政府?提高税收?都不行!可我还是要出面坐头把交椅,就因为整个国家都相信…我的声音代表着他们。但我却说不来。
10.King Edward VIII: Sorry, I've been terribly busy. King George VI: Doing what? King Edward VIII: Kinging.
【王室兄弟之间的争论】
爱德华八世:不好意思啊,最近超忙。 乔治六世:忙着干嘛?
爱德华八世:忙着当国王呗。
11.[As King George is lighting a cigarette] Lionel Logue: Please don't do that. King George VI: I'm sorry?
Lionel Logue: I believe sucking smoke into your lungs will kill you. King George VI: My physicians say it relaxes the throat. Lionel Logue: They're idiots.
King George VI: They've all been knighted. Lionel Logue: Makes it official then.
【罗格禁止国王抽烟】 莱诺·罗格:请不要那样做。 乔治六世:啥? 莱诺·罗格:抽烟吸到肺里相当于自杀。 乔治六世:我的医生说那样会放松喉部。 莱诺·罗格:他们是白痴。
乔治六世:他们都被授了爵位了。 莱诺·罗格:那就是官方白痴咯。
12.[Talking to Churchill about the influence that Wallis Simpson seems to have on Edward VIII]
Queen Elizabeth: Apparently she has certain skills - acquired at an establishment in Shanghai.
【同丘吉尔说起辛普森太太到底是怎么吸引住爱德华八世的】
伊丽莎白王后:显然她有她独到的……手段咯,想来是在上海练成的。
看了“"国王的演讲经典句子中英对照"”
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这世上的一切都借希望而完成,农夫不会剥下一粒玉米,如果他不曾希望它长成种粒;单身汉不会娶妻,如果他不曾希望有孩子;商人也不会去工作,如果他不曾希望因此而有收益,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些励志英语经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
The only thing we have to fear is fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
我们唯一害怕的 是害怕本身——这种难以名状、失去理智和毫无道理的恐惧,把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾,不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧,它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信,在目前危急时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
我和你们都要以这种精神,来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝,这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠,人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺,但就在我们见到这种情景的时候,宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了,他们固执己见而又无能为力,因而已经认定失败了,并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉,将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
是的,他们是努力过,然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败,他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱,他们只得求助于讲道,含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光,而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
如今,货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱;幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦,在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到,我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉,而是为自己和同胞们服务,那么,我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的,我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准,来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念;我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为,它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱,信心,只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些,就不可能有信心。
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
但是,复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来,现在就行动起来。
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use
of our great natural resources.
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气,这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成,就象对待临战的紧要关头一样,但同时,在有了人手的情况下,我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
我们齐心协力,但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡,我们必须在全国范围内重新分配,使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力,会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声,有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输,通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成,但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动,立即行动。
And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
最后,为了重新开始工作,我们需要两手防御,来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来;一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制:一定要杜绝投机;一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
以上这些,朋友们,就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案,并且,我要向18个州请求立即的援助。
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
通过行动,我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦,使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易,虽然很重要,但现在在时间和必要性上,次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议,作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易,但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路,是即时之路,是保证复苏功效持久之路。
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
在国际政策方面,我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重,因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务,尊重与他国协约的国家。
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话,我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题,我们是互相依存的,我们不可以只索取,我们还必须奉献。我们前进时,必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队,愿意为共同的原则而献身,因为,没有这些原则,就无法取得进步,领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备,并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产,因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议,为了更伟大的目标,我们所有的人,以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务,非战乱,不停止。
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
有了这样的誓言,我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务,致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动,这样的目标,在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单,实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况,只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想,正因为如此,我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay ction may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等,能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏,紧迫起来。
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托,即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
在此举国奉献之际,我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人,愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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一篇好的演讲文,恰当的开头是必不可少的,好的开头才能吸引人们有兴趣听下去,结尾跟开头一样,引领人们回味,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典开头结尾,希望对大家有所帮助。
1. Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Prayer Service Address
William Jefferson Clinton
S: Thank you very much, Governor Keating and Mrs. Keating, Reverend Graham, to the families of those who have been lost and wounded, to the people of Oklahoma City, who have endured so much, and the people of this wonderful state, to all of you who are here as our fellow Americans.
E: My fellow Americans, a tree takes a long time to grow, and wounds take a long time to heal. But we must begin. Those who are lost now belong to God. Some day we will be with them. But until that happens, their legacy must be our lives. Thank you all, and God bless you. 2. Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate
Ronald Reagan
S: Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, and speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall. Well since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn to Berlin. And today, I, myself, make my second visit to your city.
We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it's our duty to speak in this place of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well; by the feeling of history in this city -- more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer, Paul Linke, understood something about American Presidents. You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin” [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]
E: In the 1950s -- In the 1950s Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." 3. Address on Taking the Oath of the U.S. Presidency
Gerald R. Ford
S: Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:
The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.
E: With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution; to do what is right as God gives me to see the right; and to do the very best I can for America.
God helping me, I will not let you down. Thank you.
4. Energy and the National Goals - A Crisis of Confidence
Jimmy Carter
S: This a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party to run for President of the United States. I promised you a President who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares your dreams, and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.
E: In closing, let me say this: I will do my best, but I will not do it alone. Let your voice be heard. Whenever you have a chance, say something good about our country. With God’s help and for the sake of our nation, it is time for us to join hands in America. Let us commit ourselves together to a rebirth of the American spirit. Working together with our common faith we cannot fail.
Thank you and good night.
5. On Vietnam and Not Seeking Reelection
Lyndon Baines Johnson
S: Good evening, my fellow Americans:
Tonight I want to speak to you of peace in Vietnam and Southeast Asia. No other question so preoccupies our people. No other dream so absorbs the 250 million human beings who live in that part of the world. No other goal motivates American policy in Southeast Asia.
E: Accordingly, I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President. But let men everywhere know, however, that a strong and a confident and a vigilant America stands ready tonight to seek an honorable peace; and stands ready tonight to defend an honored cause, whatever the price, whatever the burden, whatever the sacrifice that duty may require.
Thank you for listening. Good night and God bless all of you. 6. Cambodian Incursion Address
Richard M. Nixon
S: Good evening, my fellow Americans. Ten days ago, in my report to the nation on Vietnam, I announced the decision to withdraw an additional 150,000 Americans from Vietnam over the next year. I said then that I was making that decision despite our concern over increased enemy activity in Laos, in Cambodia, and in South Vietnam. And at that time I warned that if I concluded that increased enemy activity in any of these areas endangered the lives of Americans remaining in Vietnam, I would not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. Despite that warning, North Vietnam has increased its military aggression in all these areas, and particularly in Cambodia.
E: The possibility of winning a just peace in Vietnam and in the Pacific is at stake.It is customary to conclude a speech from the White House by asking support for the President of the United States. Tonight, I depart from that precedent. What I ask is far more important. I ask for your support for our brave men fighting tonight halfway around the world, not for territory, not for glory, but so that their younger brothers and their sons and your sons can have a chance to grow up in a world of peace, and freedom, and justice. Thank you, and good night.
7. Opening Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee
Anita Hill
S: My name is Anita F. Hill, and I am a professor of law at the University of Oklahoma. I was born on a farm in Okmulgee County, Oklahoma, in 1956. I am the youngest of 13 children. I had my early education in Okmulgee County. My father, Albert Hill, is a farmer in that area. My mother's name is Irma Hill. She is also a farmer and a housewife.
E: It would have been more comfortable to remain silent. It took no initiative to inform anyone -- I took no initiative to inform anyone. But when I was asked by a representative of this committee to report my experience, I felt that I had to tell the truth. I could not keep silent.
8. Television and the Public Interest
Newton N. Minow
S: Governor Collins, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. Governor Collins you're much too kind, as all of you have been to me the last few days. It's been a great pleasure and an honor for me to meet so many of you. And I want to thank you for this opportunity to meet with you today.
E: I urge you, I urge you to put the people's airwaves to the service of the people and the cause of freedom. You must help prepare a generation for great decisions. You must help a great nation fulfill its future.
Do this! I pledge you our help. Thank you. 9. Black Power
Stokely Carmichael
S: Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program by its chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by our appearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I'm going to run for President of the United States. I just can't make it, 'cause I wasn't born in the United States. That's the only thing holding me back.
E: And then, therefore, in a larger sense there's the question of black people. We are on the move for our liberation. We have been tired of trying to prove things to white people. We are tired of trying to explain to white people that we’re not going to hurt them. We are concerned with getting the things we want, the things that we have to have to be able to function. The question is, Can white people allow for that in this country? The question is, Will white people overcome their racism and allow for that to happen in this country? If that does not happen, brothers and sisters, we have no choice but to say very clearly, "Move over, or we’re going to move on over you." Thank you.
10. Vice Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address
Geraldine Ferraro
S: Ladies and gentlemen of the convention:
My name is Geraldine Ferraro. I stand before you to proclaim tonight: America is the land where dreams can come true for all of us. As I stand before the American people and think of the honor this great convention has bestowed upon me, I recall the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., who made America stronger by making America more free. He said, "Occasionally in life there are moments which cannot be completely explained by words. Their meaning can only be articulated by the inaudible language of the heart." Tonight is such a moment for me. E: To all the children of America, I say: The generation before ours kept faith with us, and like them, we will pass on to you a stronger, more just America. Thank you.
看了“"英语演讲经典开头结尾"”
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开场白是演出或其他开场时引入本题的道白,比喻文章、介绍或讲话等开始的部分,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典开场白,希望对大家有所帮助。
Ladies and Gentlemen, Good morning! I’m very glad to stand here and give you a short speech. Man’s life is a proceof growing up, actually I’m standing here is a growth. If a person’s life must constituted by various choices, then I grow up along with these choices. Once I hope I can study in a college in future, however that’s passed, as you know I come here, now I wonder what the future holds for me. When I come to this school, I told to myself: this my near future, all starts here. Following I will learn to become a man, a integrated man, who has a fine body, can take on important task, has independent thought, an open mind, intensive thought, has the ability to judge right and wrong, has a perfect job. Once my teacher said :” you are not sewing, you are stylist; never forget which you should lay out to people is your thought, not craft.&rdquo#from I will put my personality with my interest and ability into my study, during these proceI will combine learning with doing. If I can achieve this “future”, I think that I really grow up. And I deeply believe kindred, good-fellowship and love will perfection and happy in the future. How to say future? Maybe it’s a nice wish. Lets make up our minds, stick to it and surely well enjoy our life.
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经典是最能表现本行业的精髓的、最具代表性的,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲经典句式,希望对大家有所帮助。
I want to remind... 我想提醒……
例如:
I want to remind you that it’s never too late to learn. (我想提醒你们,无论何时开始学习都不迟。)
I want to remind you all that we share the responsibility. (我想提醒大家,我们都得承担责任。)
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中外名人经典演讲辞是为帮助大、中学生,各界官员和企业家以及喜爱演讲的朋友提高演讲能力,精选了中外名人最有分量最能点石成金的经典演说,摄取了政治、军事、外交、经济、科技、学术、教育等方面的内容,今天读文网小编给大家分享一下中外名人经典演讲辞的序言,希望对大家有所帮助。
“一人之言重于九鼎之宝 三寸之舌强于百万雄师”
演讲是人类文明长河奔腾的激流中所涌起的簇簇浪花。演讲已经具有相当悠久的历史。它随着人类文明的萌动而萌动,人类文明的发展而发展,人类文明的兴盛而兴盛。
演讲最早出现于古希腊罗马的共和议会中,是民主政治的产物。演讲辞作为语言表现的一种形式,一开始就有着重要的社会功用和自身特色。演讲辞是为准备演讲而写成的文稿,它针对某件事、某个问题发表自己的意见、主张并陈述其理由。它除具有议论文的论点鲜明、逻辑性强的特点外,还讲究内容的针对性、思想性和鼓动性,语言的口语化,同时还运用多种修辞手法和表达技巧,具备较强的说服力和感染力。有的演讲辞是通过深思熟虑写成,有的是临场即兴发挥,但总的目的是为了号召人、感染人,使听众自觉或不自觉地了解演说者的主张和意见并产生共鸣,以达到最佳的演说效果。
好的演讲能很好地展示演讲者的智慧和才华,体现演讲者的风度和气质,使听者如沐春风,于心悦诚服中,精神得到感奋,心智得到点拨;好的演讲能助你战胜政敌、说服谈判对手,并赢得对方的尊重;好的演讲能缩短人们心灵间的距离,促进彼此间的交往与交流。正所谓“一人之言重于九鼎之宝 三寸之舌强于百万雄师”。同样一篇优秀的演讲辞不仅应该内容丰富,具备极强的感染力和号召力,同时也应该语言优美,逻辑严谨,注入强烈的感情和机智的幽默。这样方能晓之以理,动之以情,切切实实地吸引听众、打动听众。
好的演讲并非天生,而是后天学习和长期苦练的结果。为帮助大、中学生,各界官员和企业家以及喜爱演讲的朋友提高演讲能力,本书精选了中外名人最有分量最能点石成金的经典演说,摄取了政治、军事、外交、经济、科技、学术、教育等方面的内容。在选人、选材和演讲风格方面,由于这些名家伟人个性各异、身分不同,也由于他们是在不同的历史背景下进行的演讲,所以风格方面就丰富多彩。他们的演讲或慷慨激愤,或悲壮深重;或言辞激切,或和风细雨;或含蓄隽永,或直抒胸怀;或严肃端庄,或幽默诙谐;或铺陈排比,或简洁凝炼等等,即使是相类似的演说,也显现出不一样的风貌。比如同是总统就职演讲,邱吉尔谦逊委婉,肯尼迪锋芒毕露,而华盛顿则是诚恳温和……
本书以时间为序,以演讲者的国别分章,并附有演讲者的简介。在选篇上尽量做到篇篇有伟人的睿智,篇篇有思想的闪光,并具有咀嚼不尽的魅力,挖掘不完的真谛。
由于编者自身水平和视野有限,在选编方面恐多有疏漏,个中偏见或错误,敬请读者批评指正。这是套话,却更是实话。
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如今,许多国际场合都使用英语做为沟通媒介,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语短小经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Life is about choices
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I want to tell you something very important today.
I want to tell you that life is about choices.
You can choose to be miserable or you can choose to enjoy life.
You can choose to improve your health or you can choose to destroy it.
I hope you will make correct choices.
I hope you will choose to enjoy your family, enjoy your friends, enjoy your work, and enjoy your everyday life.
Life is a gift and we really should enjoy every minute of it.
Join the group of people who make good choices.
Enjoy your life!
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人的情感沟通能力只有7%是通过语言所表现的,37%在于你在话中所强调的词,56%完全与言辞无关,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇演讲的肢体语言的经典案例,希望对大家有所帮助。
在当今的全球贸易环境中,管理的成功离不了国际上的战略性接洽。随着全球日益紧密相联,商务洽谈将更多地在国外的环境中进行。因此,理解不同文化中商务洽谈者的交流行为,将促进跨文化商务洽谈的成功、推动跨国界的合作。
商务洽谈在本质上是一个交流过程。尽管洽谈中的非语言暗示是交流过程中不可分割的一部分,但是经理人却常常忽视了自己及对方发出的非语言暗示。结果呢,虽然现在的国际商务洽谈者一般使用的是同一种语言(通常是英语),但一个人的非语言行为仍会表达出不同的含义。对此的误解常会削弱洽谈的成效。
非语言交流主要有:(1)脸部表情、(2)凝望及目光接触、(3)手势、(4)身体动作、(5)身体姿势、(6)空间和距离、(7)碰触、(8)语调、(9)外观、(10)时间的利用。第1个副栏中对中国香港和大陆所做的调查结果说明了不同文化的情况。
理解不同文化背景下的非语言暗示,从中获得的收益该如何用于跨文化洽谈呢?魏宝元的调查包括了中国香港和大陆许多实例,为跨文化环境下负责商务洽谈的经理人提供了以下实用方法。
在启程去谈判之前,要具体、可靠地了解对方国经理人一些特别的非语言暗示。 对异乡经理人而言,这一点非同小可。它可以避免因误解当地洽谈者的非语言行为而产生的高昂代价。理解了香港洽谈者对效率的重视,就可以避免误会他们盛气凌人、不真诚或冷淡。他们喜欢按时开始,按时结束。寒喧几分钟后,他们便会直奔主题。他们希望在前20分钟内达成协议,然后在短暂的寒喧中(不超过15分钟)结束会谈。在高节奏的香港,会谈时间短、对方与你共度时间少并不表示他们缺少兴趣或热情。
中国大陆则与之对照鲜明。对方的热忱程度的确反映了其合作兴趣的多少。例如,对方不在机场或车站迎接,就表示他们对达成协议无甚兴趣。这意味着你要投入更多精力并做出一定妥协。当中方谈判者推迟做结论或回避讨论中的问题,就表示他们不同意,且不准备再花时间考虑你的建议。
大陆人以沉默表示反对,而香港人则以沉默表示该结束会谈,并不表示意见冲突。理解另一文化下主要谈判者行为的象征意义,就可以使自己避免误解对方行为而造成高昂代价。
看了“"演讲的肢体语言的经典案例"”
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孝道,作为一种道德,必须在一定的社会人际关系中才能产生,而且离不开道德主体的主观需要和社会需要。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇经典的孝道演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
我们老人常常讲福田心耕,什么心耕呢?简单的讲,福田孝顺心耕,福田爱心耕。孝顺/仁爱,我们人生的福分和智慧就不断的增长。儒家有一部经典《大学》讲“德者本也,财者末也”。末:不是最后一名,财者,末梢也,财者,枝叶花果也。财富的根本是德行,而德行的根本又是什么呢?孔老夫子在《孝经》开宗明义章中就有讲:夫孝,德之本也,德行的根本是孝道。当我们力行孝道的时候,我们人生的福份就会很好地成长。
我相信很多朋友读过《二十四孝》,《二十四孝》里面第一个孝子是谁?舜王。舜王他小的时候,就是一个普通的农民,没有什么文化,但是舜王对父母至孝。孝敬生福,孝敬生智慧,因为舜王他这一份孝敬之心,大幅度的提升他福分、智慧,大幅度地提升他的心灵的境界,他从一个普通的农民通过孝道就走到了一个国王的位置上,尧王把两个女儿嫁给他,把皇帝的位置让给他。“富有四海,宗庙享之,子孙保之。”孔老夫子说,“故大德,必得其位,必得其禄,必得其名,必得其寿。”一个人有德行了,一定会得到与德行相应的地位、福禄、名分,还有最宝贵的长寿,您全部都能得到,只要您有德。因为厚德载物啊。
很多朋友讲,我这一生,可能都达不到舜王的那种孝顺的境界。那么我们退一步讲,我们做一个为人子应尽的本分的孝道,应该做到吧,我们深信,就您这一份—我们每个人都应该做到的孝道,一定会保证,你这一生的财富不会缺乏,你的工作会稳定,不会很辛苦。因为什么?你有德行。我认识一位先生,他小的时候特别贫穷,他跟他母亲住两间房子,一间房子是厨房,另一间房子就是卧室,是个小平房,上厕所,是几十户人家用的一个厕所,家非常贫穷。但是他小的时候就非常孝顺父母。他父亲去世以后,他跟老母亲相依为命,特别孝道。二十多岁了,他母亲就到处找人,给他找对象,找了好多个,谈不成。他母亲就奇怪了,怎么都谈不成呢?后来母亲一打听,明白了,原来她儿子谈对象的时候,第一次看到女孩子,这个先生特别孝道,也很淳朴,就问人家这个女孩子,你能孝顺我妈吗?你要是能孝顺我妈,咱俩就成,不孝顺我妈,咱俩就别再谈了。他母亲也很上火,包括亲戚朋友也想,你家这么穷,搞一个对象就不错了,还有条件孝顺你妈。这位先生做的对不对?他母亲就劝他好几次,说我能活多少年,你找个对象我就安心了。他说那不行,我找个对象跟您打架,您能不上火吗?还不如我孝顺您,您多幸福。老母亲一听孩子这样讲,是又欢喜,又难过。母亲内心很安慰。大家想一想,这么一个穷人,但是很孝顺,能不能找到对象?老子说:天道无亲,常与善人。他的太太,有一天也是偶然的听人家一说,有这么一个男士,有这么一个条件,他太太就很欢喜:现在这个世界上还有这么一个人,这么孝顺。就跟介绍人讲,你给我介绍介绍,看我有没有这个缘分。因为他的太太很孝顺,物以类聚,人以群分,两个人一见面后怎么样,两棵相同的树,就站到一起了。所以这个先生跟太太结婚以后,两个人对老母亲恭敬孝顺。他们俩就商量,咱们俩都没工作,做点小买卖吧。结婚以后,他俩就做小买卖,第一年就爆发了,后来他俩就买了很多商店,变成很有名的一个富翁。有一次,这位先生来听我们中国传统文化的课程,听到我们讲课以后感动了,他一定要请我们吃饭,吃饭的时候,我就问这位先生,我说你为什么,今天一定要请我们吃饭?他说我今天只听了你们半小时的课程,我才明了,我为什么能发财。其实我并不会做生意,我的朋友让我干啥我就干啥,我跟我的朋友一起干,我能挣钱他就赚不到钱,我一直不知道为什么。今才知道,原来我这个福都是在我母亲身上培来的,我并不知道孝顺母亲能给我带来这么大的福报,我就觉得我应该这样做,做人的原则应该是孝道,没想到得来这么大的福报。所以郑玄郑夫子就讲:“富贵不可求而得之,当修德以得之”,您不要去求财富,如果您想求财富也可以,怎么求?尽德、孝道,财富就来了,用德行来召感这个福分。《百孝篇》讲得很透彻:“孝子贫穷终能好”。现在我们就会知道君子求财,取之有道。哪个道是什么道?孝道。
我们的一个老师,夫妻两个人做生意做了二十年。没有推展中国传统文化以前,她是做生意的。她说,我现在出去挣钱,一年挣二、三十万肯定没问题。但为什么不干了?有一次,我们夫妇俩到她们家里去串门,因为都是非常好的朋友,她就给我倒水、说话。她说孙老师,我的人生道路上,有一个非常奇怪的现象。她说,别人都以为咱家会超过一千万,以为咱家多有钱,其实我老也没达到这个目标。我说为啥呀,你买卖做得这么好。她说我们俩口子都品出来了,品出来什么味道,就是咱们家的财富,攒到一定的额度以后,再增加咱家就出事了。她家的钱存款超过这个额度她家就出事。我说出什么事?孩子有病,咱们两口子有病,再不老人有病,就大量地花钱,这个钱一旦花到这个额度底下以后,降低到额度以下,她家的财富,她家的这个孩子的病马上就好,她家孩子就没病。所以现在她家做生意,挣钱接近这个数额的时候,她们两口子就心惊肉跳,她说我还不好意思跟别人讲。大家想一想,为什么会这样?我把这水杯端起来。挣钱,就是往咱们家的水杯里倒水,但是大家知道,谁是咱家的水杯,装财富的杯?大家知道吗?我们家
什么东西装财,能存住财,德行,厚德载物,德行就是杯。德行是杯,财富是水,我们开始挣钱,不能再挣了吧,再挣它存不住,您不白辛苦吗?老人讲的,不是进法院,就是进医院。咱们家这道德是一定的,其实现在社会很多人不尽德,道德都下降,他装钱的杯,越来越小,就算他德行是一定的,他不积德,好,杯是一定的,挣到这么多,再不能挣,这就是额度,再多了,满则溢。她听到我们这么说以后,她就知道,自已有多大的德了,为什么?您有多大德,您就有多少福分。所以他们两口子现在不挣钱了,明白了,她现在不做生意了,全心全力推展中国传统文化。她说我还是让杯,我把杯做大一点,挣钱是次要的,有多大杯,将来就有多大的福分。孔老夫子讲得很透彻,夫子给我们讲得很清楚:故大德,必得其位,必得其禄,必得其名,必得其寿。为什么?德能感动一切美好,所以大家要知道,孝顺是根,德行是本,财富是果实,当咱们大家的孝顺、德行不断提升,我们家的财富的枝叶花果就会愈来愈繁荣。
(待讲座熟练时可加:在台湾有这么一个新闻,我们老师讲的。这个先生,那是四十年以前的事了,他在部队里当兵,他是少将,少将的肩膀上扛两颗星,他的福分有多大,多重?两颗星的果实?少将工作很努力,上级就提拔他,变成中将,中将怎么样?肩膀上三颗星,它这个果实变三颗星了,沉不沉,是不是重了?能不能擎得起,很难讲。上头的红头文件已经下来了,内部的这些行政人员都知道,既然已经升为中将了,那就请客吃饭。他也很欢喜,晚上就请大家吃饭,吃饭的时侯,喝酒喝多了,脑溢血,就死在酒桌上。大家想一想,为什么会这样?他的福分,他的德行,跟少将,两颗星相应,再大了行不行?不行。所以我们老人就知道,您的福分是一定的,它是跟德行相应的,命里有时终须有,命里无时莫强求。)
“有财此有用”,这句话什么意思?当我们力行孝道,广积德行的时候,咱们家财富这个果实越来越好,您的地位,您的财富,您的寿命,都会越来越好。但是大家要知道,我们尽德以后,福分很大。我们要用这个财富来干吗?我们看看大自然的表法,大自然的万事万物,大自然的一切美好,它都是来表达孝敬的,大自然的万有,都是用来行孝道的。
(待熟练事可加:大家看一看,这一缕温暖的阳光,每天照耀着我们。大家想一想,阳光每天普照大地,有没有向人类来收一分钱的费用?说你不给我钱,我明天太阳不出来,有没有这样的?没有吧。天旱的时候,天热的时候,我们希望上天能下清凉的细雨,天下雨的时候,有没有跟我们收费,说一亩地交多少钱,我才给你们下多少雨,有这样的吗?没有。它就在表达孝敬和仁爱。)
您看看,森林里面,您到森林里面去看,原始森林去看,树根上有一层厚厚的叶子,那是干吗的?为什么树根上有一层厚厚的叶子?根吸取养分,来滋润这棵大树的枝叶花果,让大树繁盛,大树知不知道根的恩德?肯定知道。所以原始森林里面的树叶和花果,到深秋的时候,全部都落在根上,知恩报恩,来表达孝敬。好,再看花,花开得很美,花知不知道孝道?我们有首古诗里面有讲:落红不是无情物,下一句是什么?化做春泥更护花。花有没有情?花有真情,孝敬。花很美,大家赞叹花的时候,花也在想,我要报答根的恩德。当花凋零的时侯,它落在哪里?落在根上,化做春天的泥土,来报答根的恩德。那么我们用福分来干吗?我们有钱了,我们有钱了不是为了自己享受,而是要用我们的财富、地位,我们的福分,力身行道,扬名于后世,贡献国家、民族、社会,以显父母,以显祖宗,光耀门楣。是为了给后代子孙带来很好的榜样,我们用人生的智慧福分去孝敬父母公公婆婆岳父岳母、长辈、祖先,去孝敬咱们家族大树根的时候,孝悌传家,我们家族这棵大树就会进入生生不息的局面。
(待熟练事可加:这就是中国传统文化,这就是中国人,老祖宗的智慧,中华民族,五千年的大树,为什么不倒?所有的后人,都全心全意用自己全部的生命,全部的福分,来回报根的恩德,所以中华民族这棵大树,五千年,生生不息。我们现在已经有迹象表明,中国传统文化在复兴,中国的经济在腾飞!我们深深地相信,我们诸位,我们一起努力,我们就会再造一个,中华民族兴盛的太平盛世!我们每一个人都肩负着这份责任,和谐社会,和谐世界,就从孝敬心开始,从家庭和睦开始。)
《大学》也讲:“货悖而入者,亦悖而出”,这话什么意思?悖就是违背道德,钱,如果您用违背道德的方式进来的话,它也从不好的道走出去,这是什么意思?老人讲得很透彻,钱怎么来,它就怎么走,钱怎么来就怎么去。
我们曾经看到一则报道,一个先生正睡觉,突然听到公安局追小偷的声音,这声音越来越近,他怕小偷跑进他家的院子里面来,就穿上衣服,到院子里面看着,就听到小偷把包裹扔到他家院子里,就跑远了。他早晨打开这个包裹一看,全是钱。这先生没见过这么多钱,他心动不动?见得思义,您不可以动心的,因为什么?您得到地位、财富、名份的时候,您要想一想,我得到这份福分,符不符合仁义道德。但是这位先生动了心,本应该把钱交给公安局,还给丢钱的人,人家也很着急,也很难过。他没有,风声过了以后,就用这笔钱做买卖,暴发了,但是还没有到十
年的时间,突然有一天就被一伙歹徒,把他家里洗劫一空,一个晚上,他家又回到原来。所谓:命里有时终须有,命里无时莫强求。人能巧于计谋,天会怎么样?天更巧于报应。所以我们的一个观念,一句话,一个动作,不是没有人知道,老人常讲:“人间私语,天闻若雷”。人间说一句悄悄的话,您以为没有人知道,上天听到您的话像什么?像雷声那么大,不会没有人知道。所以做人干干净净,您有孝敬、仁慈,您积德,您的幸福美满才会长长久久。
这段经文是《太上感应篇》的一段,我们先看第一句,“又诸横取人财者,乃计其妻子家口以当之,渐至死丧”,到这儿,第一句话,我们先看一下:横取人财,就是用不正当的手段,来获取财富。横取人财,会造成一个什么样的状况,渐至死丧,妻子、家人会出现什么状况?如果很过分的话,能让妻子和孩子,乃至先生死亡,很严重的话。黑龙江有一个案例,他的妻子就是一个普通的职员,先生是县里面一个很有权势的领导。他们夫妻两个人感情很好,他太太突然就得癌症了,先生就领着太太到全国的各大有名的医院去治疗,一共花了一百五十万。后来我们就想到,您再能挣钱,两口子可能存钱存一辈子,也达不到一百五十万,钱从哪里来?一定是不正常。您看,钱花了,把妻子的命给搭进去了,什么意思?渐至死丧。原因在哪?横取人财惹的祸。钱不干净惹的祸。
很多朋友讲,我没有那么大权利,也没有那么大的聪明智慧,我挣不了那么多钱,我打点小麻将,挣点钱,偷税漏税,该交的钱,该交两块钱的税,非要交一块钱,算不算横取人财?打麻将,打扑克,偷税漏税,还有彩票,都不算正当生意,并且咱们家用一块钱,是不应该得的您得了,都有副作用。现在我把副作用告诉大家,大家要注意,什么副作用呢?若不死丧,说您还没有达到那么严重的程度,但是您也是打麻将,打扑克等等,偷税漏税,短斤缺两的,行不行?若不死丧,则有水、火、盗贼、遗亡器物、疾病口舌诸事,以当妄取之值。您就会有什么呢?水灾、火灾、盗贼,有盗贼偷您家东西,遗亡器物,这干嘛呢,丢东西,东西莫名其妙就丢了,疾病,有疾;口舌,家庭不和睦。您看有几个打麻将的家庭和睦的。口舌诸事,以当亡取之值。您妄取,您取得财富不符合伦理,不符合仁义礼智信,不符合国家的法律规定,偷税漏税在里面,不可以的,您会产生这些问题。
所以司马光先生就讲:“积金以遗子孙,子孙未必能守”,您留钱给子孙,子孙不一定能守得住的;“积书以遗子孙,子孙未必能读”,很厚的经典,您留给子孙,他有没有那个清净心去看,很困难的。司马光先生告诉我们,“不如积阴德于冥冥之中,以为子孙长久之计”。古代的圣哲人,他们给子孙留什么?阴德,德行,孝顺,爱别人就是德行。圣哲人告诉我们,要留阴德于冥冥之中,以为子孙长久之计。这里一个很大的暗示,暗示什么?德行能穿越时空,能照亮我们万代子孙光明的前程。东汉时期,在东莱有一位太守叫杨震,为官清廉,常常为国家举荐一些好的人才,为国家服务。当时举荐一位读书人王密做昌邑县令。有一次,杨震办事路过昌邑,晚上王密给杨震送来一坛金子,以表达他对杨震的感激之情。大家想一想,杨震会收这箱金子吗?不会的。杨震拒收这箱金子。王密说:“杨大人啊,您收下吧!这件事只有你知我知。”杨震说:“怎么是你知我知,还有天知地知”。王密听完之后,觉得很惭愧。杨震的德行也传递给他的后代子孙,他的儿子秉、孙子赐、曾孙彪都位置三公,做高官。杨震没有收这些黄金,他吃亏了吗?没有,他赢得的是更大的功德和庇荫子孙的福份。所谓积善之家,必有余庆,福及子孙。而这个阴德不只庇荫后代,这个阴德在积累的过程已经成为子孙效法的榜样了。所以孔夫子、范仲淹先生、杨震先生留有阴德,也留下了处事待人的规范给后代学习。传家有道唯孝悌,能孝悌传家,家风必然可以兴盛不败。所以当我们懂得这个道理以后,特别是我们已经为人父母了,这一生都不要做别的,就是尽德,我们力行孝道,去真诚的孝顺我们的父母、公公婆婆、岳父岳母,去孝顺我们的长辈和祖宗,然后把我们的孝道扩大,我们用孝顺父母的心,去孝顺一切人,我们用真诚的孝敬,去孝顺万事万物,去爱天下的苍生。您这份德行,就能庇荫我们无尽的后裔,让我们后代子孙,幸福、美满、智慧。
孔老夫子说:“夫孝,德之本也。”孝道是人生幸福德根本。“孝悌之至,通于神明,光于四海,无所不通”。当我们真诚地孝顺我们的父母公公婆婆岳父岳母长辈祖先,并用这份孝敬心,爱天下的父母,爱一切社会大众的时候,我们的生活一定是至善圆满的幸福生活,我们的人生一定是光明金色的人生。
看了“"经典孝道演讲"”
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经典指具有典范性、权威性的;经久不衰的万世之作,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些世界经典英语演讲片段,希望对大家有所帮助。
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to , but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
幸福并不在于单纯的占有金钱,幸福还在于取得成功后的喜悦,在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些黯淡的日子能使我们认识到,我们真正的使命不是要别人侍奉,而是要为自己和同胞们服务的话,那么,我们付出的代价是完全值得的。
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名人指的是杰出的或引人注目的人物,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些全球名人演讲经典语句巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
1.我们的宪法不抄袭邻国的宪法。我们不模仿别人,相反,却是别人的典范。我们的政府为大多数人而不为少数人谋利,这就是它被称为民主政体的原因。法律方面,所有个别情况不同的人都得到同样的公平对待。至于人们的社会地位,在公众生活中获得擢升的人均具真才实学而非徒负虚名。有才干的人不容受其所属阶级影响;贫穷亦不至阻挡其前进道路。能为国家服务的人不因出身低微而受困阻。我们在政府工作中享受的自由,在日常生活也可得到。我们绝不因嫉妒而互相监视,不因邻人做自己喜欢的事而生气,甚至不喜欢常常脸露不豫之色。因此这种脸色虽无实际惩罚作用,却着实令人反感。我们与人交往随和,但不会因此成为目无法纪的公民。正是畏惧流于 目无法纪的心理,成为捍卫我们法律的主要保障,教导我们服从行政机构和法律。我们格守保护受害人的法律,不论其是否明载于法典。即便这类法律不成文,违反者必定蒙受耻辱。此外,我们提供多种方法,使人在从事纷繁的事务后得到休息,头脑清新。我们终年举行娱乐活动及祭神典礼。优雅的住宅成为我们日常欢愉生活的泉源,驱散我们的忧闷。我们规模宏大的城市吸引世界各国将产品运人我们的港口,让我雅典人得以经常享用其他各国及本国的产品。我们的军事政策也同敌人的不同。我们的城市向世界敞开大门。虽然敌人或会因我们自由开放而进行窥探得益,我们从不订出排外法令,阻止外国人到此学习和观察。相对来说,我们不大依靠政策制度,反而较为信赖我们公民天生的爱国精神。在教育方面,我们的对手以严酷的纪律自小训练公民英勇精神,而我雅典公民则完全随意而生活,却同样能随时面对任何真正危险。为证明此事实,请注意,斯巴达人侵略我国时,动辄与所有同盟者联合,不敢单独前来。而我雅典人进入邻国国土时,不需别人支援。我们在国外打仗,往往不费吹灰之力便征服了保卫自己家园的异国人。我们不用整支部队对外克敌,因为我们既要守护海上,又要派遣公民在陆地执行上百种不同勤务。如此看来,无论敌人在何处遭遇我方武装力量分队,战胜我们的分队可扩大视为战胜我们的国家,相反,如若失败,便等于败在我们全体人民之手。然而,尽管我们习惯于安闲而不惯劳苦,我们的勇气来自天生而非训练所得,我们仍然愿意面向危险。我们具有双重有利条件:既可免于事先受严格训练之苦,又在需要时,能够同经常警戒的人一样,无畏地迎接艰险。
2.我们如果从另一角度来思考死亡,就会发觉有绝大理由相信死亡是件好事。死亡可能是以下两种情形中之一:或者是完全无知觉的虚无状态;或是大家常说的一套,是灵魂经历变化,由这个世界移居到另一世界。倘若你认为死后并无知觉,犹如无梦相扰的安眠,那么死亡真是无可形容的得益了。如果某人要把安恬元梦的一夜同一生中的其他日子相比,看有多少日夜比这一夜更美妙愉快,我想他说不出有多少天。不要说是平民,就是显赫的帝王也如此。如果这就是死亡的本质,那么死亡真是一种得益,因为这样看来,永恒不过是一夜。倘若死亡一如大家常说那样,只是迁居到另一聚居了所有死去的人的世界,那么,我的诸位朋友、法官啊,还有什么事情比这样来得更美妙呢?假若这游历者到达地下世界时,摆脱了尘世的判官,却在这里见到真纯正直的法官迈诺、拉达门塞斯、埃阿科斯、特立普托里玛斯,以及一生公正的神的诸子,那么这历程就确实值得一行了。如果可以同俄耳甫斯、缪萨尤斯、赫西奥德、荷马相互交谈,谁不愿意舍弃一切?要是死亡真是这样,我愿意一死再死。我愿碰到帕拉默底斯、蒂拉蒙的儿子埃杰克斯以及受不公平审判而死的古代英雄,和他们交谈。我相信互相比较我们所受的苦难会是件快事。更重要的是,我可以像在这个世界一样,在那新世界里继续探求事物的真伪。我可以认清谁是真正的才智之士,谁只是假装聪明。法官们啊,谁不愿舍弃一切,以换取研究远证特洛伊的伟大领袖、奥德修斯、西昔法斯和无数其他的男男女女的机会!同他们交谈,向他们请教,其乐无穷!在那个世界里,绝不会有人因提出问题而获死罪!如果传说属实,住在那里的人除了比我们快乐之外、还会永生不死。法官们啊,不要为死亡而感到丧气吧。要知道善良的人无论生前死后都不会遭逢恶果,他和家人不会为诸神抛弃。快要降临在我身上的结局绝非偶然。我清楚知道,现在对我说来,死亡已比在世为佳,我可以摆脱一切烦恼:因此未有神谕显现。为了同样的理由,我不怨恨起诉者或是将我判罪的人。他们虽对我不怀善意,却未令我受害。不过,我可要稍稍责怪他们的不怀善意。但我仍然要请他们为我做一件事情。诸位朋友,我的几个儿子成年后,请为我教导他们。如果他们把财富或其他事物看得比品德为重,请像我麻烦你们那样麻烦他们。如果他们自命不凡,那么,请像我谴责你们那样谴责他们,因为他们忽视了应看重的事物,他们本属藐小而自命不凡。你们倘能做到,我和我的儿子便会自你们手中得到正义。离别的时刻到了,我们要各自上路——我将走向死亡,你们继续活着。至于生与死孰优孰劣,只有神明方才知道了。
3.雅典人!任何时候,我们辩论的主题都是指向腓力充满敌意的各种企图,指向他不断对和平犯下的暴行。在辩论中,你们的发言充满人性和正义。而且,有些人在猛烈抨击腓力时所表现的激情,将永远受到大家的欢迎。但是,直率他讲,关于必要的各项措施,至今既没有人进行探索,也没有人做过任何一件切实有效的事情。当然,在座各位比腓力更有资格为正义事业辩护,或者说当它遭受到别人强制时更有资格为它忧虑。但是,如何切实有效地反对腓力目前的各种图谋呢?在这方面,你们全然无所作为。对后果,对必要性,对必然的结局,你们明察秋毫,你们个个擅长于此,你们耗费了大量的时间和精力。只是,腓力强于行动,而你们长于演说。如果认为只消用真理和正义的浩然气势去论辩、去说项就足够了,那么我们可以非常容易地做到这一点。但是,如果我们打算考虑一下如何匡正时下的混乱,如何提防漫不经心地陷入更大的危险,如何阻止最终会扼杀所有反对意见的某种力量的增长,如果我们真想这样考虑,我们的辩论就必须采用另一种不同的方式来进行。雅典人,首先我要说的是,如果有人面对腓力日益扩大的权势和征服欲竞无动于衷,毫不担心,甚至还幻想这并不预示着国家面临危难,或者幻想腓力的各种图谋不全是针对你们,这样,我将感到震惊!我不得不恳求你们留心地听我解释,而我要解释的那些理由促使我抱有不同的看法,促使我把腓力看作是我们真正的敌人。我首先要提到和约刚签订后腓力获得的东西——温泉关,以及福西斯的统治权。腓力利用它们干了些什么?他用来讨好忒拜人,而不是为雅典人的利益服务,这是为什么呢?因为他野心勃勃,他追求的唯一目标是一统天下的帝国;他不是为了和平,不是为了安宁,也不是为了任何正义的目的。他内心非常清楚,我国的宪法和原则使他无机可乘,不会允许他用他的任何承诺和他的任何作为,劝诱你们为了个人利益而牺牲希腊的一个城邦。由于你们相当注重正义,唯恐自己的名誉沾上哪怕一丝污点,由于你们具有敏锐的识别能力,所以一旦他有所企图,你们就会群情激奋,起而反对,其势如同你们直接遭到攻击一般。腓力认为,忒拜人为了自身利益,决不会去反对和阻止他的图谋,而会容许他随心所欲地如法对待其他地方的人,并会欣然听候调谴,为他而战。现在,出于同样的信念,他对美塞尼亚人和阿尔戈斯人恩宠有加,信誓旦旦。我的同胞们,这一切反而将你们反衬得更加伟大,更为光彩。因为,在经历了一系列事件之后,事实证明唯有你们在坚定不移地维护着希腊人的权利。任何个人感情,任何出自私利的游说都不能诱惑你们背离对希腊的热爱之情。腓力知道你们持有这些观点,持有这些与忒拜人和阿尔戈斯人截然不同的观点,这也是六乎情理的。因为他也许已被你们所折服,你们不仅用过去而且用现在的事例使他感到信服。他肯定很早就知道,你们的先辈原本可以通过归顺国王而换得希腊的主权。当亚力山大这位腓力的先辈以信使身份前来传达条件的时候,雅典人不仅表示轻蔑,决不听从,而且作出了弃城的选择。尽管雅典人遇到了各种难以想象的困难,但他们的英勇行为却使人们激动不已,永远称颂。至于忒拜人和阿尔戈斯人的先辈,腓力知道前者是为暴君而战,而后者并不反对他。因此,他早就了解到这两个民族所关注的仅仅是私利,一点也不关心希腊人的共同事业。腓力如果选择你们作为他的同盟,你们至多也只会在正义所允许的范围内为他效力;但是,如果他到忒拜人和阿尔戈斯人那里去寻求支持,他将会得到他们的帮助来实现他的雄心和完成全部计划。正因为这一点,无论是过去还是现在,腓力决意站在他们那边,而不是站在你们这边。雅典人,让那些曾经信誓旦旦的人受到传唤吧!这是公正的做法,因为正是他们的许诺,才促使你们签订了和约。如果早知道在达成和约后腓力竞会如此行事,那我决不会去出任什么和谈使节,而且我坚信,你们也决不会放下武器。不!决不会!腓力昔日作出的保证与今天的所作所为大相径庭!另外,还有一些人也必须受到传唤。他们是什么样的人呢?在我第二次出使归来看到这个国家受到凌辱的时候,我向你们提出过危险的警告,证明过事实的真相,并尽我所能反对放弃温泉关和福西斯。在这个时候,就是这些人大叫大嚷,说什么我这个禁酒主义者乖僻暴戾,说什么只要和约得以通过,腓力就会按照他们的意愿行事,就会加强塞斯比阿和普拉蒂亚,制止忒拜人的蛮横无礼,切断切尔松尼斯,并将埃维厄岛和奥罗珀斯让给雅典人,作为安菲波利斯的等价交换之物。我相信,你们对所有这些依然记忆犹新,尽管此刻更能让人牢记的是切肤之痛,更有甚者,你们似乎嫌这奇耳大辱还未到顶,你们竟然将自己的子孙后代也卷入到那个和约中去,让他们全然依附于那些承诺;你们从来没有像今天这样彻底地陷入一种诱惑。此刻,我提这个问题的目的何在?我又为何希望那些人应该受到传唤?我要诸神为我作证,我将毫不推诿,我将勇敢地宣布真理!我不会破口谩骂,进行攻击,那样只会使自己遭到同样的待遇,再次为我的宿敌提供一个领取腓力赏金的好机会;我也不会沉湎于那种向公众慷慨陈词的虚荣做法。但是,我确实忧心忡仲:腓力的所作所为比现在更能引起你们关注的那一天肯定会到来。我认为他的图谋正变得越来越成熟。但愿将来的事实证明我现在的担心和疑虑是多余的。但我还是惧怕这个时刻离我们不远了。只有到了是否可以对事态不加理会己由不得你们作主的时候,到了你们要用自己的知识和理智,而不是用我的或其他什么人提供信息在燃眉之急中确保自己安全的时候,你们才会迸发出最强烈的忿恨。既然我们的问题还没有完全令人绝望,既然我们还有着辩论的权利,那么,请允许我提醒你们一件事:是谁游说你们放弃福西斯和温泉关?我们中间谁也不会对这个问题一无所知。只要一得到那两个地方,那个人就为他的军队开往阿提卡和伯罗奔尼撒铺平了道路。尔后,他就能迫使我们放弃考虑希腊的权力和我们在外国的利益,迫使我们转而进行一场防御战争。我们每个人都必须强烈地意识到那个人的居心。而就在那一天,他的图谋变成了现实了。如果当时我们不是受骗上当,这个国家本当没有什么事情值得我们担忧。他的海军不可能变得如此强大,足以从海上冒犯阿提卡;他也不可能横扫温泉关和福西斯。若不是我们受骗上当,他只能在道义约束下认真遵守协议,否则立即会卷人一场战争,就像上次那场战争那样,他必将被迫乞求和平。
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励志是集中心思致力于某种事业,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些励志的经典你眼睛,希望对大家有所帮助。
I choose the poverty of our poor people.
But I am grateful to receive (the Nobel Prize) in the name of the hungry, the naked, the homeless, of the crippled, of the blind, of the lepers, of all those people who feel unwanted, unloved, uncared-for throughout society, people that have become a burden to the society and are shunned by everyone."
Also as soon as she learned about the plan for a dinner on her honor she politely asked for the dinner to be cancelled to save the money to feed the poor.
As we have gathered here together to thank God for the Nobel Peace Prize, I think it will be beautiful that we pray the prayer of St. Francis of Assisi which always surprises me very much . We pray this prayer every day after Holy Communion, because it is very fitting for each one of us.
And I always wonder that 400-500 years ago when St. Francis of Assisi composed this prayer, they had the same difficulties that we have today as we compose this prayer that fits very nicely for us also. I think some of you already have got it - so we pray together: Let us thank God for the opportunity that we all have together today, for this gift of peace that reminds us that we have been created to live that peace, and that Jesus became man to bring that good news to the poor.
He, being God, became man in all things like us except in sin, and he proclaimed very clearly that he had come to give the good news. The news was peace to all of good will and this is something that we all want - the peace of heart. Ad God loved the world so much that he gave his son - it was a giving: it is as much as if to say it hurt God to give, because he loved the world so much that he gave his son. He gave him to the Virgin Mary, and what did she do with him?
As soon as he came in her life, immediately she went in haste to give that good news, and as she came into the house of her cousin, the child - the child in the womb of Elizabeth, lept with joy. He was, that little unborn child was, the first messenger of peace. He recognized the Prince of Peace, he recognized that Christ had come to bring the good news for you and for me.
And as if that was not enough - it was not enough to become a man - he died on the cross to show that greater love, and he died for you and for me and for that leper and for that man dying of hunger and that naked person lying in the street not only of Calcutta, but of Africa, and New York, and London, and Oslo - and insisted that we love one another as he loves each one of us.
And we read that in the Gospel very clearly: "love as I have loved you; as I love you; as the Father has loved me, I love you." And the harder the Father loved him, he gave him to us, and how much we love one another, we too must give to each other until it hurts. It is not enough for us to say: "I love God, but I do not love my neighbor." Saint John says that you are a liar if you say you love God and you don't love your neighbor.
How can you love God whom you do not see, if you do not love your neighbor whom you see, whom you touch, with whom you live? And so this is very important for us to realize that love, to be true, has to hurt. It hurt Jesus to love us. It hurt him. And to make sure we remember his great love, he made himself the bread of life to satisfy our hunger for his love - our hunger for God - because we have been created for that love. We have been created in his image.
We have been created to love and to be loved, and he has become man to make it possible for us to love as he loved us. He makes himself the hungry one, the naked one, the homeless one, and he says: " You did it to me". he is hungry for our love, and this is the hunger that you and I must find. It may be in our own home. I never forget an opportunity I had in visiting a home where they had all these old parents of sons and daughters who had just put them in an institution and forgotten, maybe.
And I went there, and I saw in that home they had everything, beautiful things, but everybody was looking towards the door. And I did not see a singe one with a smile on their face. And I turned to the sister and I asked: How is that? How is that these people who have everything here, why are they all looking towards the door? Why are they not smiling? I am so used to see the smiles on our people, even the dying ones smile. And she said: "This is nearly every day.
They are expecting, they are hoping that a son or daughter will come to visit them. They are hurt because they are forgotten." And see - this is where love comes. That poverty comes right there in our own home, even neglect to love. Maybe in our own family we have somebody who is feeling lonely, who is feeling sick, who is feeling worried, and there are difficult days for everybody. Are we there?
Are we there to Receive them? Is the mother there to receive the child? I was surprised in the West to see so many young boys and girls given into drugs. And I tried to find out why. Why is it like that? And the answer was: "Because there is no one in the family to receive them." Father and mother are so busy they have no time. Young parents are in some institution and the child goes back to the street and gets involved in something.
We are talking of peace. These are things that break peace. But I feel the greatest destroyer of peace today is abortion, because it is a direct war, a direct killing, direct murder by the mother herself. And we read in the scripture, for God says very clearly: "Even if a mother could forget her child, I will not forget you. I have curved you in the palm of my hand." We are curved in the palm of his hand; so close to him,that unborn child has been curved in the hand of God.
And that is what strikes me most, the beginning of that sentence, that even if a mother could forget, something impossible - but even if she could forget - I will not forget you. And today the greatest means, the greatest destroyer of peace is abortion. And we who are standing here - our parents wanted us. We would not be here if our parents would do that to us. Our children, we want them, we love them.
But what of the other millions. Many peopleare very, very concerned with the children of India, with the children of Africa where quite a number die, maybe of malnutrition, of hunger and so on, but millions are dying deliberately by the will of the mother. And this is what is the greatest destroyer of peace today. Because if a mother can kill her own child, what is left for me to kill you and you to kill me? There is nothing between. And this I appeal in India, I appeal everywhere - "Let us bring the child back" - and this year being the child's year: What have we done for the child?
At the beginning of the year I told, I spoke everywhere and I said: let us ensure this year that we make every single child born, and unborn, wanted. And today is the end of the year. Have we really made the children wanted? I will tell you something terrifying. We are fighting abortion by adoption. We have saved thousands of lives. We have sent word to all the clinics, to the hospitals, police stations: "Please don't destroy the child; we will take the child".
So every hour of the day and night there is always somebody - we have quite a number of unwedded mothers - tell them: "Come, we will take care of you, we will take care of the child from you, and we will get a home for the child". And we have a tremendous demand for families who have no children, that is the blessing of God for us. And also, we are doing another thing which is very beautiful. We are teaching our beggars, our leprosy patients, our slum dwellers, our people of the street, natural family planning.
And in Calcutta alone in six years - it is all in Calcutta - we have had 61 273 babies less from the families who would have had them because they practice this natural way of abstaining, of self-control, out of love for each other. We teach them the temperature method which is very beautiful, very simple. And our poor people understand. And you know what they have told me? "Our family is healthy, our family is united, and we can have a baby whenever we want".
So clear - those people in the street, those beggars - and I think that if our people can do like that how much more you and all the others who can know the ways and means without destroying the life that God has created in us. The poor people are very great people. They can teach us so many beautiful things. The other day one of them came to thank us and said: "You people who have evolved chastity; you are the best people to teach us family planning because it is nothing more than self-control out of love for each other."
And I think they said a beautiful sentence. And these are people who maybe have nothing to eat, maybe they have not a home where to live, but they are great people. The poor are very wonderful people. One evening we went out and we picked up four people from the street. And one of them was in a most terrible condition. And I told the sisters: "You take care of the other three; I will take care of this one that looks worse." So I did for her all that my love can do. I put her in bed, and there was such a beautiful smile on her face.
She took hold of my hand, as she said one word only: "thank you" - and she died. I could not help but examine my conscience before her. And I asked: "What would I say if I was in her place?" And my answer was very simple. I would have tried to draw a little attention to myself. I would have said: "I am hungry, I am dying, I am cold, I am in pain", or something. But she gave me much more - she gave me her grateful love.
And she died with a smile on her face - like that man who we picked up from the drain, half eaten with worms, and we brought him to the home - "I have lived like an animal in the street, but I am going to die like an angel, loved and cared for." And it was so wonderful to see the greatness of that man who could speak like that, who could die like that without blaming, without cursing anybody, without comparing anything. Like an angel - this is the greatness of our people.
And this is why we believe what Jesus has said: "I was hungry; I was naked, I was homeless; I was unwanted, unloved, uncared for - and you did it to me." I believe that we are not really social workers. We may be doing social work in the eyes of people. But we are really contemplatives in the heart of the world. For we are touching the body of Christ twenty-four hours. We have twenty-four hours in his presence, and so you and I. You too must try to bring that presence of God into your family, for the family that prays together stays together.
And I think that we in our family, we don't need bombs and guns, to destroy or to bring peace - just get together, love one another, bring that peace, that joy, that strength of presence of each other in the home. And we will be able to overcome all the evil that is in the world. There is so much suffering, so much hatred, so much misery, and we with our prayer, with our sacrifice are beginning at home. Love begins at home, and it is not how much we do, but how much love we put in the action that we do.
It is to God almighty - how much we do does not matter, because he is infinite, but how much love we put in action. How much we do to him in the person that we are serving. Some time ago in Calcutta we had great difficulty in getting sugar. And I don't know how the word got around to the children, and a little boy of four years old, a Hindu boy, went home and told his parents: "I will not eat sugar for three days.
I will give my sugar to Mother Teresa for her children." After these three days his father and mother brought him to our house. I had never met them before, and this little one could scarcely pronounce my name. But he knew exactly what he had come to do. He knew that he wanted to share his love. And this is why I have received such a lot of love from all. From the time that I have come here I have simply been surrounded with love, and with real, real understanding love.
It could feel as if everyone in India, everyone in Africa is somebody very special for to you. And I felt quite home, I was telling Sister today. If feel in the convent with the Sisters as if I am in Calcutta with my own Sisters. So completely at home here, right here. And so here I am talking with you. I want you to find the poor here, right in your own home first. And begin love there. Be that good news to your own people. And find out about your next-door neighbor.
Do you know who they are? I had the most extraordinary experience with a Hindu family who had eight children. A gentleman came to our house and said: "Mother Teresa, there is a family with eight children; they have not eaten for so long; do something". So I took some rice and I went there immediately. And I saw the children - their eyes shining with hunger. I don't know if you have ever seen hunger. But I have seen it very often.
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