为您找到与比尔盖茨哈佛演讲稿英文相关的共200个结果:
比尔盖茨是世界首富,是著名的慈善家。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇比尔盖茨在哈佛大学毕业典礼上的演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
President Bok, former President Rudenstine, incoming President Faust, members of the Harvard Corporation and the Board of Overseers, members of the faculty, parents, and especially, the graduates:
尊敬的 Bok 校长, Rudenstine 前校长,即将上任的 Faust 校长,哈佛集团的各位成员,监管理事会的各位理事,各位老师,各位家长,各位同学:
I’ve been waiting more than 30 years to say this: Dad, I always told you I’d come back and get my degree.
有一句话我等了三十年,现在终于可以说了: “ 老爸,我总是跟你说,我会回来拿到我的学位的!”
I want to thank Harvard for this timely honor. I’ll be changing my job next year … and it will be nice to finally have a college degree on my resume.
我要感谢哈佛大学在这个时候给我这个荣誉。明年,我就要换工作了(注:指从微软公司退休) …… 我终于可以在简历上写我有一个本科学位,这真是不错啊。
I applaud the graduates today for taking a much more direct route to your degrees. For my part, I’m just happy that the Crimson has called me Harvard’s most successful dropout. I guess that makes me valedictorian of my own special class … I did the best of everyone who failed.
我为今天在座的各位同学感到高兴,你们拿到学位可比我简单多了。哈佛的校报称我是 “ 哈佛大学历史上最成功的辍学生 ” 。我想这大概使我有资格代表我这一类学生发言 …… 在所有的失败者里,我做得最好。
But I also want to be recognized as the guy who got Steve Ballmer to drop out of business school. I’m a bad influence. That’s why I was invited to speak at your graduation. If I had spoken at your orientation, fewer of you might be here today.
但是,我还要提醒大家,我使得 Steve Ballmer (注:微软总经理)也从哈佛商学院退学了。因此,我是个有着恶劣影响力的人。这就是为什么我被邀请来在你们的毕业典礼上演讲。如果我在你们入学欢迎仪式上演讲,那么能够坚持到今天在这里毕业的人也许会少得多吧。
Harvard was just a phenomenal experience for me. Academic life was fascinating. I used to sit in on lots of classes I hadn’t even signed up for. And dorm life was terrific. I lived up at Radcliffe, in Currier House. There were always lots of people in my dorm room late at night discussing things, because everyone knew I didn’t worry about getting up in the morning. That’s how I came to be the leader of the anti-social group. We clung to each other as a way of validating our rejection of all those social people.
对我来说,哈佛的求学经历是一段非凡的经历。校园生活很有趣,我常去旁听我没选修的课。哈佛的课外生活也很棒,我在 Radcliffe 过着逍遥自在 的日子。每天我的寝室里总有很多人一直待到半夜,讨论着各种事情。因为每个人都知道我从不考虑第二天早起。这使得我变成了校园里那些不安分学生的头头,我们互相粘在一起,做出一种拒绝所有正常学生的姿态。
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Radcliffe was a great place to live. There were more women up there, and most of the guys were science-math types. That combination offered me the best odds, if you know what I mean. This is where I learned the sad lesson that improving your odds doesn’t guarantee success.
Radcliffe 是个过日子的好地方。那里的女生比男生多,而且大多数男生都是理工科的。这种状况为我创造了最好的机会,如果你们明白我的意思。可惜的是,我正是在这里学到了人生中悲伤的一课:机会大,并不等于你就会成功。
One of my biggest memories of Harvard came in January 1975, when I made a call from Currier House to a company in Albuquerque that had begun making the world’s first personal computers. I offered to sell them software.
我在哈佛最难忘的回忆之一,发生在 1975 年 1 月。那时,我从宿舍楼里给位于 Albuquerque 的一家公司打了一个电话,那家公司已经在着手制造世界上第一台个人电脑。我提出想向他们出售软件。
I worried that they would realize I was just a student in a dorm and hang up on me. Instead they said: We’re not quite ready, come see us in a month, which was a good thing, because we hadn’t written the software yet. From that moment, I worked day and night on this little extra credit project that marked the end of my college education and the beginning of a remarkable journey with microsoft.
我很担心,他们会发觉我是一个住在宿舍的学生,从而挂断电话。但是他们却说: “ 我们还没准备好,一个月后你再来找我们吧。 ” 这是个好消息,因为那时 软件还根本没有写出来呢。就是从那个时候起,我日以继夜地在这个小小的课外项目上工作,这导致了我学生生活的结束,以及通往微软公司的不平凡的旅程的开 始。
What I remember above all about Harvard was being in the midst of so much energy and Intelligence. It could be exhilarating, intimidating, sometimes even discouraging, but always challenging. It was an amazing privilege – and though I left early, I was transformed by my years at Harvard, the friendships I made, and the ideas I worked on.
不管怎样,我对哈佛的回忆主要都与充沛的精力和智力活动有关。哈佛的生活令人愉快,也令人感到有压力,有时甚至会感到泄气,但永远充满了挑战性。生 活在哈佛是一种吸引人的特殊待遇 …… 虽然我离开得比较早,但是我在这里的经历、在这里结识的朋友、在这里发展起来的一些想法,永远地改变了我。
But taking a serious look back … I do have one big regret.
但是,如果现在严肃地回忆起来,我确实有一个真正的遗憾。
I left Harvard with no real awareness of the awful inequities in the world – the appalling disparities of health, and wealth, and opportunity that condemn millions of people to lives of despair.
我离开哈佛的时候,根本没有意识到这个世界是多么的不平等。人类在健康、财富和机遇上的不平等大得可怕,它们使得无数的人们被迫生活在绝望之中。
I learned a lot here at Harvard about new ideas in economics and politics. I got great exposure to the advances being made in the sciences.
我在哈佛学到了很多经济学和政治学的新思想。我也了解了很多科学上的新进展。
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But humanity’s greatest advances are not in its discoveries – but in how those discoveries are applied to reduce inequity. Whether through democracy, strong public education, quality health care, or broad economic opportunity – reducing inequity is the highest human achievement.
但是,人类最大的进步并不来自于这些发现,而是来自于那些有助于减少人类不平等的发现。不管通过何种手段 —— 民主制度、健全的公共教育体系、高质量的医疗保健、还是广泛的经济机会 —— 减少不平等始终是人类最大的成就。
I left campus knowing little about the millions of young people cheated out of educational opportunities here in this country. And I knew nothing about the millions of people living in unspeakable poverty and disease in developing countries.
我离开校园的时候,根本不知道在这个国家里,有几百万的年轻人无法获得接受教育的机会。我也不知道,发展中国家里有无数的人们生活在无法形容的贫穷和疾病之中。
It took me decades to find out.
我花了几十年才明白了这些事情。
You graduates came to Harvard at a different time. You know more about the world’s inequities than the classes that came before. In your years here, I hope you’ve had a chance to think about how – in this age of accelerating technology – we can finally take on these inequities, and we can solve them.
在座的各位同学,你们是在与我不同的时代来到哈佛的。你们比以前的学生,更多地了解世界是怎样的不平等。在你们的哈佛求学过程中,我希望你们已经思考过一个问题,那就是在这个新技术加速发展的时代,我们怎样最终应对这种不平等,以及我们怎样来解决这个问题。
Imagine, just for the sake of discussion, that you had a few hours a week and a few dollars a month to donate to a cause – and you wanted to spend that time and money where it would have the greatest impact in saving and improving lives. Where would you spend it?
为了讨论的方便,请想象一下,假如你每个星期可以捐献一些时间、每个月可以捐献一些钱 —— 你希望这些时间和金钱,可以用到对拯救生命和改善人类生活有最大作用的地方。你会选择什么地方?
For Melinda and for me, the challenge is the same: how can we do the most good for the greatest number with the resources we have.
对 Melinda (注:盖茨的妻子)和我来说,这也是我们面临的问题:我们如何能将我们拥有的资源发挥出最大的作用。
During our discussions on this question, Melinda and I read an article about the millions of children who were dying every year in poor countries from diseases that we had long ago made harmless in this country. Measles, malaria, pneumonia, hepatitis B, yellow fever. One disease I had never even heard of, rotavirus, was killing half a million kids each year – none of them in the United States.
在讨论过程中, Melinda 和我读到了一篇文章,里面说在那些贫穷的国家,每年有数百万的儿童死于那些在美国早已不成问题的疾病。麻疹、疟疾、肺炎、乙型肝炎、黄热病、还有一种以前我从未听说过的轮状病毒,这些疾病每年导致 50 万儿童死亡,但是在美国一例死亡病例也没有。
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We were shocked. We had just assumed that if millions of children were dying and they could be saved, the world would make it a priority to discover and deliver the medicines to save them. But it did not. For under a dollar, there were interventions that could save lives that just weren’t being delivered.
我们被震惊了。我们想,如果几百万儿童正在死亡线上挣扎,而且他们是可以被挽救的,那么世界理应将用药物拯救他们作为头等大事。但是事实并非如此。那些价格还不到一美元的救命的药剂,并没有送到他们的手中。
If you believe that every life has equal value, it’s revolting to learn that some lives are seen as worth saving and others are not. We said to ourselves: This can’t be true. But if it is true, it deserves to be the priority of our giving.
如果你相信每个生命都是平等的,那么当你发现某些生命被挽救了,而另一些生命被放弃了,你会感到无法接受。我们对自己说: “ 事情不可能如此。如果这是真的,那么它理应是我们努力的头等大事。 ”
So we began our work in the same way anyone here would begin it. We asked: How could the world let these children die?
所以,我们用任何人都会想到的方式开始工作。我们问: “ 这个世界怎么可以眼睁睁看着这些孩子死去? ”
The answer is simple, and harsh. The market did not reward saving the lives of these children, and governments did not subsidize it. So the children died because their mothers and their fathers had no power in the market and no voice in the system.
答案很简单,也很令人难堪。在市场经济中,拯救儿童是一项没有利润的工作,政府也不会提供补助。这些儿童之所以会死亡,是因为他们的父母在经济上没有实力,在政治上没有能力发出声音。
But you and I have both.
但是,你们和我在经济上有实力,在政治上能够发出声音。
We can make market forces work better for the poor if we can develop a more creative capitalism – if we can stretch the reach of market forces so that more people can make a profit, or at least make a living, serving people who are suffering from the worst inequities. We also can press governments around the world to spend taxpayer money in ways that better reflect the values of the people who pay the taxes.
我们可以让市场更好地为穷人服务,如果我们能够设计出一种更有创新性的资本主义制度 —— 如果我们可以改变市场,让更多的人可以获得利润,或者至少可 以维持生活 —— 那么,这就可以帮到那些正在极端不平等的状况中受苦的人们。我们还可以向全世界的政府施压,要求他们将纳税人的钱,花到更符合纳税人价值观 的地方。
If we can find approaches that meet the needs of the poor in ways that generate profits for business and votes for politicians, we will have found a sustainable way to reduce inequity in the world. This task is open-ended. It can never be finished. But a conscious effort to answer this challenge will change the world.
如果我们能够找到这样一种方法,既可以帮到穷人,又可以为商人带来利润,为政治家带来选票,那么我们就找到了一种减少世界性不平等的可持续的发展道路。这个任务是无限的。它不可能被完全完成,但是任何自觉地解决这个问题的尝试,都将会改变这个世界。
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I am optimistic that we can do this, but I talk to skeptics who claim there is no hope. They say: Inequity has been with us since the beginning, and will be with us till the end – because people just … don’t … care. I completely disagree.
在这个问题上,我是乐观的。但是,我也遇到过那些感到绝望的怀疑主义者。他们说: “ 不平等从人类诞生的第一天就存在,到人类灭亡的最后一天也将存在。 —— 因为人类对这个问题根本不在乎。” 我完全不能同意这种观点。
I believe we have more caring than we know what to do with.
我相信,问题不是我们不在乎,而是我们不知道怎么做。
All of us here in this Yard, at one time or another, have seen human tragedies that broke our hearts, and yet we did nothing – not because we didn’t care, but because we didn’t know what to do. If we had known how to help, we would have acted.
此刻在这个院子里的所有人,生命中总有这样或那样的时刻,目睹人类的悲剧,感到万分伤心。但是我们什么也没做,并非我们无动于衷,而是因为我们不知道做什么和怎么做。如果我们知道如何做是有效的,那么我们就会采取行动。
The barrier to change is not too little caring; it is too much complexity.
改变世界的阻碍,并非人类的冷漠,而是世界实在太复杂。
To turn caring into action, we need to see a problem, see a solution, and see the impact. But complexity blocks all three steps.
为了将关心转变为行动,我们需要找到问题,发现解决办法的方法,评估后果。但是世界的复杂性使得所有这些步骤都难于做到。
Even with the advent of the Internet and 24-hour news, it is still a complex enterprise to get people to truly see the problems. When an airplane crashes, officials iMMediately call a press conference. They promise to investigate, determine the cause, and prevent similar crashes in the future.
即使有了互联网和 24 小时直播的新闻台,让人们真正发现问题所在,仍然十分困难。当一架飞机坠毁了,官员们会立刻召开新闻发布会,他们承诺进行调查、找到原因、防止将来再次发生类似事故。
But if the officials were brutally honest, they would say: Of all the people in the world who died today from preventable causes, one half of one percent of them were on this plane. We’re determined to do everything possible to solve the problem that took the lives of the one half of one percent.
但是如果那些官员敢说真话,他们就会说: “ 在今天这一天,全世界所有可以避免的死亡之中,只有0.5% 的死者来自于这次空难。我们决心尽一切努力,调查这个 0.5% 的死亡原因。 ”
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世界实在很复杂,就算在复杂永远也别像复杂低头。下面是读文网小编整理了比尔盖茨哈佛演讲稿:永远别向复杂低头,希望对你有所帮助。
尊敬的Bok校长,Rudenstine前校长,即将上任的Faust校长,哈佛集团的各位成员,监管理事会的各位理事,各位老师,各位家长,各位同学:
有一句话我等了三十年,现在终于可以说了:“老爸,我总是跟你说,我会回来拿到我的学位的!”
我要感谢哈佛大学在这个时候给我这个荣誉。明年,我就要换工作了(注:指从微软公司退休)……我终于可以在简历上写我有一个大学学位,这真是不错啊。
比尔盖茨哈佛演讲:永远别向复杂低头
我为今天在座的各位同学感到高兴,你们拿到学位可比我简单多了。哈佛的校报称我是“哈佛大学历史上最成功的辍学生”。我想这大概使我有资格代表我这一类学生发言……在所有的失败者里,我做得最好。
但是,我还要提醒大家,我使得Steve Ballmer(注:微软总经理)也从哈佛商学院退学了。因此,我是个有着恶劣影响力的人。这就是为什么我被邀请来在你们的毕业典礼上演讲。如果我在你们入学欢迎仪式上演讲,那么能够坚持到今天在这里毕业的人也许会少得多吧。
对我来说,哈佛的求学经历是一段非凡的经历。校园生活很有趣,我常去旁听我没选修的课。哈佛的课外生活也很棒,我在Radcliffe过着逍遥自在的日子。每天我的寝室里总有很多人一直待到半夜,讨论着各种事情。因为每个人都知道我从不考虑第二天早起。这使得我变成了校园里那些不安分学生的头头,我们互相粘在一起,做出一种拒绝所有正常学生的姿态。
Radcliffe是个过日子的好地方。那里的女生比男生多,而且大多数男生都是理工科的。这种状况为我创造了最好的机会,如果你们明白我的意思。可惜的是,我正是在这里学到了人生中悲伤的一课:机会大,并不等于你就会成功。
我在哈佛最难忘的回忆之一,发生在1975年1月。那时,我从宿舍楼里给位于Albuquerque的一家公司打了一个电话,那家公司已经在着手制造世界上第一台个人电脑。我提出想向他们出售软件。
我很担心,他们会发觉我是一个住在宿舍的学生,从而挂断电话。但是他们却说:“我们还没准备好,一个月后你再来找我们吧。”这是个好消息,因为那时软件还根本没有写出来呢。就是从那个时候起,我日以继夜地在这个小小的课外项目上工作,这导致了我学生生活的结束,以及通往微软公司的不平凡的旅程的开始。
不管怎样,我对哈佛的回忆主要都与充沛的精力和智力活动有关。哈佛的生活令人愉快,也令人感到有压力,有时甚至会感到泄气,但永远充满了挑战性。生活在哈佛是一种吸引人的特殊待遇……虽然我离开得比较早,但是我在这里的经历、在这里结识的朋友、在这里发展起来的一些想法,永远地改变了我。
但是,如果现在严肃地回忆起来,我确实有一个真正的遗憾。
我离开哈佛的时候,根本没有意识到这个世界是多么的不平等。人类在健康、财富和机遇上的不平等大得可怕,它们使得无数的人们被迫生活在绝望之中。
我在哈佛学到了很多经济学和政治学的新思想。我也了解了很多科学上的新进展。
但是,人类最大的进步并不来自于这些发现,而是来自于那些有助于减少人类不平等的发现。不管通过何种手段——民主制度、健全的公共教育体系、高质量的医疗保健、还是广泛的经济机会——减少不平等始终是人类最大的成就。
我离开校园的时候,根本不知道在这个国家里,有几百万的年轻人无法获得接受教育的机会。我也不知道,发展中国家里有无数的人们生活在无法形容的贫穷和疾病之中。
我花了几十年才明白了这些事情。
在座的各位同学,你们是在与我不同的时代来到哈佛的。你们比以前的学生,更多地了解世界是怎样的不平等。在你们的哈佛求学过程中,我希望你们已经思考过一个问题,那就是在这个新技术加速发展的时代,我们怎样最终应对这种不平等,以及我们怎样来解决这个问题。
为了讨论的方便,请想象一下,假如你每个星期可以捐献一些时间、每个月可以捐献一些钱——你希望这些时间和金钱,可以用到对拯救生命和改善人类生活有最大作用的地方。你会选择什么地方?
对Melinda(注:盖茨的妻子)和我来说,这也是我们面临的问题:我们如何能将我们拥有的资源发挥出最大的作用。
在讨论过程中,Melinda和我读到了一篇文章,里面说在那些贫穷的国家,每年有数百万的儿童死于那些在美国早已不成问题的疾病。麻疹、疟疾、肺炎、乙型肝炎、黄热病、还有一种以前我从未听说过的轮状病毒,这些疾病每年导致50万儿童死亡,但是在美国一例死亡病例也没有。
我们被震惊了。我们想,如果几百万儿童正在死亡线上挣扎,而且他们是可以被挽救的,那么世界理应将用药物拯救他们作为头等大事。但是事实并非如此。那些价格还不到一美元的救命的药剂,并没有送到他们的手中。#p#副标题#e#
如果你相信每个生命都是平等的,那么当你发现某些生命被挽救了,而另一些生命被放弃了,你会感到无法接受。我们对自己说:“事情不可能如此。如果这是真的,那么它理应是我们努力的头等大事。”
所以,我们用任何人都会想到的方式开始工作。我们问:“这个世界怎么可以眼睁睁看着这些孩子死去?”
答案很简单,也很令人难堪。在市场经济中,拯救儿童是一项没有利润的工作,政府也不会提供补助。这些儿童之所以会死亡,是因为他们的父母在经济上没有实力,在政治上没有能力发出声音。
但是,你们和我在经济上有实力,在政治上能够发出声音。
我们可以让市场更好地为穷人服务,如果我们能够设计出一种更有创新性的资本主义制度——如果我们可以改变市场,让更多的人可以获得利润,或者至少可以维持生活——那么,这就可以帮到那些正在极端不平等的状况中受苦的人们。我们还可以向全世界的政府施压,要求他们将纳税人的钱,花到更符合纳税人价值观的地方。
如果我们能够找到这样一种方法,既可以帮到穷人,又可以为商人带来利润,为政治家带来选票,那么我们就找到了一种减少世界性不平等的可持续的发展道路。这个任务是无限的。它不可能被完全完成,但是任何自觉地解决这个问题的尝试,都将会改变这个世界。
在这个问题上,我是乐观的。但是,我也遇到过那些感到绝望的怀疑主义者。他们说:“不平等从人类诞生的第一天就存在,到人类灭亡的最后一天也将存在。——因为人类对这个问题根本不在乎。”我完全不能同意这种观点。
我相信,问题不是我们不在乎,而是我们不知道怎么做。
此刻在这个院子里的所有人,生命中总有这样或那样的时刻,目睹人类的悲剧,感到万分伤心。但是我们什么也没做,并非我们无动于衷,而是因为我们不知道做什么和怎么做。如果我们知道如何做是有效的,那么我们就会采取行动。
改变世界的阻碍,并非人类的冷漠,而是世界实在太复杂。
为了将关心转变为行动,我们需要找到问题,发现解决办法的方法,评估后果。但是世界的复杂性使得所有这些步骤都难于做到。
即使有了互联网和24小时直播的新闻台,让人们真正发现问题所在,仍然十分困难。当一架飞机坠毁了,官员们会立刻召开新闻发布会,他们承诺进行调查、找到原因、防止将来再次发生类似事故。
但是如果那些官员敢说真话,他们就会说:“在今天这一天,全世界所有可以避免的死亡之中,只有0.5%的死者来自于这次空难。我们决心尽一切努力,调查这个0.5%的死亡原因。”
显然,更重要的问题不是这次空难,而是其他几百万可以预防的死亡事件。
我们并没有很多机会了解那些死亡事件。媒体总是报告新闻,几百万人将要死去并非新闻。如果没有人报道,那么这些事件就很容易被忽视。另一方面,即使我们确实目睹了事件本身或者看到了相关报道,我们也很难持续关注这些事件。看着他人受苦是令人痛苦的,何况问题又如此复杂,我们根本不知道如何去帮助他人。所以我们会将脸转过去。
就算我们真正发现了问题所在,也不过是迈出了第一步,接着还有第二步:那就是从复杂的事件中找到解决办法。
如果我们要让关心落到实处,我们就必须找到解决办法。如果我们有一个清晰的和可靠的答案,那么当任何组织和个人发出疑问"如何我能提供帮助"的时候,我们就能采取行动。我们就能够保证不浪费一丁点全世界人类对他人的关心。但是,世界的复杂性使得很难找到对全世界每一个有爱心的人都有效的行动方法,因此人类对他人的关心往往很难产生实际效果。
从这个复杂的世界中找到解决办法,可以分为四个步骤:确定目标,找到最高效的方法,发现适用于这个方法的新技术,同时最聪明地利用现有的技术,不管它是复杂的药物,还是最简单的蚊帐。
艾滋病就是一个例子。总的目标,毫无疑问是消灭这种疾病。最高效的方法是预防。最理想的技术是发明一种疫苗,只要注射一次,就可以终生免疫。所以,政府、制药公司、基金会应该资助疫苗研究。但是,这样研究工作很可能十年之内都无法完成。因此,与此同时,我们必须使用现有的技术,目前最有效的预防方法就是设法让人们避免那些危险的行为。
要实现这个新的目标,又可以采用新的四步循环。这是一种模式。关键的东西是永远不要停止思考和行动。我们千万不能再犯上个世纪在疟疾和肺结核上犯过的错误,那时我们因为它们太复杂,而放弃了采取行动。
在发现问题和找到解决方法之后,就是最后一步——评估工作结果,将你的成功经验或者失败经验传播出去,这样其他人就可以从你的努力中有所收获。
当然,你必须有一些统计数字。你必须让他人知道,你的项目为几百万儿童新接种了疫苗。你也必须让他人知道,儿童死亡人数下降了多少。这些都是很关键的,不仅有利于改善项目效果,也有利于从商界和政府得到更多的帮助。
但是,这些还不够,如果你想激励其他人参加你的项目,你就必须拿出更多的统计数字;你必须展示你的项目的人性因素,这样其他人就会感到拯救一个生命,对那些处在困境中的家庭到底意味着什么。
几年前,我去瑞士达沃斯旁听一个全球健康问题论坛,会议的内容有关于如何拯救几百万条生命。天哪,是几百万!想一想吧,拯救一个人的生命已经让人何等激动,现在你要把这种激动再乘上几百万倍……但是,不幸的是,这是我参加过的最最乏味的论坛,乏味到我无法强迫自己听下去。
那次经历之所以让我难忘,是因为之前我们刚刚发布了一个软件的第13个版本,我们让观众激动得跳了起来,喊出了声。我喜欢人们因为软件而感到激动,那么我们为什么不能够让人们因为能够拯救生命而感到更加激动呢?
除非你能够让人们看到或者感受到行动的影响力,否则你无法让人们激动。如何做到这一点,并不是一件简单的事。
同前面一样,在这个问题上,我依然是乐观的。不错,人类的不平等有史以来一直存在,但是那些能够化繁为简的新工具,却是最近才出现的。这些新工具可以帮助我们,将人类的同情心发挥最大的作用,这就是为什么将来同过去是不一样的。
这个时代无时无刻不在涌现出新的革新——生物技术,计算机,互联网——它们给了我们一个从未有过的机会,去终结那些极端的贫穷和非恶性疾病的死亡。
六十年前,乔治·马歇尔也是在这个地方的毕业典礼上,宣布了一个计划,帮助那些欧洲国家的战后建设。他说:“我认为,困难的一点是这个问题太复杂,报纸和电台向公众源源不断地提供各种事实,使得大街上的普通人极端难于清晰地判断形势。事实上,经过层层传播,想要真正地把握形势,是根本不可能的。”
马歇尔发表这个演讲之后的三十年,我那一届学生毕业,当然我不在其中。那时,新技术刚刚开始萌芽,它们将使得这个世界变得更小、更开放、更容易看到、距离更近。#p#副标题#e#
低成本的个人电脑的出现,使得一个强大的互联网有机会诞生,它为学习和交流提供了巨大的机会。
网络的神奇之处,不仅仅是它缩短了物理距离,使得天涯若比邻。它还极大地增加了怀有共同想法的人们聚集在一起的机会,我们可以为了解决同一个问题,一起共同工作。这就大大加快了革新的进程,发展速度简直快得让人震惊。
与此同时,世界上有条件上网的人,只是全部人口的六分之一。这意味着,还有许多具有创造性的人们,没有加入到我们的讨论中来。那些有着实际的操作经验和相关经历的聪明人,却没有技术来帮助他们,将他们的天赋或者想法与全世界分享。
我们需要尽可能地让更多的人有机会使用新技术,因为这些新技术正在引发一场革命,人类将因此可以互相帮助。新技术正在创造一种可能,不仅是政府,还包括大学、公司、小机构、甚至个人,能够发现问题所在、能够找到解决办法、能够评估他们努力的效果,去改变那些马歇尔六十年前就说到过的问题——饥饿、贫穷和绝望。
哈佛是一个大家庭。这个院子里在场的人们,是全世界最有智力的人类群体之一。
我们可以做些什么?
毫无疑问,哈佛的老师、校友、学生和资助者,已经用他们的能力改善了全世界各地人们的生活。但是,我们还能够再做什么呢?有没有可能,哈佛的人们可以将他们的智慧,用来帮助那些甚至从来没有听到过"哈佛"这个名字的人?
请允许我向各位院长和教授,提出一个请求----你们是哈佛的智力领袖,当你们雇用新的老师、授予终身教职、评估课程、决定学位颁发标准的时候,请问你们自己如下的问题:
我们最优秀的人才是否在致力于解决我们最大的问题?
哈佛是否鼓励她的老师去研究解决世界上最严重的不平等?哈佛的学生是否从全球那些极端的贫穷中学到了什么……世界性的饥荒……清洁的水资源的缺乏……无法上学的女童……死于非恶性疾病的儿童…….哈佛的学生有没有从中学到东西?
那些世界上过着最优越生活的人们,有没有从那些最困难的人们身上学到东西?
这些问题并非语言上的修辞。你必须用自己的行动来回答它们。
我的母亲在我被哈佛大学录取的那一天,曾经感到非常骄傲。她从没有停止督促我,去为他人做更多的事情。在我结婚的前几天,她主持了一个新娘进我家的仪式。在这个仪式上,她高声朗读了一封关于婚姻的信,这是她写给Melinda的。那时,我的母亲已经因为癌症病入膏肓,但是她还是认为这是又一个传播她的信念的机会。在那封信的结尾,她写道:"你的能力越大,人们对你的期望也就越大。"
想一想吧,我们在这个院子里的这些人,被给予过什么——天赋、特权、机遇——那么可以这样说,全世界的人们几乎有无限的权力,期待我们做出贡献。
同这个时代的期望一样,我也要向今天各位毕业的同学提出一个忠告:你们要选择一个问题,一个复杂的问题,一个有关于人类深刻的不平等的问题,然后你们要变成这个问题的专家。如果你们能够使得这个问题成为你们职业的核心,那么你们就会非常杰出。但是,你们不必一定要去做那些大事。每个星期只用几个小时,你就可以通过互联网得到信息,找到志同道合的朋友,发现困难所在,找到解决它们的途径。
不要让这个世界的复杂性阻碍你前进。要成为一个行动主义者。将解决人类的不平等视为己任。它将成为你生命中最重要的经历之一。
在座的各位毕业的同学,你们所处的时代是一个神奇的时代。当你们离开哈佛的时候,你们拥有的技术,是我们那一届学生所没有的。你们已经了解到了世界上的不平等,我们那时还不知道这些。有了这样的了解之后,要是你再弃那些你可以帮助的人们于不顾,就将受到良心的谴责,只需一点小小的努力,你就可以改变那些人们的生活。你们比我们拥有更大的能力;你们必须尽早开始,尽可能长时期坚持下去。
知道了你们所知道的一切,你们怎么可能不采取行动呢?
我希望,30年后你们还会再回到哈佛,想起你们用自己的天赋和能力所做出的一切。我希望,在那个时候,你们用来评价自己的标准,不仅仅是你们的专业成就,而包括你们为改变这个世界深刻的不平等所做出的努力,以及你们如何善待那些远隔千山万水、与你们毫不涉及的人们,你们与他们唯一的共同点就是同为人类。
最后,祝各位同学好运。
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美国911事件之后服役的三分之一退伍军人认为伊拉克和阿富汗战争不值得打,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战英文演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
And I tried hard to be proud of my service but all I could feel was shame.
The racism could no longer mask the reality of the occupation. These were people, these were human beings. I’ve since been claimed by guilt anytime I see an elderly man like the one who couldn’t walk and we rolled out on a stretcher and told the Iraqi police to take him away.
I feel guilt anytime I see a mother with her children like the one who cried hysterically and screamed that we were worst than Saddam as we forced her from her home.
I feel guilt anytime I see a young girl, like the one I grabbed by the arm, and dragged into the street. We are told we are fighting terrorists; the real terrorist was me and the real terrorism is this occupation. Racism within the military has long been an important tool to justify the destruction and occupation of another country.
It’s long been used to justify the killing, subjugation and torture of another people. Racism is a vital weapon employed by this government. It’s a more important weapon than a rifle, a tank, a bomber or a battleship. It’s more destructive than an artillery shell or a bunker buster, or a Tomahawk missile.
While those weapons are created and owned by this government, they are harmless without people willing to use them. Those who send us to war do not have to pull a trigger or lob a mortar round. They do not have to fight the war, they merely have to sell the war.
They need a public who is willing to send their soldiers into harm’s way. They need soldiers who are willing to kill and be killed without question. They can spend millions on a single bomb, but that bomb only becomes a weapon when the ranks in the military are willing to follow orders to use it. They can send every last soldier anywhere on Earth, but there’ll only be a war, if soldiers are willing to fight.
And the ruling class, the billionaires who profit from human suffering care only about expending their wealth, controlling the world economy. Understand that their power lies only in their ability to convince us that war, oppression and exploitation is in our interest. They understand that their wealth is dependent on their ability to convince the working class to die to control the market of another country.
And, convincing us to kill and die is based on their ability to make us think that we are somehow superior. Soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen, have nothing to gain from this occupation. The vast majority of people living in the U.S. have nothing to gain from this occupation.
In fact, not only do we have nothing to gain, but we suffer more because of it. We lose limbs, endure trauma and give our lives. Our families have to watch flag draped coffins roll into the earth. Millions in this country without health care, jobs or access to education, just watch as this government squander over 450 million dollars a day on this occupation.
Poor and working people in this country are sent to kill poor and working people in other country to make the rich richer. Without racism soldiers would realize that they have more in common with the Iraqi people than they do with the billionaires who send us to war.
I threw families onto the street in Iraq only to come home and find families thrown onto the street in this country and this tragic, tragic and unnecessary foreclosure crisis. We need to wake up and realize that our real enemies are not in some distant land and not people whose names we don’t know and cultures we don’t understand. The enemy is people we know very well and people we can identify.
The enemy is a system that wages war when it’s profitable. The enemy is the CEOs who lay us off our jobs when it’s profitable, is the insurance companies who deny us health care when it’s profitable, is the banks who take away our homes when it’s profitable.
Our enemy is not five thousands miles away, they are right here at home. If we organize and fight with our sisters and brothers we can stop this war, we can stop this government and we can create a better world.
“If tyranny and oppression come to this land, it will be in the guise of fighting a foreign enemy… The loss of Liberty at home is to be charged to the provisions against danger real or imagined from abroad…”
看了“"美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战演讲稿英文"”
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态度是个体对特定对象所持有的稳定的心理倾向。这种心理倾向蕴含着个体的主观评价以及由此产生的行为倾向性。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些关于态度决定一切英文三分钟演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
There is a well-known proverb,“Every horse thinks its own pack heaviest,” which means whether people feel optimistic or not lies in what attitudes they adopt. It is universally acknowledged that life is by no means perfect and a positive attitude makes life brighter. As the case stands, it is our attitude rather than the situation itself that determines how we feel.
On the one hand, a positive mind brings about an active life, because to be in a good mood or a bad mood is at one’ s own choice. On the other hand, looking at the bright side of the situation and remaining cheerful work out quite well when one is confronted with adversity.
In such a rat-race society, everyone is bound to encounter difficulties. In my opinion, we should keep an optimistic attitude to pull through any hardship, as we can say “attitude is everything” .
看了“"态度决定一切英文三分钟演讲稿三篇"”
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约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪是美国第35任总统,是美国历史上最年轻的当选总统,也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇肯尼迪的就职演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
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演讲是一件宣传主张,分享自己知识经验的一件事情,一场精彩的演讲对于演讲者和听众来说都是享受的盛宴。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文励志演讲稿的范文,希望对大家有所帮助。
as you slowly open your eyes,look around,notice where the light comes into your room;listen carefully,see if there are new sounds you can recognize;feel with your body and spirit, and see if you can sense the freshness in the air.
yes, it's a new day,it's a different day,and its a bright day!and most importantly,it is a new beginning for your life,a beginning where you are going to make new desicisions, take new actions,make new friends,and take your life to a totally unprecedented level!
in your mind's eye, you can see clearly the things you want to have,the paces you intend to go,the relationships you desire to develop,and the positions you aspire to reach.you can hear your laughters of joy and happiness on the day when everything happens as you dream.you can see the smiles on the people around you when the magic moment strikes.you can feel your face is getting red, your heart is beating fast,and your blood is rushing all over your body,to every single corner of your being!
you know all this is real as long as you are confident,passionate and committed! and you are confident,you are passionate,you are committed!
you will no longer fear making new sounds, showing new facial expressions, using your body in new ways,approaching new people,and asking new questions.you will live every single day of your life with absolute passion,and you will show your passion through the words you speak and the actions you take.you will focus all your time and effort on the most important goals of your life.you will never succumb to challenges of hardships.you will never waver in your pursuit of excellence.after all,you are the best,and you deserve the best!
as your coach and friend,i can assure you the door to all the best things in the world will open to you,but the key to that door is in your hand.you must do your part,you must faithfully follow the plans you make and take the actions you plan,you must never quit,you must never fear.i know you must do it,you can do it,you will do it,and you will succeed! now stand firm and tall,make a fist,get excited,and yell it out:i must do it!i can do it! i will do it!i will succeed!
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贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马是第44任美国总统,为美国历史上第一位非洲裔总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇奥巴马复旦演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
Good afternoon. It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you. I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome. I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations. I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good.(Laughter) 你们好。能够有机会在上海跟你们大家交谈,我深感荣幸。我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长,感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。我还要感谢我们出色的大使洪博培,他代表了我们两国之间的深远联系和相互尊重。我不知道他刚才说什么,但是希望他说得不错。(笑声)
What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman. And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.我今天准备先做一个开场白,但我真正希望做的是回答问题,不但回答在座的学生提出的问题,同时也回答从网上提出的一些问题,这些问题由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为提出。很抱歉,我的中文不如你们的英文,但我期待着这个和你们对话的机会。
This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country. Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world - the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity. And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past. Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall. Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.这是我首次访问中国,看到你们壮丽的国家,我感到很兴奋。在上海,我们看到了全球瞩目的发展——高耸的大厦、繁忙的街道、创业的动态。这些都是中国步入 21世纪的迹象,让我感到赞叹。同时,我也期盼看到向我们展现中国悠久历史的古迹。明天和后天我会在北京,希望有机会看到壮观的故宫和奇迹般的长城。的确,这是一个既有丰富的历史,又对未来的希望充满信心的国家。
The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries. Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China. It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people. However, America's ties to this city and to this country - stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.我们两国的关系也是如此。毫无疑问,上海在美中关系史上是一个具有重大意义的城市。正是在这里,37年前发布的《上海公报》(Shanghai Communique)开启了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新篇章。然而,美国与这个城市以及这个国家的纽带可以追溯到更久远的过去,直至美国独立初期。
In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China. This is a common American impulse - the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.1784年,我们的建国之父乔治·华盛顿主持了“中国女皇号”(Empress of China)的下水仪式。这条船前往中国海岸,寻求与清朝通商。华盛顿希望看到这条悬挂美国国旗的船前往世界各地,与像中国这样的国家缔结新的纽带。这是通常的美国人的愿望——希望达到新的地平线,建立新的、互利的伙伴关系。
Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions. And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so. And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation. 在此后的两个世纪中,历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展,但即使在动荡的岁月中,两国人民也抓住机会发展了深入的、甚至极不平凡的关系。例如,美国人民永远不会忘记,二战期间,美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后,中国公民冒着失去一切的危险护理他们。参加过二战的中国老兵仍然热情欢迎故地重游的美国老兵,他们曾经在那里作战,帮助中国从占领下获得解放。
A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis. The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed. As one American player described his visit to China - "The people are just like us... The country is very similar to America, but still very different."近40年前,简单的乒乓球比赛带来了两国关系的解冻,使我们两国建立起另一种联系。这种接触令人意外,但却恰恰促成了其成功,因为尽管我们之间存在许多分歧,但是我们共同的人性和共同的好奇心得以从中显现。正如一位美国乒乓球队员在回忆对中国的访问时所说:“那里的人民和我们一样……这个国家和美国有许多相似之处,也有很大区别。”
Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979. And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.无须赘言,这个小小的契机带来了《上海公报》的问世,并最终促使美中两国在1979年建立正式外交关系。请看在此后的30年,我们取得了多么长足的进展。
In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion - today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways. America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry. This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life. And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.1979年,美中贸易额约为50亿美元,今天,年度贸易额已经超过4000亿美元。贸易在许多方面影响着两国人民的生活,
美国电脑中的许多元件以及我们身穿的服装都是从中国进口的,我们向中国出口你们的工业需要的机器。这种贸易可以在太平洋两岸创造更多的就业机会,让我们的人民过上质量更高的生活。随着需求趋于平衡,繁荣的范围将进一步扩大。
In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe. All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.1979年,美中之间的政治合作主要立足于双方共同面对的竞争对手苏联。如今我们享有积极的、建设性的、全面的关系,为我们在当今时代的关键性全球问题上建立伙伴关系打开了大门,这些问题包括:经济复苏和清洁能源开发、制止核武器扩散和气候变化的影响、在亚洲及全球各地促进和平与安全。所有这些问题都是我明天与胡锦涛同志会谈的内容。
And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors. The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students. There are nearly 200 "friendship cities" drawing our communities together. American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery. And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball. I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.1979年,我们两国人民的联系十分有限。今天,我们看到当年乒乓球队员的好奇心已经化为许多领域的纽带,中国留学生在美国的人数名列第二,而在美国学生中,学中文的人数增加了50%。我们两国有近200个友好城市,把我们的社区连接在一起。美中科学家合作进行新的研究与发现。而姚明是我们两国人民都热爱篮球的仅仅一个标志而已——令我遗憾的是,此行中我不能观看上海大鲨鱼队的比赛。
It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change. China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty an accomplishment unparalleled in human history while playing a larger role in global events. And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.我们两国之间的关系相伴着一个积极变化的时期,这不是偶然的。中国实现了亿万人民脱贫,这一成就史无前例,同时,中国在全球问题中也在发挥更大的作用。美国在促使冷战顺利结束的同时,经济也取得了增长,人民的生活水平提高。
There is a Chinese proverb: "Consider the past, and you shall know the future. Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years. Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty. But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined - not when we consider the past. Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure. We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.中国有句名言:“温故而知新。”当然,过去30年中我们也曾遇到挫折和挑战,我们的关系不是没有分歧和困难。但是,“我们必然是对手”的概念并非是注定不变的——回顾过去不会是这样。由于我们的合作,美中两国都更加繁荣、更加安全。我们已经看到我们本着共同的利益和相互的尊重去努力所能取得的成果。
And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding - on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another. For just as that American table tennis player pointed out - we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.可是,这种接触的成功取决于理解,取决于继续进行开诚布公的对话,相互了解,相互学习。正如前面提到的那位美国乒乓球队员所说——作为人,我们有着许多共同之处,但是我们两国在某些方面存在着差别。
I believe that each country must chart its own course. China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture. The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy. Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles - that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.我认为每个国家都必须规划自己的前进方向。中国是一个文明古国,文化深远。而美国相对而言是一个年轻的国家,它的文化由来自许多不同国家的移民以及指导我国民主制度的建国纲领所形成。这些纲领中提出了对人类事务的简单明了的瞩望,并包含了一些核心原则——不论男女人人生而平等,都享有某些基本权利;政府应当反映民意,并对人民的愿望作出回应;商贸应该是开放的,信息应该自由流通;司法保障应该来自法治而不是人治。
Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters. In many ways over many years we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union. We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery. It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced. Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal
rights.当然,我国的历史也并非没有困难的篇章。在很多方面,在很长的时间里,我们要通过斗争去实现这些原则对全体人民的承诺,缔造一个更趋完善的联邦。我们曾打过一场很痛苦的南北战争,将我国的一部分人口从奴役下解放出来。妇女获得投票权、劳工赢得组织权、来自世界各地的移民得到完全的接纳——这些都是经过了一段时间才实现的。非洲裔美国人即使在获得自由后依然生活在被隔离和不平等的条件下,他们经过不懈努力才最终赢得全面、平等的权利。
None of this was easy. But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms. That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and "dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" could long endure. That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed. That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.所有这些都不曾轻而易举。但是,由于我们对这些核心原则的坚定信念,我们取得了进步,这些原则指引我们冲过了最黑暗的风暴。这就是为什么林肯能在南北战争中挺身而出并宣布,这是一场考验一个孕育于自由之中、“忠实于人人生而平等这一原则”的国家能否永存的斗争。这也就是为什么马丁·路德·金博士能够站立在林肯纪念堂的台阶上,要求我们的国家实践自身信仰的真正含义。这也就是为什么来自从中国到肯尼亚的各国移民能够在我国的土地上安家;为什么所有努力寻求机会的人都能获得机会;为什么像我这种在不到50年前在美国的某些地方连投票都遇到困难的人,现在能够出任这个国家的总统。
And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world. We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation. These freedoms of expression and worship of access to information and political participation - we believe are universal rights. They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation. Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.这就是为什么美国一直在全世界为这些核心原则而大声疾呼。我们不寻求把任何政治体制强加给任何别的国家,但是我们也不认为我们主张的这些原则是我们国家所独有的。表达自由和宗教信仰自由——获得信息和政治参与的自由——我们认为这些自由都是普世的权利,所有人都应当享有,包括少数民族和宗教少数派,不管是在美国、中国还是在任何其他国家。正是对普世权利的尊重指导着美国向其他国家开放,尊重各种不同的文化,致力于遵守国际法,并对未来抱有信念。
These are all things that you should know about America. I also know that we have much to learn about China. Looking around at this magnificent city and looking around this room. I do believe that our nations hold something
mportant in common, and that is a belief in the future. Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements. For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.这些都是你们应当了解的美国的情况。我也知道中国有很多有待我们了解的情况。环顾一下这座伟大的城市——环顾一下这个大厅——我确信我们两个国家有一个很重要的共同点,那就是我们对未来的信念。美国和中国都不想满足于已取得的成就,止步不前。虽然中国是一个古老的国家,但你们显然也对未来满怀信心、雄心和使年轻一代能比这一代人更有作为的决心。
In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use. China is now the world's largest Internet user which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event. This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow. But above all, I see China's future in you young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.我们不但钦佩中国日益增长的经济,还赞赏你们在科学研究方面极不平凡的努力——从你们建设的基础设施到你们使用的技术,均体现出这种努力。中国现在是世界上最大的互联网使用国——这也是我们今天很高兴能把互联网作为此次活动的一部分的原因。这个国家目前拥有世界上最大的移动电话网络,它正在投资发展既能维持可持续增长,又能应对气候变化的新型能源——我期待着明天在这个至关重要的领域中深化两国的合作关系。然而,最重要的是,我在你们身上看到
了中国的未来 ——年轻一代的聪明才智、献身精神和梦想将为塑造21世纪发挥巨大作用。
I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected. The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek all of these things are shared. And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country's success need not come at the expense of another. And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise. On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.我已说过多次,我相信我们现在的世界是紧密相连的。我们所做的工作,我们所建设的繁荣,我们所保护的环境,以及我们所寻求的安全——所有这一切都是共有的。鉴于这种相互联系,在21世纪,权力不应再成为一场零和游戏;一国的成功发展不应以他国为代价。这也就是为什么美国坚决表示我们不谋求遏制中国的崛起。恰恰相反,我们欢迎中国成为国际社会中一个强大、繁荣、成功的成员——一个从你们这样的每个中国人的权利、实力和创造力中获得力量的中国。
To return to the proverb consider the past. We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide. That is a lessonthat human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations. And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government. It must be rooted in our people in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play. And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.回到前面提到的那句古语——回顾过去。我们知道,大国之间选择合作而非对抗会带来更大的惠益。这是人类不断汲取的一个教训,我们两国的关系史中也不乏其例。我深信,合作必须不止于政府间的合作。合作必须植根于我们的人民——植根于我们共同进行的研究,我们的商贸活动,我们所学到的知识,乃至我们的体育运动。这些桥梁必须由你们这样的年轻人和美国的年轻人共同构筑。
That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000. And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century. And I'm absolutelyconfident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people. For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.因此,我高兴地宣布,美国准备将在中国留学的美国学生人数大幅度增加到10万人。这种交流是对在我们两国人民之间建立联系的明确承诺,毫无疑问,你们将帮助决定21世纪的命运。我完全相信,对美·来说,再好的使者莫过于我们的年轻人。因为他们和你们一样,才华横溢,充满活力,对有待书写的历史篇章充满乐观。
So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world. And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.那么,就让这个举措成为我们稳步寻求合作的下一个步骤,这种合作有利于我们两国乃至整个世界。如果能从今天的对话中得到一点启示的话,我希望那就是致力于今后继续进行这种对话。
So thank you very much. And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause)非常感谢诸位。现在我希望回答你们大家提出的一些问题。非常感谢。(掌声)
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马云是阿里巴巴集团主要创始人,现担任阿里巴巴集团董事局主席、日本软银董事、TNC(大自然保护协会)中国理事会主席兼全球董事会成员、华谊兄弟董事、生命科学突破奖基金会董事,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇马云在纽约经济学会的演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
I’m so honored. I never expect there are so many people coming here to listen to my talk. And when I sitting there I feel so important. Thank you, thank you very much. Before my talk I would like to ask how many people here have used Alibaba services. Good, not many. [Laughs]. And how many of you here have never been to China? Never been, never been to China. Good, thank you very much.
Well, 20 years ago I came to America. My first trip to America, to Seattle. Before that I learned so much about America, from my books, from my teachers, from my school, and my parents. And I think I know enough about America. But when I came to America I thought totally wrong. America is not what I learned from the books. And in Seattle I found the Internet, and then I came back and tell my friends that I’m going to open a company called Internet. I invited 24 of my friends, had a two-hour discussion. And finally [unintelligible 00:01:19] we had a vote. 23 of them against me. “Forget about it. There’s no such kind of network called Internet. Don’t do it.” There’s only one person who said “Jack, I trust you. I don’t know what that is, but if you want to try it, go ahead, try it. Because you’re still young.” At that time I was 30 years old.
So I started my business, without knowing anything about computer, without knowing anything about business. I started my first company, my wife and I and a school mate. We borrowed [start] from US $1,000 we start the business. It was so difficult. I called myself like a blind man riding on the back of blind tigers. Jumping around for the past 20 years I survive today. For the first three years life was really bad. I remember I tried to borrow US $3,000 from the banks. It took me three months asking any friends I know to borrow the money [unintelligible 00:02:22].Still failed, coz verybody said “Jack is telling a lie, because there’s no such network called Internet in 1996.”
So one day, later 1996, China was connected to the Internet. I invited ten media friends to my apartment. I want to tell them I’m not telling a lie. There is a network called Internet. We waited three hours and a half to see the first – to download the first picture. And people said “Is that thing going to work?” And I say “Yeah, it’ll work, but not today. In ten years it’ll work.” But at least it proved that I was not telling a lie.
I remember when we tried to help our small business to sell online. Nobody want to sell because nobody come to buy. So first week we have seven employees, we buy and sell ourselves. The second week somebody start to sell on a website. We buy everything they sell. We have two rooms full of things we bought for New Year’s, [all garbage] for the first two weeks. In order to tell people that it works. It was not easy. Since 1995 to 1999 we failed. We go nowhere, our business, because nothing was ready. In 1999 I invited 18 friends of mine who came to my apartment. We decided to do it again. We call the name alibaba.com. And people say why Alibaba? We believe Internet is a treasure island which opens sesame for small business. And we used Alibaba because it’s easy to spell, easy to remember. And we want to focus on helping small business.
Because at that time we see [unintelligible 00:04:26] commerce [with the] American e-commerce they focus on helping on big companies, they’re focusing on helping big companies to save the cost. We believed China we don’t have a lot of big companies, we have so many small business, and small business it’s so difficult for them to survive. If we can using Internet as a technology to help small business it’ll be fantastic. So we start to say if America is good at helping big companies, just like America is good at making basketball we should play pingpong in China, we should help the small guys. And we should not helping small guys to save cost, because small business know how to save the cost, but small business should learn how to make money. So our business is focusing helping small business to make money online.
And we want to make the company last for 102 years. And people are curious – why 102 years? Because Alibaba was born in 1999, last year we had – last century we had one year, this century 100 years, next century one year. 102 across three centuries. We give a clear goal to any employees. Don’t say we are successful, no matter how much money we raised, no matter how much money we make, no matter how much we have achieved. Don’t forget we want to live 102 years. Now, 16 years passed, we have another 86 years to go. Because in next 86 years, if any time we die we’re never successful. When I heard this club is 108 years old I was surprised and shocked. There’s so much we can learn from that.
Well, today nobody believed that Alibaba could survive, because people say “You are [free], you’re tiny” and, you know, and especially when we talk about – when we IPO’d people say “Ah, you are Alibaba, you are e-commerce. You’re like Amazon.” Because in American point of view Amazon probably is the only business model for e-commerce. But no, we are different. The difference between us and Amazon is that we do not buy and sell, but we help small business to buy and sell. We have 10 million small business on our site buy and sell every day. And we do not deliver our packages, although – ourselves, though we have more than 2 million people help us to deliver over 30 million packages per day.
We do not own warehouses, but we manage tens and thousands of warehouses for other small, medium sized delivery companies. And we do not own inventories, but we do have more than 350 million buyers. We have more than 120 million buyers coming to shop every day on our site. And also, we sell – our revenue last – our sales last year were US$ 390 billion. And this year, possibly, we are going to be bigger than Walmart globally. And Walmart manage – that size of business have more than 2.3 million people; we grow from 18 people to today 34,000 people.
And the difference between Amazon and us the other is Amazon is a shopping center. Because here e-commerce is commerce, in China e-commerce is a lifestyle. Young people [unintelligible 00:08:08], they using e-commerce to exchange ideas, they communicate, they build up the trust, they build up a record. It’s just like Starbucks – you never go to Starbucks to test how wonderful coffee is. It’s a lifestyle. And this is how Internet e-commerce is changing China.
And what we felt proud of is not how much things we sell. I said this year we’ll be bigger than Walmart – yes, we are proud. We know in five years we will sell US$ 1 trillion. This is my goal, which we think possibly we will make it. We are proud of that but we are more proud because we create direct [and indirect] job, 14 million jobs for China. And we’ve created jobs in the countryside. We created a lot of jobs for women. Over 51 percent of the power sellers on the Internet are women.
So we feel so proud of that. And people say okay, now Alibaba did that. What's your next? What's your future cause you are everywhere. We, 80 percent of the buy and the sell online are created by our company. Our future is that we have to focus on globalizing our business. It's not only sell more things. We want to make, to globalize the infrastructure of eCommerce. Why Internet eCommerce grow so fast in China than in the USA? Because the infrastructure of commerce in China was too bad. Not like here. You have [Click] Motors. You have all the shops offline, Walmart, Kmart, everything everywhere. But in China we have nothing nowhere.
So eCommerce in the US is a dessert. It's complementary to the main business. But in China it becomes the main course. We created the infrastructure. So we think if we globalize our infrastructure — the payment, the logistics center, the transparent platform all around the world. Helping the small business around the world to sell everywhere. Help the global consumers to buy everywhere. Our vision is in ten years we will help two billion consumers in the world to shop online anywhere in the world. You're shopping online with 72 hours you'll receive the product. And anywhere in China you shop online, you will receive the products within 24 hours. And we think our globalization is still focused on helping small business. And helping them to do business in the most efficient ways. And we think that we will help another ten million business on our eCommerce platform.
We will empower them. We'll give them the traffic. We'll give them the payment system. We'll give them the logistics system so they can do business anywhere easily and quickly. And we will help. We will have 40 percent of our business outside China. Today we only have two percent of our business outside China. So people keep on asking, now you are big. You raised that much money. What's your play in America? People say well are you going to come? When are you going to come to invade America? When I going to compete with Amazon? When I going to compete with eBay? Well I would say we show great respect for eBay and Amazon. But I think the opportunity and the, the strategy for us is helping small business in America go to China, sell their products to China.
Today in China, the middle class for China is almost the same as the American population. And we think in ten years it will be more than half a billion Chinese people will be middle class. The demanding for middle class, the demanding for good products, good service was so powerful, so strong. And I think China today cannot afford the good products, good service to them. And then next is that China has been focused on exporting in the past 20 years. And I think next ten, ten-twenty years China we should be focusing on importing. Chinese should learn to buy. Chinese should spend the money. Chinese should buy a lot of things from globally. And I think that American small business, American branded products you should use the Internet, go to China.
Past 20 years big companies of America is already all over China. But it's the great opportunity for using the eCommerce for small business to go to America. In the past years we have helped a lot of American farmers selling things to China. For example the Seattle cherries, you will never believe that the ambassador, the American ambassador to China, he came to us say, Jack can you help us to sell the cherries in Seattle. I say how can we sell cherries? The cherries still on the trees. And we started place order, 80,000 families booked the order. And when we got the order we ship, we pick up the cherries and ship to China within 24 hours 80,000 families, 160 tons of cherries were sold. And last year we sold over 300 tons of cherries. And I don't know what's this year about.
We also helped Alaska seafood. We helped Canada to sell the lobsters. The lobster we sold probably ten years they cannot sell. And we also have a lot of American branded companies using our site to sell. Costco the company, they sold 600 tons of nuts on our site for the first month. And for the first month they're using Alibaba 6.5 million US dollars. So I think if we can help to sell lobsters, if we can help sell the cherries, why we cannot help these small, medium size companies to China using our system? So this is what I want, and also I want to take one day for example November, November 11th, the [Singles'] Day. We make that a shopping day. Last year for that day we sold 9.7 billion US dollars. And for the first minute shopping we have 24 million people rushed in for the first minute. And this year we guess the number was scary, so my purpose coming here that we need more American products to China.
We have a hungry 100 million people coming to buy every day. So this is why we come here. We not come here to compete. We come here to bring the small business. My vision is that in ten, twenty years anywhere you buy anywhere, sell anywhere. Philippine people can buy salmon on Norway. Norway people can sell things to Argentina. Argentina can buy and sell to China. This is how the Internet is going to change. And lastly I want to say we have changed the China. We feel proud of that, and we think that the change, the power of change is so powerful. The first revolution of technology we have the, the organization of business called a factory. And had our first World War because of the strength of the arms and muscles. The second revolution energy, we have the organization called companies, and have the second World War.
This time Internet. The data, and I think we have a new business called platform. And the third World War is going to happen. And this war is not between nations, this war we work together against the disease, the poverty, the climate change. And I believe this is our future. The human being, the nations shall unite together. Rely on the young people using not the guns, using computers, using the data to solve the human problem, solve the society problems. And this is what I'm passionate about. It's not about the money, it's about dreams. It's not only the technology change the world, it's the dreams you believe that change the world. And we know the way, the way is not easy. As I was told in the past 20 years doing Internet business in China, today is difficult, and tomorrow is much more difficult. But the day after tomorrow is beautiful. Most people die tomorrow evening, if you don't work hard. Thank you very much.
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贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马(Barack Hussein Obama),1961年8月4日出生,美国民主党籍政治家,第44任美国总统,为美国历史上第一位非洲裔总统。下面读文网小编整理了奥巴马开学演讲稿中英文版,供你阅读参考。
2013年11月18日-20日,CNN和全球市场调查机构ORC联合对全美843个成年人进行了电话抽样调查。结果显示,只有40%的人认为贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马能有效管理联邦政府,该数字比2013年6月的调查下降了12个百分点。53%的人认为奥巴马不诚实、不值得信赖,这是CNN民调中首次发现超半数美国人持有这样的看法。此外,56%的受访者说,奥巴马不是自己崇拜的人。
美国《绅士季刊》总共列出了25位最无影响力名人,奥巴马位列第17位,因为他“什么也没做”。[44]
《纽约邮报》调侃称,奥巴马是“陷入僵局的总司令”。[44]
俄罗斯《今日报》称,奥巴马以“失败的政治家”和“无法坚持自己立场”而入选。专家们认为,奥巴马承诺的太多,讲得很华丽,实际上却什么也没有做。因为不成功的医保改革、移民政策及不善于维护自己在国际政治中的地位,尤其是在处理叙利亚问题时的失误,使得奥巴马的执政路变得相对坎坷。[27]
美国前总统克林顿则称奥巴马是美国历史上最糟糕的总统。
《时代》:民调显示奥巴马成战后最差总统。[45]
美国昆尼皮亚克大学民调研究所2日发布一项民调结果,贝拉克·奥巴马以33%的得票率被评为第二次世界大战以来美国“最糟糕的总统”[46] 。
2014年8月28日,奥巴马在新闻发布会上谈及俄乌以及打击“伊拉克和沙姆伊斯兰国”(ISIS)等问题。舆论不仅对他的观点有所不满,甚至认为他的西装十分滑稽。人们的注意力都集中在总统的浅黄色西装上(如图),而不是他对乌克兰和叙利亚问题的看法。美国媒体甚至调侃称,称其穿傻帽西装。[47]
美国反战组织“粉色代码”(CODEPINK)和“立即行动起来结束战争和种族主义联盟”(ANSWER Coalition)2014年9月25日在白宫门口举行游行示威,抗议总统奥巴马对叙利亚和伊拉克发动空袭行动,批评美国中东政策是“伊斯兰国”发展壮大的原因之一,也是问题所在。
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王健林,男,1954年10月24日出生于四川省广元市,1989年起担任大连万达集团股份有限公司董事长。下面读文网小编整理了王健林哈佛大学发表演讲稿,供你阅读参考。
他身上军人的特质很强,做事干脆。 (柳传志评)
王健林并不仅仅是个埋头苦干的人。他很精明,善于抓住机会,非常雄心勃勃。尽管他是世界级的富翁,在中国之外却很少人知道他。正如他同时代的中国商业巨头那样,王健林抓住了中国从落后的农业国迈向城市经济大国的机遇。 (《财富》评)
他是中国最富有的人之一;他所执掌的商业航母,是全球规模最大的不动产企业一员;他的观点掷地有声;他的商业运作敢为人先;他的市场判断敏锐准确。 (每日经济新闻评)
王健林热爱足球,是中国最有艺术品位的富人。 (马卡报评)
他是敢为天下先的地产大亨,他是与马云对赌一个亿的冒险家,他是中国的房地产首富,两次荣登“胡润房地产富豪榜”榜首,更是以集团形式捐款超过28亿的慈善家,他胆识过人,霸气外露,是血气方刚的企业家,他扬言只要万达进入的行业,其他的企业都没有机会做老大。他拒绝模仿,大胆创新,是名副其实的行动派。 (《中国企业家》评)
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罗骆家辉(1950.01-),美籍华裔政治家。民主党党员。于1950年1月21日出生于美国华盛顿州西雅图市,祖籍中国广东台山二区明塘乡湾头吉龙村(现广东省台山市水步镇长塘吉龙村);是这个移民家庭的第三代。以下是读文网小编整理了骆家辉在人民大学演讲稿中英文全文,供你参考。
Rule of Law: The Key to Peace and Prosperity
AMBASSADOR LOCKE: Thank you very much, Administrator Zhu, Ambassador Schaeffer, Ambassador Saint-Jacques, Minister Counselor Lentz, Chairman Cheng and Dean Han and all of our distinguished jurists who are participating in the Moot Court petition as well as all of our law students.
I also want to thank Chairman Cheng and Dean Han for hosting all of us at this prestigious university and for all the great work that you do to educate these great young students.
I share your passion and commitment to the rule of law as well as your support for this prestigious competition that brings law students from all across China to face some of the most challenging and exciting legal issues facing our world today.
I applaud the students that are gathered here from all across China who are sharpening their skills for service to their nation. I’m also grateful that so many experienced attorneys and jurists from around the world are helping train these talented law students.
I’ve often been asked, what has made America such a successful, innovative, dynamic and stable society that has attracted, and continues to attract, people from all around the world. In fact, the answer was first given to me by Chinese scholars and business people and they answered, the defining characteristic of the United States of America is the strong rule of law.
So this morning I’d like to expand on how critical the rule of law is to a progressive and stable society.
First of all, I want you to know that like many of you I got my start as a lawyer working for four years as a criminal prosecutor in my home town of Seattle, Washington, and I prosecuted people charged with burglary, robbery, drug trafficking, and murder.
In arguing complicated legal cases before the judge, even if I lost the ruling, even if the judge ruled against me or the position of the government, I often left the courtroom believing that justice was being served because the judge had read the legal papers submitted by all sides. The judge had studied the case law and carefully considered the legal issues. Finally, the judge gave a decision that was reasonable and based on the law.
My own passion for the law continued throughout my career. I briefly served as a part-time judge and in two terms as governor of the State of Washington, my work often involved matters of the law.
One of my proudest achievements as governor was reforming our juvenile justice system by focusing on sending young first-time or minor offenders to community service and other rehabilitation programs as an alternative to prison time. I’ve watched with great interest as China pursues similar changes to its own juvenile justice system.
As governor, I had the opportunity and the privilege to appoint more than 50 judges. In fact, most of the judges I appointed are still hearing cases today. Almost 25 percent of the judges I appointed were ethnic minorities, and almost 50 percent were women.
Because it’s my belief that if all segments of our society are to respect the judicial system and to accept the rulings of the courts, then our judges must reflect the demographic profile of the society appearing before them.
As governor, I also had the grave responsibility to carry out the death penalty imposed by the courts. Some of my most difficult and lonely moments as governor were deciding whether to grant a stay of execution, to halt an execution, or to allow the execution to proceed.
In America’s criminal justice system, whether a minor break-in or a life-and-death prosecution, everyone is presumed innocent until proven guilty by the government. And moreover, everyone -- big guys and little guys, rich or poor, famous or unknown -- has a fair shot and is treated equally. This is a bedrock principle of not just our legal system, but indeed our political system as a whole -- that everyone has a fair and equal chance.
Today some of the most famous legal cases bear the names of the little guys who took on the government, took on powerful people and big companies.
Take Miranda v. Arizona which was decided in 1966. Ernesto Miranda was a laborer, who was accused of rape, and he confessed but he was never informed of his right to avoid self-incrimination and his right to an attorney. As a result, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that his right to due process had been violated; that his confession was unreliable; and therefore, overturned his conviction.
The case established the so-called Miranda Rights that I think anyone who has watched a police drama knows very very well. But These Miranda Rights require the police to inform suspects in custody of their rights to remain silent, that anything they say can be used against them in a court of law, that they have a right to an attorney, and if they cannot afford an attorney, an attorney will be appointed for them.
There’s also the very famous case of Brown v. Board of Education, which was decided in 1954 that ended segregation in American schools. The case bears the name of a third grader, a child named Linda Brown who had to walk through a dangerous railroad yard to get to her all African American school located very far away, instead of attending a school much closer to her home because that closer school was reserved only for white students.
The United States Supreme Court ruling reversed previous court rulings that had allowed separate facilities that provided equal services. Those “separate but equal” laws had allowed states to establish different schools for black students and different schools for white students. The United States Supreme Court finally ruled that separate schools were in fact inherently unequal.
And the case that you’re going to be arguing during this competition, the Republic of Alfurna, is another example of one of those little guys seeking redress through the court system.
Through the generations, our courts in America have established that no one is above the law, not even the President of the United States. In 1974 in United States v. Nixon, the Supreme Court ordered the White House to release audiotapes of recorded conversations taken inside the President’s Oval Office, all this over President Nixon’s firm, strenuous objections. Later, two little-known journalists at the Washington Post discovered a cover-up of illegal activities in the White House and these stories eventually led to the resignation of President Nixon.
Once more, our legal and political system proved that no one, not even the most powerful person in America, is above the law.
Legal cases oftentimes inspire Hollywood movies such as “Erin Brokovich” starring Julia Roberts. Brokovich was a former beauty pageant winner who had helped uncover chemical pollution in a tiny American town in California in the early 1990s and, despite no formal legal training, she took on the powerful state power company and its army of lawyers, and she helped win the town’s residents millions of dollars in compensation for the severe health effects caused by the pollution.
The rights of the little guy are the very foundation of the American system. Back in the 1700s, few people would have predicted that a rag-tag coalition of 13 colonies on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean could somehow gain their independence from Great Britain. But those colonies prevailed, and as a young America went on about the hard work of forming a new nation, our founding fathers insured that our constitution protected the rights of the little guy.
In that famous document, they enshrined the doctrine of separation of powers, creating three equal branches of government -- the legislative, judicial and executive branches. By doing so, they instituted a system of checks and balances as a safeguard against any one of the three branches from abusing its authority.
Of course China’s own legal tradition and history go much farther than ours and differ in many ways from America’s. But as far back as the 4th Century BC in the state of Qin, a famous Chinese statesman and reformer named Shang Yang elaborated on his legal philosophy in the Book of Lord Shang. One of the most important doctrines he established was reflected in his well-known saying, “When the prince violates the law, the crime he commits is the same as that of the common people.” More than 2,300 years ago in China, the principle that everyone is equal in the eyes of the law was already put forth and well recognized.
Also in the Analects, Confucius spoke about the responsibility of the ruler and the importance of his personal conduct. He said, “When a prince’s personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without issuing any orders. If his personal conduct is not correct he may issue orders but they will not be followed.”
Today in our modern society, what Confucius is essentially saying is that an effective government is one where its officials abide by the laws of that society, which in essence, is the rule of law.
In this regard, I’m happy to note that the study and practice of law has seen remarkable growth here in China. Thirty years ago there were only about six law schools an estimated 2,000 lawyers throughout all of China. Today there are 600 law schools and more than 230,000 lawyers nationwide. China has a need for smart lawyers. We in America perhaps have too many. [Laughter].
For my own country, the United States Constitution is a bedrock of law and it has proven so invaluable in part because it is adaptable to the social changes that history has brought. In that sense, it is self-correcting.
For example, from time to time we have amended our Constitution to more accurately reflect our country’s values and to bring more people under its protection - people who have been previously excluded. African-Americans were not considered full and free citizens of the United States until the passage of three constitutional amendments almost 100 years after the founding of our nation. Similarly, women were not allowed to vote until the approval of the 19th Amendment in 1920. And as further evidence of how far we have come, in 2008 Barack Obama was elected as the first African-American president of the United States. The year before, Nancy Pelosi became the first female Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, the most senior member of the legislative branch of our government.
Last month, when President Obama was sworn in for his second term as president, he was sworn in on Martin Luther King Day. Martin Luther King was a tireless advocate for equal rights under the rule of law, especially ending discrimination against African-Americans.
America knows that our society is not perfect. Problems remain, but progress is constantly being made. Given our legal system’s self-correcting nature, I’m confident that we will continue to see improvements in fairness and justice.
Having a fair and transparent legal infrastructure is a key part of building a rules-based society. But it’s not sufficient. Even more critical is how the government responds when those laws are tested, when those laws are being challenged. People need to know that the rules will be applied equally to all citizens, regardless of who you are or how much power you have. The rule of law does not necessarily ensure a favorable outcome for any particular individual, but the rule of law must guarantee equal treatment under the law and the opportunity to seek legal relief.
Following the conclusion of our American Civil War, many southern states drafted laws limiting the rights of African-Americans in direct defiance of our Constitution. These states used such provisions to impose racial segregation and restrict the civil rights of black people, African-Americans. And it took more than a half a century before brave civil rights lawyers began to vigorously pursue lawsuits at considerable danger to themselves to have those rights restored.
One of those lawsuits resulted in the case of Brown v. Board of Education that ended legal segregation in our schools that I talked about earlier. But even after Brown v. Board of Education, when the United States Supreme Court said that segregated schools were impermissible, many states still had not ended segregation as ordered by the United States Supreme Court.
For instance, the governor of Arkansas, one of our states, continued to defy the Court and even sent the Arkansas National Guard, essentially the state police, to block nine black students from enrolling in a high school in a town of that state.
President Eisenhower countered by sending the United States Army to escort those nine African-American children into the school, making it clear that the national law as announced by the United States Supreme Court must be followed.
In my own country’s experience, the rule of law gives the government greater legitimacy because people have confidence that there are fair and transparent ways to redress their concerns. But the decisions are not arbitrary, and everyone, even the little guys, enjoys legal protection.
Opponents might not always agree with the outcome of the legal case, but they have confidence in the basic integrity of the legal process. Just as in a sporting event, you might not always agree with the decision of the referee, but players and fans can accept the outcome of the game even if their side loses if everyone plays by the rules and everyone believes that the referees have been fair. What isn’t accepted, however, is when referees ignore the rules or bend them in favor of one side or one player.
A recent example of this confidence and faith in our legal system took place during the 2000 U.S. presidential elections. For the first time in American history, the outcome of a presidential election came down to just nine votes -- the votes of the nine U.S. Supreme Court Justices. They had to decide who had won the most votes in the State of Florida. They had to decide how to count some very confusing ballots. So in the case of Bush v. Gore, the United States Supreme Court justices made a decision on the basis of their interpretation of our U.S. Constitution. Their decision favored George W. Bush, even though it was later determined by the press and other groups that Vice President Gore had actually received more votes in Florida. But while the Court’s decision was extremely controversial, Bush’s opponent, then Vice President Gore, accepted the Court’s ruling. And Vice President Gore’s supporters also accepted the Court’s decision because they believed in the integrity of our legal institutions and our legal process.
In many other countries, such a close and hotly contested presidential election would have resulted in angry mobs in the street, revolution, or even the military seizing power in a coup. The American people’s acceptance of the Court’s decision in deciding who was the next president of the United States of America is a clear testament to the value and stabilizing power of a strong rule of law.
A strong rules-based society is not only good for social stability, but also for economic development. Any business or investment carries risk. Business people accept that they’re subject to the laws of the city, province or nation in which they do business. What business people and investors are not willing to tolerate is the arbitrary application of the law which imperils their ability to seek a profit or to seek redress.
For domestic entrepreneurs, if a company’s innovators believe that their ideas and hard work won’t be protected, that country risks losing the talent and business potential of their entrepreneurs. Foreign businesses and investors will vote with their feet and take their resources to other markets which they feel are more secure, more predictable, and more fair.
This rings especially true in the area of intellectual property rights protections, because IP theft is a crime that erodes the incentive to create, to innovate. Put simply, if there are no strong protections for intellectual property, companies -- Chinese and foreign -- will think twice before developing new businesses, technologies and innovations.
In conclusion, we need to ask the question how does a society build confidence in the integrity of its legal system? The answer is simple: steadily. It takes years, patience and a lot of trial and error. And frankly, we’re still working on it in the United States. There is no “one-size-fits-all” system or solution. China has a long and rich legal history that can provide some lessons for its future.
There are, however, some common principles including an independent and respected judiciary as well as equal protection under the law that transcend cultural differences.
Progress down the road to a rules-based society requires dedication and long-term effort. But one of the many things that makes me proud to be an American is how all through the generations of our history Americans have worked to bring the United States closer to the ideal of forming as the preamble to our Constitution says, “a more perfect union.” The rule of law is key to this ideal and it helps build a people who are united, patriotic, confident in their rights, and committed to their own country’s future.
As future lawyers you have a special role and responsibility in advancing and elevating the rule of law in China. China has a great future ahead of it, but it depends on an active, neutral, respected judiciary, rule of law, and lawyers. The people of China are counting on you.
Good luck. Thank you very much.
骆家辉人物评价:
“我想他是我见过的最拘谨的人了。 我帮他介绍女孩约会时
,我会告诉他们,‘他是一个很好的人,但是非常严肃。如果约会结束的时候,你邀请他到你的家里喝一杯茶, 他真得会认为只是喝一杯茶。’” ——1997年1月14日,西雅图时报引述骆家辉一位好友的话。
“就像和波诺(U2主唱)走在一起一样”——《商业周刊》时任时任美国驻华大使的洪博培在陪同骆家辉结束中国之行后形容骆在中国的受欢迎程度。
“鉴于骆家辉之前在某些关键全球化问题上的极端态度,我们将会盯紧他。”——2009年,全球贸易观察主任罗琳说。罗琳对公司全球化持批评态度。“之前在某些国际事务上的态度”指
的是骆家辉支持北美自由贸易协议和不愿将贸易问题与中国的人权挂钩。
1997年克林顿的国情咨文中,特别提到了骆家辉的名字。克林顿说,骆家辉当选为华盛顿州州长,他是“数百万美国亚裔移民中的两位所养育的值得骄傲的儿子。这些亚裔移民用他们的辛勤劳动、他们的家庭价值观和他们作为公民的良好表现,增强了美国的力量。他代表著我们大家都能够实现的未来。”
唱名而是以口头表决形式快速通过。法新社认为骆家辉的新职位“富有声望而艰难”,强调“驻华大使”这个新头衔将给他带来荣誉和挑战。报道称,骆家辉在参院听证会上强调,他将成为美国人权理念和商业利益的“强有力的提倡者”。
美国《市场观察报》评论说,这是一次有利于美国企业派驻美国主要贸易伙伴的外交任命。骆家辉被任命驻华大使的时机正值中国超越日本成为世界第二大经济体,而美国企业常常抱怨被中国市场排挤在外,或被迫以提供技术分享获取市场准入。
读文网小编分享了骆家辉在人民大学演讲稿中英文,你阅读了有什么感想?
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亚伯拉罕·林肯(1809年2月12日-1865年4月15日),美国政治家、思想家,黑人奴隶制的废除者。第16任美国总统,其任总统期间,美国爆发内战,史称南北战争,林肯坚决反对国家分裂。他废除了叛乱各州的奴隶制度,颁布了《宅地法》、《解放黑人奴隶宣言》。林肯击败了南方分离势力,维护了美利坚联邦及其领土上不分人种、人人生而平等的权利。内战结束后不久,林肯遇刺身亡,是第一个遭遇刺杀的美国总统,也是首位共和党籍总统,曾位列最伟大总统排名第一位。也是美国最有作为的总统之一(其他3位为乔治·华盛顿、富兰克林·罗斯福、托马斯·杰斐逊)。以下是读文网小编整理了林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版,供你参考。
(1865年3月4日)
各位同胞:
在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中,不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候,对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明,似乎是适当的。如今四年任期已满,在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀,还且占用了国家大部分力量——都经常发布文告,所以如今很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展,是一切其它问题的关键所在,各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的,而我相信进展的情况,可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望,那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。四年之前在与此同一场合里,所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它,想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说,竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦,然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦,并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争,可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存,另一方则宁可接受这场战争,而不愿国家灭亡,于是战争就来临了。
我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴,他们并非遍布整个联邦,而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益,反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦,而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初,任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到那么大的范围,持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止,甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利,都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经,祈祷于同一个上帝,甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方,人们竟敢求助于上帝,来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包,这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家,免得别人判断我们。
我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿,而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难,因为罪恶总是要来的;然而那个作恶的人,要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一,而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免,但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间,他如今便要消除这些罪恶;假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上,作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚,难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着,我们热忱地祈祷着,希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是,假使上帝要让战争再继续下去,直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有,并像三千年前所说的那样,等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血,被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消,那么我们仍然只能说,「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。我们对任何人都不怀恶意,我们对任何人都抱好感,上帝让我们看到正确的事,我们就坚定地信那正确的事,让我们继续奋斗,以完成我们正在进行的工作,去治疗国家的创伤,去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀,尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。
读文网小编分享了林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版,你阅读了有什么感想?
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马丁·路德·金(Martin Luther King, Jr.,1929年1月15日-1968年4月4日),著名的美国民权运动领袖。1948年大学毕业。1948年至1951年期间,在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。以下是读文网小编整理了马丁路德金演讲稿中英文版,供你参考。
美国首都华盛顿24日举行活动,纪念美国黑人民权运动领袖马丁·路德·金发
表《我有一个梦想》演讲50周年。
从24日起,华盛顿将连续多日举行系列纪念活动。当天上午,众多民众在国家广场附近参加游行,从马丁·路德·金纪念雕塑陆续汇集到林肯纪念堂前,聆听马丁·路德·金后人和50年前亲历者等各方人士的演讲。
马丁·路德·金的长子马丁·路德·金三世在演讲时说,他的父亲在《我有一个梦想》中提到,希望自己的4个孩子有朝一日能不再因肤色、而是以品格优劣而接受他人评价。从那时起半个世纪过去了,演讲当年并不是缅怀往昔或自我庆祝的时刻,任务远未完成,还有很长的路要走。
当日数万名民众在华盛顿集会,纪念美国著名的黑人领袖马丁·路德·金发表《我有一个梦想》演说50周年。1963年8月23日,马丁·路德·金组织了美国历史上影响深远的“自由进军”运动。他率领一支庞大的游行队伍向首都华盛顿进军,为全美国的黑人争取人权。他在林肯纪念堂前向25万人发表了著名的演说《我有一个梦想》,为反对种族歧视、争取平等发出呼号。
2015年1月19日,是美国人权运动家马丁·路德·金纪念日。上午10:55分,纪念人权领袖马丁路德金的“自由号”列车从南湾圣荷西驶抵旧金山市。由于经费短缺,这辆自1965年开始运行的纪念性列车今天或是最后一次运行。乘坐列车前来市里的民众与早已经在车站的人群汇合,通过游行来纪念马丁·路德·金。游行人群约有上千民众,多人手持金博士画像,“反种族歧视”、“追求自由平等”,以及“黑人生命同样重要”等标语。整个游行从火车站出发,最终到达耶尔巴布埃纳花园,全长约1.5英里。
读文网小编分享了马丁路德金演讲稿中英文版,你阅读了有什么感想?
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亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln,1809年2月12日-1865年4月15日),美国政治家、思想家,黑人奴隶制的废除者。第16任美国总统,其任总统期间,美国爆发内战,史称南北战争,林肯坚决反对国家分裂。他废除了叛乱各州的奴隶制度,颁布了《宅地法》、《解放黑人奴隶宣言》。以下是读文网小编整理了林肯第一次就职演讲稿,供你参考。
合众国的同胞们:
1861年3月4日
按照一个和我们的政府一样古老的习惯,我现在来到诸位的面前,简单地讲几句话,并在你们的面前,遵照合众国宪法规定一个总统在他“到职视事之前”必须宣誓的仪式,在大家面前宣誓。
我认为没有必要在这里来讨论并不特别令人忧虑和不安的行政方面的问题。
在南方各州人民中似乎存在着一种恐惧心理。他们认为,随着共和党政府的执政,他们的财产,他们的和平生活和人身安全都将遭到危险。这种恐惧是从来没有任何事实根据的。说实在的,大量相反的证据倒是一直存在,并随时可以供他们检查的。那种证据几乎在现在对你们讲话的这个人公开发表的每一篇演说中都能找到。这里我只想引用其中的一篇,在那篇演说中我曾说,“我完全无意,对已经存在奴隶制的各州的这一制度,进行直接或间接的干涉。我深信我根本没有合法权利那样做,而且我无此意图。”那些提名我并选举我的人都完全知道,我曾明确这么讲过,并且还讲过许多类似的话,而且从来也没有收回过我已讲过的这些话。不仅如此,他们还在纲领中,写进了对他们和对我来说,都具有法律效力的一项清楚明白、不容含糊的决议让我接受。这里我来对大家谈谈这一决议:
“决议,保持各州的各种权利不受侵犯,特别是各州完全凭自己的决断来安排和控制本州内部各种制度的权利不受侵犯,乃是我们的政治结构赖以完善和得以持久的权力均衡的至为重要的因素;我们谴责使用武装力量非法入侵任何一个州或准州的土地,这种入侵不论使用什么借口,都是最严重的罪行。”
我现在重申这些观点:而在这样做的时候,我只想提请公众注意,最能对这一点提出确切证据的那就是全国任何一个地方的财产、和平生活和人身安全决不会在任何情况下,由于即将上任的政府而遭到危险。这里我还要补充说,各州只要符合宪法和法律规定,合法地提出保护要求,政府便一定会乐于给予保护,不管是出于什么原因一一而且对任何一个地方都一视同仁。
有一个争论得很多的问题是,关于逃避服务或引渡从劳役中逃走的人的问题。我现在要宣读的条文,也和任何有关其它问题的条款一样,明明白白写在宪法之中:
“凡根据一个州的法律应在该州于服务或从事劳役的人,如逃到另一州,一律不得按照这一州的法律或条例,使其解除该项服务或劳役,而必,须按照有权享有该项服务或劳役当事人的要求,将其引渡。”
毫无疑问,按照制订这一条款的人的意图,此项规定实际指的就是,对我们所说的逃亡奴隶有权索回;而法律制订人的这一意图实际已成为法律。国会的所有议员都曾宣誓遵守宪法中的一切条款——对这一条和其它各条并无两样。因此,关于适合这一条款规定的奴隶应“将其引渡”这一点,他们的誓言是完全一致的。那么现在如果他们心平气和地作一番努力,他们难道不能以几乎同样完全一致的誓言,制订一项法律,以使他们的共同誓言得以实施吗?
究竟这一条款应该由国家当局,还是由州当局来执行,大家的意见还不完全一致;但可以肯定地说,这种分歧并不是什么十分重要的问题。只要奴隶能被交还,那究竟由哪一个当局来交还,对奴隶或对别的人来说,没有什么关系。任何人,在任何情况下,也决不会因为应以何种方式来实。现他的誓言这样一个无关紧要的争执,他便会认为完全可以不遵守自己的誓言吧?
另外,在任何有关这一问题的法律中,应不应该把文明和人道法学中关于自由的各项保证都写上,以防止在任何情况下使一个自由人被作为奴隶交出吗?同时,宪法中还有一条规定,明确保证“每一州的公民都享有其它各州公民所享有公民的一切特权和豁免权”,我们用法律保证使这一条文得以执行,那不是更好吗?
我今天在这里正式宣誓,思想上决无任何保留,也决无意以任何过于挑剔的标准来解释宪法或法律条文。我现在虽不打算详细指出国会的哪些法令必须要遵照执行;但我建议,我们大家,不论以个人身份还是以公职人员的身份,为了有更多的安全,我们最好服从并遵守现在还没有废除的一切法令,而不要轻易相信可以指之为不合宪法,便可以逃脱罪责,而对它们公然违反。
自从第一任总统根据国家宪法宣誓就职以来,七十二年已经过去了。在这期间,十五位十分杰出的公民相继主持过政府的行政部门。他们引导着它度过了许多艰难险阻;一般都获得极大的成功。然而,尽管有这么多可供参考的先例,我现在将在宪法所规定的短短四年任期中来担任这同一任务,却.面临着巨大的非同一般的困难。在此以前,分裂联邦只是受到了威胁,而现在却是已出现力图分裂它的可怕行动了。
从一般法律和我们的宪法来仔细考虑,我坚信,我们各州组成的联邦是永久性的。在一切国民政府的根本大法中永久性这一点,虽不一定写明,却是不言而喻的。我们完全可以肯定说,没有一个名副其实的政府会在自己的根本法中定出一条,规定自己完结的期限。继续执行我国宪法所明文规定的各项条文,联邦便将永远存在下去——除了采取并未见之于宪法的行动,谁也不可能毁灭掉联邦。
还有,就算合众国并不是个名副其实的政府,而只是依靠契约成立的一个各州的联合体,那既有契约的约束,若非参加这一契约的各方一致同意,我们能说取消就把它取消吗?参加订立契约的一方可以违约,或者说毁约;但如果合法地取消这一契约,岂能不需要大家一致同意吗?
从这些总原则出发,我们发现,从法学观点来看,联邦具有永久性质的提法,是为联邦自身的历史所证实的。联邦本身比宪法更为早得多。事实上,它是由1774年,签订的《联合条款》建立的。到1776年的《独立宣言》才使它进一步成熟和延续下来。然后,通过1778年的“邦联条款”使它更臻成熟,当时参加的十三个州便已明确保证要使邦联永久存在下去。最后,到1787年制订的宪法公开宣布的目的之一,便是“组建一个更为完美的联邦”。
但是,如果任何一个州,或几个州也可以合法地把联邦给取消掉,加这个联邦可是比它在宪法制订以前还更不完美了,因为它已失去了它的一个至关重要因素——永久性。
从这些观点我们可以认定,任何一个州,都不可能仅凭自己动议,便能合法地退出联邦——而任何以此为目的的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的;至于任何一州或几州的反对合众国当
局的暴力行为,都可以依据具体情况视为叛乱或革命行为。
因此我认为,从宪法和法律的角度来看,联邦是不容分裂的;我也将竭尽全力,按照宪法明确赋于我的责任,坚决负责让联邦的一切法令在所有各州得以贯彻执行。这样做,我认为只是履行我应负的简单职责;只要是可行的,我就一定要履行它,除非我的合法的主人美国人民,收回赋予我的不可缺少的工具,或行使他们的权威,命令我采取相反的行动。我相信我这话决不会被看成是一种恫吓,而只会被看作实现联邦已公开宣布的目的,它必将按照宪法保卫和维持它自己的存在。
要做到这一点并不需要流血或使用暴力,除非有人把它强。加于国家当局,否则便决不会发生那种情况。赋予我的权力将被用来保持、占有和掌管属于政府的一切财产和土地。征收各种税款和关税;但除开为了这些目的确有必要这外,决不会有什么入侵问题——决不会在任何地方对人民,或在人民之间使用武力。任何内地,即使对联邦政府的敌对情绪已十分严重和普遍,以致妨害有能力的当地公民执行联邦职务的时候,政府也决不会强制派进令人厌恶的外来人去担任这些职务。尽管按严格的法律规定,政府有权强制履行这些职责,但一定要那样做,必然非常使人不愉快,也几乎不切实际,所以我认为最好还是暂时先把这些职责放一放。
邮政,除非遭到拒收,仍将在联邦全境运作。在可能的情况下,一定要让各地人民,都享有完善的安全感,这十分有利于冷静思索和反思。我在这里所讲的这些方针必将奉行,除非当前事态和实际经验表明修改或改变方针是合适的。对任何一个事件和紧急问题,我一定会根据当时出现的具体形势谨慎从事,期望以和平手段解决国内纠纷,力图恢复兄弟爱手足情。
至于说某些地方总有些人不顾一切一心想破坏联邦,并不惜以任何借口图谋不轨,我不打算肯定或否定;如果确有这样一些人,我不必要再对他们讲什么。但对那些真正热爱联邦的人,我不可以讲几句吗?
在我们着手研究如此严重的一件事情之前,那就是要把我们的国家组织连同它的一切利益,一切记忆和一切希望全给消灭掉,难道明智的做法不是先仔细研究一下那样做究竟是为了什么?当事实上极有可能你企图逃避的祸害并不存在的时候,你还会不顾一切采取那种贻害无穷的步骤吗?或者你要逃避的灾祸虽确实存在,而在你逃往的地方却有更大的灾祸在等着你;那你会往那里逃吗?你会冒险犯下如此可怕的一个错误吗?
大家都说,如果宪法中所规定的一切权利都确实得到执行,那他也就会留在联邦里。那么,真有什么如宪法申明文规定的权利被否定了吗?我想没有。很幸运,人的头脑是这样构造出来的,没有一个党敢于如此冒天下之大不韪。如果可能,请你们讲出哪怕是一个例子来,说明有什么宪法中明文规定的条款是没有得到执行的。如果多数派完全靠人数上的优势,剥夺掉少数派宪法上明文规定的权利,这件事从道义的角度来看,也许可以说革命是正当的——如果被剥夺的是极为重要的权利,那革命就肯定无疑是合理行动。但我们的情况却并非如此。少数派和个人的一切重要权利,在宪法中,通过肯定和否定、保证和禁令;都一一向他们作了明确保证,以致关于这类问题,从来也没有引起过争论。但是,在制订基本法时却不可能对实际工作中出现的任何问题,都一一写下可以立即加以应用的条文。再高明的预见也不可能料定未来的一切,任何长度适当的文件也不可能包容下针对一切可能发生的问题的条文。逃避劳役的人到底应该由联邦政府交还还是由州政府交还呢?宪法上没有具体规定。国会可以在准州禁止奴隶制吗?宪法没有具体规定。国会必须保护准州的奴隶制吗?宪法也没有具体规定。
从这类问题中引出了我们对宪法问题的争端,并因这类问题使我们分成了多数派和少数派。如果少数派不肯默认,多数派便必须默认,否则政府便只好停止工作了。再没有任何别的路可走;要让政府继续行使职权,便必须要这一方或那一方默认。在这种情况下,如果一个少数派宁可脱离也决不默认,那他们也就开创将来必会使他们分裂和毁灭的先例;因为,当多数派拒绝接受这样一个少数派的控制的时候,他们中的少数派便必会从他们之中再脱离出去。比如说,一个新的联盟的任何一部分,在一两年之后,为什么就不会像现在的联邦中的一些部分坚决要脱离出去一样,执意要从从那个新联盟中脱离出去。所有怀着分裂联邦思想的人现在都正接受着分裂思想的教育。难道要组成一个新联邦的州,它们的利益竟会是那样完全一致,它们只会有和谐,而不会再出现脱离行动吗?
非常清楚,脱离的中心思想实质就是无政府主义。一个受着宪法的检查和限制的约束,总是随着大众意见和情绪的慎重变化而及时改变的多数派,是自由人民的唯一真正的统治者。谁要想排斥他们,便必然走向无政府主义或专制主义。完全一致是根本不可能的;把少数派的统治作为一种长期安排是完全不能接受的,所以,一旦排斥了多数原则,剩下的便只有某种形式的无政府主义或某专制主义了。
我没有忘记某些人的说法,认为宪法问题应该由最高法院来裁决。我也不否认这种裁决,在任何情况下,对诉讼各万,以及诉讼目的,完全具有约束力,而且在类似的情况中,—应受到政府的一切其它部门高度的尊重和重视。尽管非常明显,这类裁决在某一特定案例中都很可能会是错误的,然而,这样随之而来的恶果总只限于该特定案件,同时裁决还有机会被驳回,不致成为以后判案的先例,那这种过失比起其它的过失来当然更让人容易忍受。同时,正直的公民必须承认,如果政府在有关全体人民利害的重大问题的政策,都得由最高法院的裁决,作出决定那一旦对个人之间的一般诉讼作出裁决时,人民便已不再是自己的主人,而达到了将他们的政府交给那个高于一切的法庭的地步了。我这样说,决无意对法院或法官表示不满。一件案子按正常程序送到他们面前,对它作出正当裁决,是他们的不可推卸的责任;如果别的人硬要把他们的判决用来达到政治目的,那并不是他们的过错。
我国有一部分人相信奴隶制是正确的。应该扩展,而另一部分人又相信它是错误的,不应该扩展。这是唯一的实质性的争执,宪法中有关逃亡奴隶的条款,以及制止对外奴隶贸易的法
律,在一个人民的道德观念并不支持该法的,社会里,它们的执行情况也许不次于任何一项法律所能达到的程度。在两种情况下,绝大多数的人都遵守枯燥乏味的法律义务,但又都有少数人不听那一套。关于这一点,我想,要彻底解决是根本不可能的;如果寸巴两个地区分离。以后,情况只会更坏。对外奴隶贸易现在并未能完全加以禁止,最后在一个地区中必将全面恢复;对于逃亡奴隶,在另一个地区,现在送回的只是一部分,将来会完全不肯交出来了。
就自然条件而言,我们是不能分离的。我们决不能把我们的各个地区相互搬开,也不可能在它们之间修建起一道无法逾越的高墙。一对夫妻可以离婚,各走各的路,彼此再不见面。但我们国家的各部分可无法这么办。它们只能面对面相处,友好也罢。仇视也罢,他们仍必须彼此交往。我们维道能有任何办法使得这种交往在分离之后,比分离:之前更为有利,更为令,人满意吗?难道在外人之间订立条约,比在朋友之间制订法律还更为容易吗?难道在外人之间履行条约,比在朋友之间按法律办事还更忠实吗?就算你们决定。诉诸战争,你们,总不能永远打下去吧;最后当两败俱伤而双方都一无所获时,你们停止战斗,那时依照什么条件相互交往,这同一个老问题仍会照样摆在你们面前了。
这个国家,连同它的各种机构,都属于居住在这里的人民。任何时候,他们对现存政府感到厌倦了,他们可以行使他们的宪法权利,改革这个政府,或者行使他们的革命权利解散它或者推翻它。我当然知道,现在就有许多尊贵的、爱国的公民极于想修订我们的宪法。尽管我自己不会那么建议,我却也完全承认他们在这个问题上的合法权利,承认他们可以按照宪法所规定的两种方式中的任何一种来行使这种权利;而且,在目前情况下,我不但不反对,而倒是赞成给人民一个公正的机会让他们去行动。
我还不禁要补充一点,在我看来,采取举行会议的方式似乎更好一些,这样可以使修订方案完全由人民自己提出,而不是只让他们去接受或拒绝一些并非特别为此目的而选出的一些人提出的方案,因为也可能那些方案恰恰并不是他们愿意接受或拒绝的。我了解到现在已有人提出一项宪法修正案——这修正案我并没有看到,但在国会中已经通过了,大意说,联邦政府将永远不再干涉各州内部制度,包括那些应服劳役者的问题。为了使我讲的话不致被误解,我现在改变我不谈具体修正案的原来的打算,明确声明,这样一个条款,既然现在可能列入宪法,我不反对使它成为明确而不可改动的条文。
合众国总统的一切权威都来之于人民,人民并没有授于他规定条件让各州脱离出去的权力。人民自己如果要那样干,那自然也是可以的;可是现在的行政当局不能这样做。他的职责,是按照他接任时的样子管理这个政府,然后,毫无损伤地再移交给他的继任者。
我们为什么不能耐心地坚决相信人民的最终的公道呢?难道在整个世界上还有什么更好的,或与之相等的希望吗?在我们今天的分歧中,难道双方不都是认为自己正确吗?如果万国的全能统治者,以他的永恒的真理和公正,站在你们北方一边,或你们南方一边,那么,依照美国人民这一伟大法官的判决,真理和公正必将胜利。
按照目前我们生活其下的现政府的构架,我国人民十分明智;授于他们的公仆的胡作非为的权力是微乎其微的;而且同样还十分明智地规定,即使那点微乎其微的权力,经过很短一段时间后,就必须收回到他们自己手中。
由于人民保持他们的纯正和警惕,任何行政当局,在短短的四年之中,也不可能用极其恶劣或愚蠢的行为对这个政府造成严重的损害。
我的同胞们,请大家对这整个问题平心静气地好好想一想,真正有价值的东西是不会因从容从事而丧失的。如果有个什么目标使你迫不及待地要取得它,你采取的步骤是在审慎考虑的
情况下不会采取的,那个目标的确可能会由于你的从容不迫而达不到;但一个真正好的自标是不会因为从容从事而失去的。你们中现在感到不满的人,仍然必须遵守原封未动的老宪法,新个敏感的问题上,仍然有根据宪法制订的法律;而对此二者,新政府即使想要加以改变,它自身也立即无此权力。即使承认你们那些心怀不满的人在这一争执中站在正确的一边,那也丝毫没有正当的理由要采取贸然行动。明智、爱国主义、____精神,以及对从未抛弃过这片得天独厚的土地的上帝的依赖,仍然完全能够以最理想的方式来解决我们当前的一切困难。
决定内战这个重大问题的是你们,我的心怀不满的同胞们,而并非决定于我。政府决不会攻击你们。只要你们自己不当侵略者,就不会发生冲突。你们并没有对天发誓必须毁灭这个政
府,而我却曾无比庄严地宣誓,一定要“保持、保护和保卫”这个政府。
我真不想就此结束我的讲话,我们不是敌人,而是朋友。我们决不能成为敌人。尽管目前的情绪有些紧张,但决不能容许它使我们之间的亲密情感纽带破裂。回忆的神秘琴弦,在整个这片辽阔的土地上,从每一个战场,每一个爱国志士的坟墓,延伸到每一颗跳动的心和每一个家庭,它有一天会被我们的良知所触动,再次奏出联邦合唱曲。
读文网小编分享了林肯第一次就职演讲稿中英文,你阅读了有什么感想?
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英文演讲稿的写作技巧:
英语演讲应该简洁扼要,直截了当。除非特别需要,一般不要采用中文中的那种迂回曲折的表达形式。据有关专家统计,一般人的注意力一次只能集中约13分钟。所以,演讲长度以10~15分钟为宜。下面是美国总统林肯所作的着名的盖茨堡演说,虽然全文只有短短200多个词,却带有振奋人心、扭转乾坤般的力量。其中 of the people, by the people, for the people(民有,民治,民享)已成为不朽佳句。对于中学生来说,这篇演讲现在读起来一定会觉得很难,但要写好英语演讲,这确实是值得认真研读的经典之作。
Gettysburg Address
Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.
We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of the field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that the nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.
The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, ----that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion, ----that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, ----that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, ----and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
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美利坚合众国第一夫人(First Lady of the United States of America,缩写:FLOTUS),是美国白宫的女主人,通常是指现任美国总统的妻子。以下是读文网小编整理了美国第一夫人演讲稿中英文,供你参考。
因此,出国留学不只是以开心的方式度过一个学期——它正迅速成为全球化经济中取得成功的关键。因为要走在当今职场的前
谢谢。你好。很高兴也很荣幸来到这里,在这所伟大的大学和你们共聚一堂。非常感谢你们邀请我。
在我今天开始之前,代表我自己和我的丈夫,我想就马来西亚航空公司的MH370航班简短说两句。如我丈夫所说,美国正提供尽可能多的资源协助搜寻工作。请相信,在这个非常艰难的时刻,我们的心和航班上人员的家属和亲人在一起,我们为他们祈祷。
现在,我们首先来认识一下美国新任驻华大使——博卡斯大使。王校长、朱主席、李副校长、 Cuelluer主任、Jean Oi教授和斯坦福中心,纽约大学的塞克顿斯校长(该校在上海开设了一个优秀的海外留学项目),以及清华大学全球领袖项目主任约翰·桑顿 ,由衷地感谢大家的到来。
最重要的是,我要感谢今天所有到场的学生们......我要特别感谢埃里克·谢弗和朱宣皓的精彩英文和中文介绍。这绝佳地诠释了我今天要和大家聊的全部话题。
你们看,通过学习彼此的语言,通过展现对彼此文化的好奇心和尊重,谢弗先生、朱女士以及你们大家正在搭建理解的桥梁,这些桥梁带来更多的丰硕成果。我今天来到你们这里是因为我知道,我们的未来取决于全球像你们这样年轻人间的这样的联系。
这也是为什么我们夫妇在国外访问时,不只参观宫殿、议会和会晤国家元首。我们也来到学校,与像你们一样的学生见面。因为我们相信,国与国之间的关系不只是政府或领导人之间的关系,它们是人民间―特别是年轻人之间的关系。因此,我们认为海外留学项目不只是为学生提供的教育机会,还是美国外交政策至关重要的组成部分。
通过现代技术奇迹,我们的世界比以往任何时候都更多地联系在一起。思想可以通过点击按钮跨越海洋。全球各地的公司可以进行业务往来和相互竟争。我们可以与各大洲的人们通过短信、电子邮件和Skype进行沟通。
沿,只在学校里取得好成绩是不够的,还应拥有国境外的真实体验:体验完全不同的语言、文化和社会。正如中国的一句古话所说:“读万卷书,不如行万里路。”
我想要说的是,出国留学绝不仅是改善你们自己的未来,它也关乎塑造你们的国家、关乎我们共有的世界的未来。因为我们这个时代的决定性挑战一一无论是气侯变化、经济机遇,还是核武器扩散一一这些都是我们共同的挑战。没有任何一个国家能够单独应对它们……唯一的出路就是共同携手。
这就是为什么年轻人到彼此国家学习和生活是如此重要。因为这是你们培养合作习惯的途径一一你们通过融入不同的文化,通过了解彼此的故事,通过跨越常常隔膜我们的成见和误解,来做到这一点。
这是你们了解到我们共享多少东西的途径。这是你们认识到我们的成功惠及彼此的途径。在北京发现的治序方法可以挽救在美国的生命,来自加州硅谷的清洁能源技术可以改善中国的环境,西安一座古老寺庙的架构可激发达拉斯或者底特律新建筑设计的灵感。
这是你们与同学、实验伙伴建立起的联系能带来更多收获的时候。阿比盖尔·柯普林成为北京大学美国富布赖特学者的时候,她与同事们在首屈一指的科学杂志上共同发表论文,建立研究伙伴关系,这段关系在他们各自回国后还长久持续着。 来自北京大学的牛可教授是去年的美国富布赖特学者。我引述下他的话,“最难忘的经历是和我的美国朋友们在一起。”
这些长久的纽带代表留学的真正价值,我很兴奋,越来越多的学生正得到这样的机会。中国目前是美国人留学的第五大热门目的地。今天的美国,来自中国的交换生数量最多。
尽管如此,太多的学生从来没有这样的机会,而一些有机会的学生则犹豫是否要抓住它。 他们可能觉得留学只是有钱的学生或来自某类大学的学生的事。或者,他们可能心里想,“嗯,这听起来很有趣,但它在我的生活中真正有多大用处?” 我理解这些年轻人,因为我在上大学时也有同样的感受。
你们知道,我来自一个工薪阶层家庭,我甚至从来没想过留学。我的父母没有上过大学,我将精力集中在进入大学并获得学位,这样我就可以得到一份工作并养活自己、帮助家人。对于很多像我一样靠奋斗才能读得起一个常规学期的年轻人来说,支付世界另一边的机票或生活费实在是不可能的。这是不可接受的,因为留学不应仅属于有一些背景的学生。
我们希望在所有种族和社会经济背景的人之间建立联系,因为正是这样的多样性让我们的国家如此充满活力和强大……我们的海外留学项目应向世界反映美国的真正精神。
这就是为什么在2009年我的丈夫访问中国时,宣布了我们的10万项倡议,该倡议旨在增加留学中国的美国学生的数量和多样性。而今年,在我们纪念中美两国关系正常化三十五周年之际,美国政府实际上支持更多的美国学生在中国学习。
我们正将高中生、大学生和研究生送到这里来学习中文,我们正邀请中国老师到美国的高校教授普通话,我们为希望留学美国的中国学生提供免费的在线咨询。美中富布赖特项目仍在加强,现有3000多名学友。
私人部门也在加紧工作。例如,美国黑石公司的主管斯蒂夫·施瓦茨曼正在资助清华大学模仿罗德奖学全的一个新项目。今天,来自不同背景的学生正在中国学习。
以来自俄亥俄州克利夫兰的罗亚尔为例,她参加了纽约大学在上海的项目。像我一样,罗亚尔是家里的第一代大学生。她母亲做两份全职工作,而她父亲晚上工作以维持他们的家庭。谈到她在上海的经历时,她说:“这座城市充满韧性,它激励我完成所有我能做的事。” 对了,罗亚尔,我祝你生日快乐。昨天正好是她的生日。
还有来自华盛顿大学的腓力门·海尔,他还是孩
子的时候,他的家人作为厄立特里亚难民来到了美国。谈到他在中国学习的经历时,他说:“在我们进入公民外交的新时代之际,留学是人民间交流的一种强大工具。”
“一个公民外交的新时代”一一我想不出比这更好的说法了,因为这正是我正在谈的,那就是普通公民走向世界。正如我经常对美国年轻认说的那样,你不需要登上飞机才能成为公民外交官。我告诉他们,如果你在家里、学校或者图书馆能上网,只要几秒钟,你就可以被带到世界任何地方,遇见来自每个大陆的人。
这就是为什么我每天都要发一篇旅行博文,里面有我这次中国之行的视频和照片,因为我希望美国的年轻人能成为这次访问的一部分。这确实是技术的力量——它打开整个世界,让我们接触到以前根本难以想象的思想和创新。
这也是为什么信息和思想在互联网上、并通过媒体自由流动是如此重要。因为那是我们发现真理的途径,那使我们得以了解我们的社群、我们的国家和我们的世界到底在发生着什么。那也是我们何以决定哪些价值观和思想是最好的——通过有力地对它们提出疑问,进行辩论,倾听各方观点,并做出自己的判断。
相信我,我知道这是一个令人困惑而沮丧的过程。有大量来自我们媒体和公民的质疑和批评,而我丈夫和我位于接收端。这并非易事,但我们认为它的重要无可取代。因为我们一次又一次地看到,当所有公民的声音和观点都能得到倾听之时,国家会变得更加强大和繁荣。
正像我的丈夫曾说过的,我们尊重其他文化和社会的独特性。然而,就自由地表达自我、选择自己所崇拜的东西、以及享有信息公开而言——我们相信那是地球上每个人与生俱来的权利。我们相信,所有人都应享有实现自己最大潜能的机会,正如我在美国所能做到的那样。
同时,当你在中国这里以及在美国了解新的文化、结交新的朋友之时,你整个人就是那些价值观的鲜活代表。所以我保证,通过出国留学,你们不仅在改变自己的人生,也在改变你所遇到的每个人的人生。
正像伟大的美国总统约翰·肯尼迪谈到留学美国的外国学生时说的那样,“我想他们所教的比他们学到的还要多。”而对出国学习的年轻美国人来说也是一样的。对世界而言,你们所有人都是最好的美国面孔,和最好的中国面孔。
每一天,你们都在向世界展示你们国家的能量、创造力、乐观,以及对未来坚定不移的信念。每一天,你们都在提醒我们,通过跨越国界,学会在彼此身上看到我们自己,和用共同的决心应对我们共同的挑战。
所以,我希望你们都会不断寻求这样的经历。我希望你们能继续受益于彼此,互相学习,同时建立起友谊的纽带,而这些纽带能在未来数十年丰富你们的生活,也丰富我们的世界。
你们大家都有这么多可以给予世界,我热切期待着你们未来的成就。
非常感谢。谢谢。
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艾玛·沃特森(Emma Watson),1990年4月15日出生于法国巴黎,英国女演员。以下是读文网小编整理了艾玛沃特森联合国演讲稿中英文,供你参考。
获得“哈利·波特”系列电影中赫敏一角的那一年,沃特森只有九岁。而第七部《哈利·波特与死亡圣器(上)》在北美上映时的她已出落成一位亭亭玉立、颇受时尚界青睐的少女明星。从9岁到20岁,艾玛·沃特森是赫敏·格兰杰,从20岁以后, 艾玛·沃特森成为她自己。2010年6月,长达11年的《哈利·波特》系列电影拍摄结束,丢掉魔杖、卸下戏服的沃特森并不打算继续演戏,而是选择先在美国常春藤名校之一的布朗大学完成学业,她选择走朱迪·福斯特和娜塔莉·波特曼那样的才女明星之路。戏外艾玛·沃特森也是个聪明而骄傲的小孩,当她迫不及待地宣称自己的成熟时,她孩子气的幼稚就显露无遗。艾玛·沃特森是没长残的童星代表之一,越长越有让人深陷的魅力。 越来越美得无可救药,每次亮相都惊艳了眼球。 端庄中多了分女王的犀利感,搭配一抹红唇,俏皮又妖娆,简直是女神。艾玛·沃特森让整个人的气息都立刻变得清新而且动人,优雅唯美中透出可爱的诱人魅力。
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