为您找到与林肯演讲葛底斯堡演讲名句英文相关的共200个结果:
亚伯拉罕·林肯(1809年2月12日-1865年4月15日),美国政治家、思想家,黑人奴隶制的废除者。第16任美国总统,其任总统期间,美国爆发内战,史称南北战争,林肯坚决反对国家分裂。他废除了叛乱各州的奴隶制度,颁布了《宅地法》、《解放黑人奴隶宣言》。林肯击败了南方分离势力,维护了美利坚联邦及其领土上不分人种、人人生而平等的权利。内战结束后不久,林肯遇刺身亡,是第一个遭遇刺杀的美国总统,也是首位共和党籍总统,曾位列最伟大总统排名第一位。也是美国最有作为的总统之一(其他3位为乔治·华盛顿、富兰克林·罗斯福、托马斯·杰斐逊)。以下是读文网小编整理了林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版,供你参考。
(1865年3月4日)
各位同胞:
在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中,不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候,对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明,似乎是适当的。如今四年任期已满,在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀,还且占用了国家大部分力量——都经常发布文告,所以如今很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展,是一切其它问题的关键所在,各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的,而我相信进展的情况,可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望,那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。四年之前在与此同一场合里,所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它,想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说,竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦,然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦,并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争,可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存,另一方则宁可接受这场战争,而不愿国家灭亡,于是战争就来临了。
我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴,他们并非遍布整个联邦,而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益,反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦,而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初,任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到那么大的范围,持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止,甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利,都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经,祈祷于同一个上帝,甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方,人们竟敢求助于上帝,来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包,这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家,免得别人判断我们。
我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿,而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难,因为罪恶总是要来的;然而那个作恶的人,要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一,而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免,但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间,他如今便要消除这些罪恶;假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上,作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚,难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着,我们热忱地祈祷着,希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是,假使上帝要让战争再继续下去,直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有,并像三千年前所说的那样,等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血,被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消,那么我们仍然只能说,「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。我们对任何人都不怀恶意,我们对任何人都抱好感,上帝让我们看到正确的事,我们就坚定地信那正确的事,让我们继续奋斗,以完成我们正在进行的工作,去治疗国家的创伤,去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀,尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。
读文网小编分享了林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版,你阅读了有什么感想?
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1860年11月,林肯当选总统,共和党首次执政。林肯的当选对南方种植园主的利益构成严重威胁,南方种植园奴隶主为制造分裂,发动了叛变,南方11个州先后退出联邦,宣布成立“美利坚联盟国”,并制订了新的宪法,选举新总统。以下是读文网小编整理了林肯gettysburg演讲稿,供你参考。
亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln)(1809年02月12日—1865年04月15日),是美国第16任总统,首位共和党籍总统,也是首位被暗杀的美国总统。他为推动美国社会向前发展作出了巨大贡献,受到美国人民的崇敬。是世界历史中最伟大的人物之一,领导了拯救联邦和结束奴隶制度的伟大斗争。人们怀念他的正直、仁慈和坚强的个性,他一直是美国历史上最受人景仰的总统之一。尽管他在边疆只受过一点儿初级教育,担任公职的经验也很少,然而,他那敏锐的洞察力和深厚的人道主义意识,使他成了美国历史上最伟大的总统之一,现行的5美元纸币上印的就是林肯的头像,由此可见林肯在美国历史上的地位。共产主义革命导师马克思十分高度地评价林肯说:“他是一个不会被困难所吓倒、不会为成功所迷惑的人,他不屈不挠地迈向自己的伟大目标,而从不轻举妄动,他稳步向前,而从不倒退……总之,他是一位达到了伟大境界而仍然保持自己优良品质的极其罕有的人物。”
读文网小编分享了林肯gettysburg演讲稿,你阅读了有什么感想?
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1860年,林肯当选为美国总统。林肯说:“人生最美好的东西,就是他同别人的友谊。”以下是读文网小编整理了林肯gettysburg演讲稿,供你参考。
Four score and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.We are met on the battelfield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.It is altogether and proper that we should do this.
But, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.The brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.
读文网小编分享了林肯gettysburg演讲稿,你阅读了有什么感想?
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亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln,1809年2月12日-1865年4月15日),美国政治家、思想家,黑人奴隶制的废除者。第16任美国总统,其任总统期间,美国爆发内战,史称南北战争,林肯坚决反对国家分裂。他废除了叛乱各州的奴隶制度,颁布了《宅地法》、《解放黑人奴隶宣言》。以下是读文网小编整理了林肯第一次就职演讲稿,供你参考。
合众国的同胞们:
1861年3月4日
按照一个和我们的政府一样古老的习惯,我现在来到诸位的面前,简单地讲几句话,并在你们的面前,遵照合众国宪法规定一个总统在他“到职视事之前”必须宣誓的仪式,在大家面前宣誓。
我认为没有必要在这里来讨论并不特别令人忧虑和不安的行政方面的问题。
在南方各州人民中似乎存在着一种恐惧心理。他们认为,随着共和党政府的执政,他们的财产,他们的和平生活和人身安全都将遭到危险。这种恐惧是从来没有任何事实根据的。说实在的,大量相反的证据倒是一直存在,并随时可以供他们检查的。那种证据几乎在现在对你们讲话的这个人公开发表的每一篇演说中都能找到。这里我只想引用其中的一篇,在那篇演说中我曾说,“我完全无意,对已经存在奴隶制的各州的这一制度,进行直接或间接的干涉。我深信我根本没有合法权利那样做,而且我无此意图。”那些提名我并选举我的人都完全知道,我曾明确这么讲过,并且还讲过许多类似的话,而且从来也没有收回过我已讲过的这些话。不仅如此,他们还在纲领中,写进了对他们和对我来说,都具有法律效力的一项清楚明白、不容含糊的决议让我接受。这里我来对大家谈谈这一决议:
“决议,保持各州的各种权利不受侵犯,特别是各州完全凭自己的决断来安排和控制本州内部各种制度的权利不受侵犯,乃是我们的政治结构赖以完善和得以持久的权力均衡的至为重要的因素;我们谴责使用武装力量非法入侵任何一个州或准州的土地,这种入侵不论使用什么借口,都是最严重的罪行。”
我现在重申这些观点:而在这样做的时候,我只想提请公众注意,最能对这一点提出确切证据的那就是全国任何一个地方的财产、和平生活和人身安全决不会在任何情况下,由于即将上任的政府而遭到危险。这里我还要补充说,各州只要符合宪法和法律规定,合法地提出保护要求,政府便一定会乐于给予保护,不管是出于什么原因一一而且对任何一个地方都一视同仁。
有一个争论得很多的问题是,关于逃避服务或引渡从劳役中逃走的人的问题。我现在要宣读的条文,也和任何有关其它问题的条款一样,明明白白写在宪法之中:
“凡根据一个州的法律应在该州于服务或从事劳役的人,如逃到另一州,一律不得按照这一州的法律或条例,使其解除该项服务或劳役,而必,须按照有权享有该项服务或劳役当事人的要求,将其引渡。”
毫无疑问,按照制订这一条款的人的意图,此项规定实际指的就是,对我们所说的逃亡奴隶有权索回;而法律制订人的这一意图实际已成为法律。国会的所有议员都曾宣誓遵守宪法中的一切条款——对这一条和其它各条并无两样。因此,关于适合这一条款规定的奴隶应“将其引渡”这一点,他们的誓言是完全一致的。那么现在如果他们心平气和地作一番努力,他们难道不能以几乎同样完全一致的誓言,制订一项法律,以使他们的共同誓言得以实施吗?
究竟这一条款应该由国家当局,还是由州当局来执行,大家的意见还不完全一致;但可以肯定地说,这种分歧并不是什么十分重要的问题。只要奴隶能被交还,那究竟由哪一个当局来交还,对奴隶或对别的人来说,没有什么关系。任何人,在任何情况下,也决不会因为应以何种方式来实。现他的誓言这样一个无关紧要的争执,他便会认为完全可以不遵守自己的誓言吧?
另外,在任何有关这一问题的法律中,应不应该把文明和人道法学中关于自由的各项保证都写上,以防止在任何情况下使一个自由人被作为奴隶交出吗?同时,宪法中还有一条规定,明确保证“每一州的公民都享有其它各州公民所享有公民的一切特权和豁免权”,我们用法律保证使这一条文得以执行,那不是更好吗?
我今天在这里正式宣誓,思想上决无任何保留,也决无意以任何过于挑剔的标准来解释宪法或法律条文。我现在虽不打算详细指出国会的哪些法令必须要遵照执行;但我建议,我们大家,不论以个人身份还是以公职人员的身份,为了有更多的安全,我们最好服从并遵守现在还没有废除的一切法令,而不要轻易相信可以指之为不合宪法,便可以逃脱罪责,而对它们公然违反。
自从第一任总统根据国家宪法宣誓就职以来,七十二年已经过去了。在这期间,十五位十分杰出的公民相继主持过政府的行政部门。他们引导着它度过了许多艰难险阻;一般都获得极大的成功。然而,尽管有这么多可供参考的先例,我现在将在宪法所规定的短短四年任期中来担任这同一任务,却.面临着巨大的非同一般的困难。在此以前,分裂联邦只是受到了威胁,而现在却是已出现力图分裂它的可怕行动了。
从一般法律和我们的宪法来仔细考虑,我坚信,我们各州组成的联邦是永久性的。在一切国民政府的根本大法中永久性这一点,虽不一定写明,却是不言而喻的。我们完全可以肯定说,没有一个名副其实的政府会在自己的根本法中定出一条,规定自己完结的期限。继续执行我国宪法所明文规定的各项条文,联邦便将永远存在下去——除了采取并未见之于宪法的行动,谁也不可能毁灭掉联邦。
还有,就算合众国并不是个名副其实的政府,而只是依靠契约成立的一个各州的联合体,那既有契约的约束,若非参加这一契约的各方一致同意,我们能说取消就把它取消吗?参加订立契约的一方可以违约,或者说毁约;但如果合法地取消这一契约,岂能不需要大家一致同意吗?
从这些总原则出发,我们发现,从法学观点来看,联邦具有永久性质的提法,是为联邦自身的历史所证实的。联邦本身比宪法更为早得多。事实上,它是由1774年,签订的《联合条款》建立的。到1776年的《独立宣言》才使它进一步成熟和延续下来。然后,通过1778年的“邦联条款”使它更臻成熟,当时参加的十三个州便已明确保证要使邦联永久存在下去。最后,到1787年制订的宪法公开宣布的目的之一,便是“组建一个更为完美的联邦”。
但是,如果任何一个州,或几个州也可以合法地把联邦给取消掉,加这个联邦可是比它在宪法制订以前还更不完美了,因为它已失去了它的一个至关重要因素——永久性。
从这些观点我们可以认定,任何一个州,都不可能仅凭自己动议,便能合法地退出联邦——而任何以此为目的的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的;至于任何一州或几州的反对合众国当
局的暴力行为,都可以依据具体情况视为叛乱或革命行为。
因此我认为,从宪法和法律的角度来看,联邦是不容分裂的;我也将竭尽全力,按照宪法明确赋于我的责任,坚决负责让联邦的一切法令在所有各州得以贯彻执行。这样做,我认为只是履行我应负的简单职责;只要是可行的,我就一定要履行它,除非我的合法的主人美国人民,收回赋予我的不可缺少的工具,或行使他们的权威,命令我采取相反的行动。我相信我这话决不会被看成是一种恫吓,而只会被看作实现联邦已公开宣布的目的,它必将按照宪法保卫和维持它自己的存在。
要做到这一点并不需要流血或使用暴力,除非有人把它强。加于国家当局,否则便决不会发生那种情况。赋予我的权力将被用来保持、占有和掌管属于政府的一切财产和土地。征收各种税款和关税;但除开为了这些目的确有必要这外,决不会有什么入侵问题——决不会在任何地方对人民,或在人民之间使用武力。任何内地,即使对联邦政府的敌对情绪已十分严重和普遍,以致妨害有能力的当地公民执行联邦职务的时候,政府也决不会强制派进令人厌恶的外来人去担任这些职务。尽管按严格的法律规定,政府有权强制履行这些职责,但一定要那样做,必然非常使人不愉快,也几乎不切实际,所以我认为最好还是暂时先把这些职责放一放。
邮政,除非遭到拒收,仍将在联邦全境运作。在可能的情况下,一定要让各地人民,都享有完善的安全感,这十分有利于冷静思索和反思。我在这里所讲的这些方针必将奉行,除非当前事态和实际经验表明修改或改变方针是合适的。对任何一个事件和紧急问题,我一定会根据当时出现的具体形势谨慎从事,期望以和平手段解决国内纠纷,力图恢复兄弟爱手足情。
至于说某些地方总有些人不顾一切一心想破坏联邦,并不惜以任何借口图谋不轨,我不打算肯定或否定;如果确有这样一些人,我不必要再对他们讲什么。但对那些真正热爱联邦的人,我不可以讲几句吗?
在我们着手研究如此严重的一件事情之前,那就是要把我们的国家组织连同它的一切利益,一切记忆和一切希望全给消灭掉,难道明智的做法不是先仔细研究一下那样做究竟是为了什么?当事实上极有可能你企图逃避的祸害并不存在的时候,你还会不顾一切采取那种贻害无穷的步骤吗?或者你要逃避的灾祸虽确实存在,而在你逃往的地方却有更大的灾祸在等着你;那你会往那里逃吗?你会冒险犯下如此可怕的一个错误吗?
大家都说,如果宪法中所规定的一切权利都确实得到执行,那他也就会留在联邦里。那么,真有什么如宪法申明文规定的权利被否定了吗?我想没有。很幸运,人的头脑是这样构造出来的,没有一个党敢于如此冒天下之大不韪。如果可能,请你们讲出哪怕是一个例子来,说明有什么宪法中明文规定的条款是没有得到执行的。如果多数派完全靠人数上的优势,剥夺掉少数派宪法上明文规定的权利,这件事从道义的角度来看,也许可以说革命是正当的——如果被剥夺的是极为重要的权利,那革命就肯定无疑是合理行动。但我们的情况却并非如此。少数派和个人的一切重要权利,在宪法中,通过肯定和否定、保证和禁令;都一一向他们作了明确保证,以致关于这类问题,从来也没有引起过争论。但是,在制订基本法时却不可能对实际工作中出现的任何问题,都一一写下可以立即加以应用的条文。再高明的预见也不可能料定未来的一切,任何长度适当的文件也不可能包容下针对一切可能发生的问题的条文。逃避劳役的人到底应该由联邦政府交还还是由州政府交还呢?宪法上没有具体规定。国会可以在准州禁止奴隶制吗?宪法没有具体规定。国会必须保护准州的奴隶制吗?宪法也没有具体规定。
从这类问题中引出了我们对宪法问题的争端,并因这类问题使我们分成了多数派和少数派。如果少数派不肯默认,多数派便必须默认,否则政府便只好停止工作了。再没有任何别的路可走;要让政府继续行使职权,便必须要这一方或那一方默认。在这种情况下,如果一个少数派宁可脱离也决不默认,那他们也就开创将来必会使他们分裂和毁灭的先例;因为,当多数派拒绝接受这样一个少数派的控制的时候,他们中的少数派便必会从他们之中再脱离出去。比如说,一个新的联盟的任何一部分,在一两年之后,为什么就不会像现在的联邦中的一些部分坚决要脱离出去一样,执意要从从那个新联盟中脱离出去。所有怀着分裂联邦思想的人现在都正接受着分裂思想的教育。难道要组成一个新联邦的州,它们的利益竟会是那样完全一致,它们只会有和谐,而不会再出现脱离行动吗?
非常清楚,脱离的中心思想实质就是无政府主义。一个受着宪法的检查和限制的约束,总是随着大众意见和情绪的慎重变化而及时改变的多数派,是自由人民的唯一真正的统治者。谁要想排斥他们,便必然走向无政府主义或专制主义。完全一致是根本不可能的;把少数派的统治作为一种长期安排是完全不能接受的,所以,一旦排斥了多数原则,剩下的便只有某种形式的无政府主义或某专制主义了。
我没有忘记某些人的说法,认为宪法问题应该由最高法院来裁决。我也不否认这种裁决,在任何情况下,对诉讼各万,以及诉讼目的,完全具有约束力,而且在类似的情况中,—应受到政府的一切其它部门高度的尊重和重视。尽管非常明显,这类裁决在某一特定案例中都很可能会是错误的,然而,这样随之而来的恶果总只限于该特定案件,同时裁决还有机会被驳回,不致成为以后判案的先例,那这种过失比起其它的过失来当然更让人容易忍受。同时,正直的公民必须承认,如果政府在有关全体人民利害的重大问题的政策,都得由最高法院的裁决,作出决定那一旦对个人之间的一般诉讼作出裁决时,人民便已不再是自己的主人,而达到了将他们的政府交给那个高于一切的法庭的地步了。我这样说,决无意对法院或法官表示不满。一件案子按正常程序送到他们面前,对它作出正当裁决,是他们的不可推卸的责任;如果别的人硬要把他们的判决用来达到政治目的,那并不是他们的过错。
我国有一部分人相信奴隶制是正确的。应该扩展,而另一部分人又相信它是错误的,不应该扩展。这是唯一的实质性的争执,宪法中有关逃亡奴隶的条款,以及制止对外奴隶贸易的法
律,在一个人民的道德观念并不支持该法的,社会里,它们的执行情况也许不次于任何一项法律所能达到的程度。在两种情况下,绝大多数的人都遵守枯燥乏味的法律义务,但又都有少数人不听那一套。关于这一点,我想,要彻底解决是根本不可能的;如果寸巴两个地区分离。以后,情况只会更坏。对外奴隶贸易现在并未能完全加以禁止,最后在一个地区中必将全面恢复;对于逃亡奴隶,在另一个地区,现在送回的只是一部分,将来会完全不肯交出来了。
就自然条件而言,我们是不能分离的。我们决不能把我们的各个地区相互搬开,也不可能在它们之间修建起一道无法逾越的高墙。一对夫妻可以离婚,各走各的路,彼此再不见面。但我们国家的各部分可无法这么办。它们只能面对面相处,友好也罢。仇视也罢,他们仍必须彼此交往。我们维道能有任何办法使得这种交往在分离之后,比分离:之前更为有利,更为令,人满意吗?难道在外人之间订立条约,比在朋友之间制订法律还更为容易吗?难道在外人之间履行条约,比在朋友之间按法律办事还更忠实吗?就算你们决定。诉诸战争,你们,总不能永远打下去吧;最后当两败俱伤而双方都一无所获时,你们停止战斗,那时依照什么条件相互交往,这同一个老问题仍会照样摆在你们面前了。
这个国家,连同它的各种机构,都属于居住在这里的人民。任何时候,他们对现存政府感到厌倦了,他们可以行使他们的宪法权利,改革这个政府,或者行使他们的革命权利解散它或者推翻它。我当然知道,现在就有许多尊贵的、爱国的公民极于想修订我们的宪法。尽管我自己不会那么建议,我却也完全承认他们在这个问题上的合法权利,承认他们可以按照宪法所规定的两种方式中的任何一种来行使这种权利;而且,在目前情况下,我不但不反对,而倒是赞成给人民一个公正的机会让他们去行动。
我还不禁要补充一点,在我看来,采取举行会议的方式似乎更好一些,这样可以使修订方案完全由人民自己提出,而不是只让他们去接受或拒绝一些并非特别为此目的而选出的一些人提出的方案,因为也可能那些方案恰恰并不是他们愿意接受或拒绝的。我了解到现在已有人提出一项宪法修正案——这修正案我并没有看到,但在国会中已经通过了,大意说,联邦政府将永远不再干涉各州内部制度,包括那些应服劳役者的问题。为了使我讲的话不致被误解,我现在改变我不谈具体修正案的原来的打算,明确声明,这样一个条款,既然现在可能列入宪法,我不反对使它成为明确而不可改动的条文。
合众国总统的一切权威都来之于人民,人民并没有授于他规定条件让各州脱离出去的权力。人民自己如果要那样干,那自然也是可以的;可是现在的行政当局不能这样做。他的职责,是按照他接任时的样子管理这个政府,然后,毫无损伤地再移交给他的继任者。
我们为什么不能耐心地坚决相信人民的最终的公道呢?难道在整个世界上还有什么更好的,或与之相等的希望吗?在我们今天的分歧中,难道双方不都是认为自己正确吗?如果万国的全能统治者,以他的永恒的真理和公正,站在你们北方一边,或你们南方一边,那么,依照美国人民这一伟大法官的判决,真理和公正必将胜利。
按照目前我们生活其下的现政府的构架,我国人民十分明智;授于他们的公仆的胡作非为的权力是微乎其微的;而且同样还十分明智地规定,即使那点微乎其微的权力,经过很短一段时间后,就必须收回到他们自己手中。
由于人民保持他们的纯正和警惕,任何行政当局,在短短的四年之中,也不可能用极其恶劣或愚蠢的行为对这个政府造成严重的损害。
我的同胞们,请大家对这整个问题平心静气地好好想一想,真正有价值的东西是不会因从容从事而丧失的。如果有个什么目标使你迫不及待地要取得它,你采取的步骤是在审慎考虑的
情况下不会采取的,那个目标的确可能会由于你的从容不迫而达不到;但一个真正好的自标是不会因为从容从事而失去的。你们中现在感到不满的人,仍然必须遵守原封未动的老宪法,新个敏感的问题上,仍然有根据宪法制订的法律;而对此二者,新政府即使想要加以改变,它自身也立即无此权力。即使承认你们那些心怀不满的人在这一争执中站在正确的一边,那也丝毫没有正当的理由要采取贸然行动。明智、爱国主义、____精神,以及对从未抛弃过这片得天独厚的土地的上帝的依赖,仍然完全能够以最理想的方式来解决我们当前的一切困难。
决定内战这个重大问题的是你们,我的心怀不满的同胞们,而并非决定于我。政府决不会攻击你们。只要你们自己不当侵略者,就不会发生冲突。你们并没有对天发誓必须毁灭这个政
府,而我却曾无比庄严地宣誓,一定要“保持、保护和保卫”这个政府。
我真不想就此结束我的讲话,我们不是敌人,而是朋友。我们决不能成为敌人。尽管目前的情绪有些紧张,但决不能容许它使我们之间的亲密情感纽带破裂。回忆的神秘琴弦,在整个这片辽阔的土地上,从每一个战场,每一个爱国志士的坟墓,延伸到每一颗跳动的心和每一个家庭,它有一天会被我们的良知所触动,再次奏出联邦合唱曲。
读文网小编分享了林肯第一次就职演讲稿中英文,你阅读了有什么感想?
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亚伯拉罕·林肯是美国政治家、思想家,黑人奴隶制的废除者。第16任美国总统。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇林肯的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
87年前,我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战,以考验这个国家,或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命,我们来到这里,是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。
但是,从更广泛的意义上来说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,不能够圣化,不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们,活着的和去世的,已经把这块土地圣化了,这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话,全世界不大会注意,也不会长久地记住,但勇士们在这里所做过的事,全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说,倒是我们这些还活着的人,应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务--我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神,来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业;我们要在这里下定最大的决心,不让这些死者白白牺牲;我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生,要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
看了“"林肯精彩演讲英文:葛底斯堡演说"”
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教师既是一种社会角色,也是角色的承担者,泛指传授知识、经验的人,狭义上指指受过专门教育和训练,并在教育(学校)中担任教育、教学工作的人。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些教师三分钟英文即兴演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Welcome to NBA.First, let me show a short video to you.
The First team I will talk about is Houston Rockets.In this team,there are two MAP candidates.One is T-Mac,the other one is Yao Ming.There are Bonzi Wells,Steve Francis,Mike James,Shane Battier and Rafer Alston also.I think it’s powerful enough.
Some experts even claim that they could win 60 games.But in fact,they have lost 7 games.I think maybe they can’t win the games as many as the experts said,but they must be a strong power in the western this season if the stars specially Tracy and Yao could keep health.
The second team is Dallas Mavericks.Last season,they won more than 60 games,but they were washed out in the playoff.And this team became the second team which won 60 or more games but lost the champion.
This season,most of the players there are in their golden age and I think they own the ability to create everything what even out of everyone’s expectation.
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态度是个体对特定对象所持有的稳定的心理倾向。这种心理倾向蕴含着个体的主观评价以及由此产生的行为倾向性。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些关于态度决定一切英文三分钟演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
There is a well-known proverb,“Every horse thinks its own pack heaviest,” which means whether people feel optimistic or not lies in what attitudes they adopt. It is universally acknowledged that life is by no means perfect and a positive attitude makes life brighter. As the case stands, it is our attitude rather than the situation itself that determines how we feel.
On the one hand, a positive mind brings about an active life, because to be in a good mood or a bad mood is at one’ s own choice. On the other hand, looking at the bright side of the situation and remaining cheerful work out quite well when one is confronted with adversity.
In such a rat-race society, everyone is bound to encounter difficulties. In my opinion, we should keep an optimistic attitude to pull through any hardship, as we can say “attitude is everything” .
看了“"态度决定一切英文三分钟演讲稿三篇"”
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美国911事件之后服役的三分之一退伍军人认为伊拉克和阿富汗战争不值得打,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战英文演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
And I tried hard to be proud of my service but all I could feel was shame.
The racism could no longer mask the reality of the occupation. These were people, these were human beings. I’ve since been claimed by guilt anytime I see an elderly man like the one who couldn’t walk and we rolled out on a stretcher and told the Iraqi police to take him away.
I feel guilt anytime I see a mother with her children like the one who cried hysterically and screamed that we were worst than Saddam as we forced her from her home.
I feel guilt anytime I see a young girl, like the one I grabbed by the arm, and dragged into the street. We are told we are fighting terrorists; the real terrorist was me and the real terrorism is this occupation. Racism within the military has long been an important tool to justify the destruction and occupation of another country.
It’s long been used to justify the killing, subjugation and torture of another people. Racism is a vital weapon employed by this government. It’s a more important weapon than a rifle, a tank, a bomber or a battleship. It’s more destructive than an artillery shell or a bunker buster, or a Tomahawk missile.
While those weapons are created and owned by this government, they are harmless without people willing to use them. Those who send us to war do not have to pull a trigger or lob a mortar round. They do not have to fight the war, they merely have to sell the war.
They need a public who is willing to send their soldiers into harm’s way. They need soldiers who are willing to kill and be killed without question. They can spend millions on a single bomb, but that bomb only becomes a weapon when the ranks in the military are willing to follow orders to use it. They can send every last soldier anywhere on Earth, but there’ll only be a war, if soldiers are willing to fight.
And the ruling class, the billionaires who profit from human suffering care only about expending their wealth, controlling the world economy. Understand that their power lies only in their ability to convince us that war, oppression and exploitation is in our interest. They understand that their wealth is dependent on their ability to convince the working class to die to control the market of another country.
And, convincing us to kill and die is based on their ability to make us think that we are somehow superior. Soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen, have nothing to gain from this occupation. The vast majority of people living in the U.S. have nothing to gain from this occupation.
In fact, not only do we have nothing to gain, but we suffer more because of it. We lose limbs, endure trauma and give our lives. Our families have to watch flag draped coffins roll into the earth. Millions in this country without health care, jobs or access to education, just watch as this government squander over 450 million dollars a day on this occupation.
Poor and working people in this country are sent to kill poor and working people in other country to make the rich richer. Without racism soldiers would realize that they have more in common with the Iraqi people than they do with the billionaires who send us to war.
I threw families onto the street in Iraq only to come home and find families thrown onto the street in this country and this tragic, tragic and unnecessary foreclosure crisis. We need to wake up and realize that our real enemies are not in some distant land and not people whose names we don’t know and cultures we don’t understand. The enemy is people we know very well and people we can identify.
The enemy is a system that wages war when it’s profitable. The enemy is the CEOs who lay us off our jobs when it’s profitable, is the insurance companies who deny us health care when it’s profitable, is the banks who take away our homes when it’s profitable.
Our enemy is not five thousands miles away, they are right here at home. If we organize and fight with our sisters and brothers we can stop this war, we can stop this government and we can create a better world.
“If tyranny and oppression come to this land, it will be in the guise of fighting a foreign enemy… The loss of Liberty at home is to be charged to the provisions against danger real or imagined from abroad…”
看了“"美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战演讲稿英文"”
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马丁·路德·金是著名的美国民权运动领袖,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇马丁路德金在临死前一天的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. It's always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. And Ralph Abernathy is the best friend that I have in the world. I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.
Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world. And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, "Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?" I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there.
I would move on by Greece and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon. And I would watch them around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even go by the way that the man for whom I am named had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of Wittenberg. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating President by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but "fear itself." But I wouldn't stop there.
Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, "If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, I will be happy."
Now that's a strange statement to make, because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble is in the land; confusion all around. That's a strange statement. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough can you see the stars. And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men, in some strange way, are responding.
Something is happening in our world. The masses of people are rising up. And wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in Johannesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya; Accra, Ghana; New York City; Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or Memphis, Tennessee -- the cry is always the same: "We want to be free."
And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period is that we have been forced to a point where we are going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but the demands didn't force them to do it. Survival demands that we grapple with them. Men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. But now, no longer can they just talk about it. It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in this world; it's nonviolence or nonexistence. That is where we are today.
And also in the human rights revolution, if something isn't done, and done in a hurry, to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt and neglect, the whole world is doomed. Now, I'm just happy that God has allowed me to live in this period to see what is unfolding. And I'm happy that He's allowed me to be in Memphis.
I can remember -- I can remember when Negroes were just going around as Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean business now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world.
And that's all this whole thing is about. We aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any negative arguments with anybody. We are saying that we are determined to be men. We are determined to be people. We are saying -- We are saying that we are God's children. And that we are God's children, we don't have to live like we are forced to live.
Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It means that we've got to stay together. We've got to stay together and maintain unity. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together, that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity.
Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice. The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've got to keep attention on that. That's always the problem with a little violence. You know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only with the window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers are on strike, and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of a doctor. They didn't get around to that.
Now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order to put the issue where it is supposed to be -- and force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out. That's the issue. And we've got to say to the nation: We know how it's coming out. For when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point short of victory.
We aren't going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our nonviolent movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do. I've seen them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we were in that majestic struggle there, we would move out of the 16th Street Baptist Church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. And Bull Connor would tell them to send the dogs forth, and they did come; but we just went before the dogs singing, "Ain't gonna let nobody turn me around."
Bull Connor next would say, "Turn the fire hoses on." And as I said to you the other night, Bull Connor didn't know history. He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses; we had known water. If we were Baptist or some other denominations, we had been immersed. If we were Methodist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew water. That couldn't stop us.
And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we'd just go on singing "Over my head I see freedom in the air." And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. And they would throw us in, and old Bull would say, "Take 'em off," and they did; and we would just go in the paddy wagon singing, "We Shall Overcome." And every now and then we'd get in jail, and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham. Now we've got to go on in Memphis just like that. I call upon you to be with us when we go out Monday.
Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. All we say to America is, "Be true to what you said on paper." If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could understand some of these illegal injunctions. Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Somewhere I read of the freedom of press. Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as I say, we aren't going to let dogs or water hoses turn us around, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on.
We need all of you. And you know what's beautiful to me is to see all of these ministers of the Gospel. It's a marvelous picture. Who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones. And whenever injustice is around he tell it. Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and saith, "When God speaks who can but prophesy?" Again with Amos, "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." Somehow the preacher must say with Jesus, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me," and he's anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor."
And I want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's been to jail for struggling; he's been kicked out of Vanderbilt University for this struggle, but he's still going on, fighting for the rights of his people. Reverend Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just go right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank all of them. And I want you to thank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves. And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.
It's all right to talk about "long white robes over yonder," in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here! It's all right to talk about "streets flowing with milk and honey," but God has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. It's all right to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God's preacher must talk about the new New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. This is what we have to do.
Now the other thing we'll have to do is this: Always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor people. Individually, we are poor when you compare us with white society in America. We are poor. Never stop and forget that collectively -- that means all of us together -- collectively we are richer than all the nations in the world, with the exception of nine. Did you ever think about that? After you leave the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, West Germany, France, and I could name the others, the American Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. We have an annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the United States, and more than the national budget of Canada. Did you know that? That's power right there, if we know how to pool it.
We don't have to argue with anybody. We don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words. We don't need any bricks and bottles. We don't need any Molotov cocktails. We just need to go around to these stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, "God sent us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right. And we've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda fair treatment, where God's children are concerned. Now, if you are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you."
And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy -- what is the other bread? -- Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? Tell them not to buy Hart's bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. We are choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on town -- downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right.
But not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions. I call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in Tri-State Bank. We want a "bank-in" movement in Memphis. Go by the savings and loan association. I'm not asking you something that we don't do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We are telling you to follow what we are doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven black insurance companies here in the city of Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an "insurance-in."
Now these are some practical things that we can do. We begin the process of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.
Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point in Memphis. We've got to see it through. And when we have our march, you need to be there. If it means leaving work, if it means leaving school -- be there. Be concerned about your brother. You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together.
Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came to Jesus, and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters of life. At points he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew a little more than Jesus knew and throw him off base....
Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho. And he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. But he got down with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the "I" into the "thou," and to be concerned about his brother.
Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop. At times we say they were busy going to a church meeting, an ecclesiastical gathering, and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that "One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony." And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem -- or down to Jericho, rather to organize a "Jericho Road Improvement Association." That's a possibility. Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effect.
But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible that those men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that road, I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable." It's a winding, meandering road. It's really conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles -- or rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level. That's a dangerous road. In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the "Bloody Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the priest asked -- the first question that the Levite asked was, "If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" But then the Good Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: "If I do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?"
That's the question before you tonight. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to my job. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" The question is not, "If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?" The question is, "If I do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?" That's the question.
Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God, once more, for allowing me to be here with you.
You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing books, a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from her was, "Are you Martin Luther King?" And I was looking down writing, and I said, "Yes." And the next minute I felt something beating on my chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman. I was rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark Saturday afternoon. And that blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. And once that's punctured, your drowned in your own blood -- that's the end of you.
It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had merely sneezed, I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital. They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states and the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of them I will never forget. I had received one from the President and the Vice-President. I've forgotten what those telegrams said. I'd received a visit and a letter from the Governor of New York, but I've forgotten what that letter said. But there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High School. And I looked at that letter, and I'll never forget it. It said simply,
Dear Dr. King,
I am a ninth-grade student at the White Plains High School."
And she said,
While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I'm a white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering. And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And I'm simply writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze.
And I want to say tonight -- I want to say tonight that I too am happy that I didn't sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1960, when students all over the South started sitting-in at lunch counters. And I knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for the best in the American dream, and taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1961, when we decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in inter-state travel.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent.
If I had sneezed -- If I had sneezed I wouldn't have been here in 1963, when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in August, to try to tell America about a dream that I had had.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been down in Selma, Alabama, to see the great Movement there.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see a community rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering.
I'm so happy that I didn't sneeze.
And they were telling me --. Now, it doesn't matter, now. It really doesn't matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us. The pilot said over the public address system, "We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded all night."
And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?
Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn't matter with me now, because I've been to the mountaintop.
And I don't mind.
Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the Promised Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land!
mlkmountaintop3.JPG
And so I'm happy, tonight.
I'm not worried about anything.
I'm not fearing any man!
Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!
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约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪是美国第35任总统,是美国历史上最年轻的当选总统,也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇肯尼迪的就职演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
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乔丹即迈克尔·乔丹是美国NBA前职业篮球运动员,2016年4月1日,乔丹名列2015年全球退役运动员的收入榜第1。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇乔丹在名人堂的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Thank you! Thank you!
I told my friends I would come here to say “thank you” then walked off. I can’t, it’s no way. I get so many people I can thank. In all the videos, you never just saw me, also Scottie Pippen and the championship we won. I’ve got a lot of questions over the last four weeks. Anybody says “well, why do you pick David Thompson?” I know why, David knows why and maybe you guys don’t know. But as I grow up in North Carolina, I was eleven years old, 1974, I think, when David won the championship. I hated North Carolina, but I ended up in North Carolina. But I was in love with David Thompson, not just for the game basketball, but in terms of what he represented. You know, we all, as David says or said we go through trails and tribulations. And he did, and I was inspired by him. And when I called him and asked him to stand up for me, I know I shocked a shoot out of him. I know I did. But he is very kind to say, ”Yeath, I’ll do it.” That is not disrespect to the North Carolina guy; we all know I am true blue North Carolina guy to the heart. Coach Smith, Larry Brown, Sam Perkins, James Worthy, you know all of those guys.
I’d like to start to my parents. You guys see all the I-likes. What is about me that you guys don’t know? As I set up here and watch all the other guys give their history. So many things I didn’t know about Jerry Sloan. And we lived on the phone, but I didn’t know he was in a small class from the first grade to the eighth grade. Even David Robinson, I have known David for some time. You know, but I found some things, good things or bad things about him that I didn’t know. And Chipson, I’ve known Chipson for years. My father and my mother spent a lot time with Mike and found out good things about her, but what about me that you guys don’t know?
I got two brothers, James and Larry, five four and five five in height. They give me all I could ever ask for. As brothers, in terms of competition. My brother Larry is an ideal situation with small things coming with small packages. This do fall me every single day. To the extend that my mother used to come out and make us come in because we were fighting way too much. My older brother was always gone. He is served in the army for 31 years. And the competition didn’t stop there. My sister who is one year younger than me, never want to be alone by herself. She took classes, extra classes, graduated from high school with me, to go to university North Carolina with me, and to graduate fairer than me. And you guys wanna know where my competition nature comes from, it came from them, it came from my older sister and she is not here today. My father who is not here today, obviously he is with us, all of us. My competitive nature has gone a long way from the first time I picked up any sports, baseball, football, run-track, basketball, anything in this class I played.
They started to fire me; you know that fire started from my parents. As I moved on my career, people add wood to that fire. Coach Smith, what can I say about him? He is a legendary coach. Lerold Smith, now you guys think that’s a mistake. Lerold Smith was the guy when I got kicks he got picked in the team. He is here tonight. He is still the same six seven guy. He is not even bigger. His level is even about the same. But he started the whole process for me, because when he made the team and I didn’t, I wanted to prove, not just to Lerold Smith, not just to myself, but to the coach who actually picked Lerold over me. I want to make sure he understood you made a mistake, dude.
Buss Peterson, My roommate. When I first met Buss, all I heard about was that this kid from Ashville North Carolina was clearly unplayed against but he has never played against me then, so how do you come to be the player of the year? Is that some type of media, exposure, you know I came from Wilmington, you know, where two channel, channel ABC and channel NBC that I never saw NBA at all when I grow up. They didn’t have CBS receiver in North Carolina or Wilmington also. Buss Peterson became a dead on my board. When I get a chance to meet Peterson on the basketball court. But he is a great person. It isn’t the fault of his. It was just my competitive natures. I didn’t think he can beat me or is better than me as a basketball player. And he became my roommate. From that point on, he became my focal point not knowingly. He didn’t know it, but he did. And Coach Smith, the day when he was on the Sports Illustrated, he named four starters and he didn’t name me. That burned me up, because I got to be on that Sports Illustrate. He had his own vision about giving a freshman that exposure, I totally understand that but from a basketball sense I deserve to be on that Sports Illustrated, and he understands that.
And it didn’t stop there. My competitive natures went right into the pros, I get to the bulls which I am very proud. At the time Jerry Reinsdorf didn’t own the team. It was another organization Reinsdorf drafted me. Kevin Loughery was my first coach. Kevin used to take practice and put me in starting five. You know, he made a competitive thing where the losing team had to run. So now we are almost on the winning team, halfway on the game, halfway on the situation, he switched me to the losing team. So I took that as a competitive thing, but you were trying to test me and by nine times out of ten the second team would come back to win no matter what he did. So I appreciated Kevin to give me that challenge, providing that type of fire with me and he threw another log on that fire for me. Jerry Reinsdorf, I mean what else can I say. The next year when I came back I broke my foot; I was out of 65 games. And when I came back I wanna play. The doctor came with his old theory that you can play only seven minutes a game, but I am practicing two hours a day. I am saying, well, I don’t agree with that math. And back then, whoever has the worst record gets the most balls in Ping-Pang balls, you know you can decide what pick you can have, but I don’t care about that. I just wanted to win. I wanna made to playoffs. I wanna keep that energy going in Chicago. So I had to go into his office and sat down with him and say “Jerry, I actually think I should play more than 14 minutes and practice more than two hours. He said “We have to protect the long-term investment we’ve invested on you. I said “I really think I should be able to play.” He said “Let me ask you this, if you had a headache.” At that time, there was ten percent that I can hurt my ankle or my foot. He said “You had a headache and you got ten capsules, and one of them is coated with poison, would you take it?” I looked him and say “It depends on how bad is that headache. How bad is that headache” .Jerry looked me and say “You are OK, I guess you had a good answer, you can go back to play. You let me allow you to go back and play.” You know, Jerry provided a lot of difficult obstacles for me but at the same time the guy gave me a opportunity to perform at the highest level in terms of basketball. The bulls, the whole bulls organization, you know, they did great adjustments for me and all my teammates. Believe me I had a lot of teammates in all the 14 years I played for the bulls. I respect each one of them. I just want them to win. No matter how you looked at it. Doug Collins came the same time when I was trying to play at the summer time. He said “well, you are part of the organization and the organization said you can’t play at the summer time. I said “you read the things in my contract; in my contract I have the ‘love the game’ clause. That means I can play anytime I want, any place I want And Doug looked at me and said “you are right, you are right.” And that’s how we became a little closer. Jerry Krause is right there and Jerry is not here. Obviously I don’t know who’d invite him, I didn’t. But, I hope he understands it goes a long way. He is a very competitive person. I was a very competitive person. He said organizations win championships. I said “I didn’t see organizations playing with the flu in Utah. I didn’t see it playing with a bad ankle.” Granted, granted, I think organizations put together teams, but at the end of the day, team’s got to go out and play. I think the players win the championship, and the organization has something to do with it, don’t get me wrong. But don’t try to put the organization above players. Because player still got to go out of there and perform. You guys got to pay us, but I am still to out to play.
Obviously you’ve seen my kids Marcus and Jeffery. I love you guys. I think you guys represent a lot of me and a lot of different person as your mum, you represent them as well. You know, I think you guys have a heavy burden. I wouldn’t want to be you guys if I had to. You know, because all the expectations you have to deal with. I mean, look around you, they charge a thousand dollars ticket for this thing, for this holy event. It used to be 200 dollars, but I paid it. You know, I have no choice. I have a lot of families and a lot of friend I have to bring in. So thank all of you to raising ticket price. I love you guys, you guys have a host of people supporting you, family, friends, people that you don’t know, relatives coming our of the woodworks. You know, no matter how you look at it, but I think we taught you right. Your mum and I, hopefully you can make the right decisions when the time comes. My mum, what can I say about my mum, my mum never stays still. You think I am busy. She is always on the go. Without her, she is rough, she is unbelievable. Even right now, she takes over two jobs. She is unbelievable woman. As I experienced the failure each everyday, it is her. She classically keeps me focus on the good things about life. You know, how people perceive you, how you respect them, you know, what’s good for the kids, what’s good for you, you know, how you perceive public, take a second thoughts and pause to think about things you should do. These all came from my parents, you know, came from my mum. She is still like this these days, I am 46 years old, she is still parenting me today. That’s a good thing. I’ll love her to death. I’ll love her to death.
And I will thank a couple of people that you guys probably wouldn’t even think I will thank. Isaiah Thomas, Magic Johnson and George Gervin. They are the so-called freezing-out in my rookie season. I wouldn’t remember you guys gave me the motivation to say, you know what? Evidently I haven’t proved enough to these guys. I’ve got to prove these guys that I deserve what I got at this level. No matter what people have said, if it is rumor, I never took it is truth. But you guys never froze me up, because I was yet happy to be there no matter how you look at it. From that point forward, I wanted to prove to you, Magic, Larry, Gorge and everybody that I deserve to be on this level as much as anyone else. And hopefully over the whole period of career I have done that, without a doubt. Even in the Detroit, we’ve done that.
Pat Riley, you and I go way back. I still remember in Pat Riley, in Pat Riley. I was coming in there, got leaving; you decided to stay a couple of days. You were coming into my suite and told me to get out of my suite. You slid a note on the leak of my door, although you had to move, you didn’t move. You slid the note, saying” I enjoyed the competition, congratulation, but we will meet again. And I take the heart in that, because I think in all I can see you are competitive and even from a coach standing point. You challenge me every time I play the Nicks, the Heats, I don’t think you are with the Lakers, but every time I play against you, you have “Jordan Stoppers” on your team, you have John Starks who I love. You even had my friend Oakley says “We can’t go to the lunch, we can’t go to the dinner together, because this guy hit me harder than anybody else in the league. He was my best friend. Patrick Erving and I are the same age. We came up at the same time. But we can’t go to the lunch together. Why is this an issue? You think I play against Patrick any different than I play anybody else? No, no. They had your learned guy became the Nicks, coach after you, Jeff van gundy. He said I can’t be player fairly and I may dead on the basketball court. Where is it come from? I just happen to be a friendly guy. I get along with everybody, but at the same time when the light comes on, I am more competitive than anybody. So you guys, I must say thank you for giving me the motivation that I desperately needed.
Phil Jackson is, to me, is a professional Dean Smith. He challenged me mentally, not just physically. You know, he understood the game, along with Tex Wenter. They taught me a lot about the basketball game. Tex being the specialist, I can never please Tex. And I love Tex. Tex is not here. And I know he is here in spirit. I can remember a game coming after the basketball court; we were down five to ten points. And I go off about 25 points, we came back to win the game. As we walked out the floor and Tex looked me and said “you know, there is ‘I’ in ‘team’.” I said “there is not ‘I’ in ‘team’, but there is ‘I’ in ‘win’.” I think he got my message. I will do anything to win. You know, that means we play team format to win. That means I will do what I have to do. No matter how you look at it. Then you had all your media message “Scoring champion can’t win a NBA title”. You are not good as Magic Johnson, you are not good as Larry Bird. You are good, but you are not good as those guys. I have to listen to all this. And that put so much wood on that fire. It kept me each everyday trying to get better as a basketball player. I am not saying they were wrong. I may look at them from a different perspective. But at the same time as a basketball player, I am trying to become the best I can. You know, for someone like me who achieve a lot in this kind of career, you look for any kind of messages that people may say or do to get you motivated to play the game basketball to the highest level. Because that’s what I feel when I assail at my best.
And my last example and the last you guys probably have seen. I hate to do it to them. He is such a nice guy. When I first met Bryon Russell, John and Karl, I was in Chicago in 1994. I was working out for baseball and they all came down for workout and shooting around. I came over and say “Hello”, and at this time I had no thoughts of coming back and playing the game of basketball. Bryon Russell came over to me and said “why did you quit? why did you quit? You know I could guard you, if I ever see you in a pair of shorts”. Do you remember? John. When I did decide to come back in 1995 and we played Utah in 96, I’m at the center circle and Bryon Russell is standing next to me. I said “You remember the conversation you made in 1994 about ‘I think I can guard you, I can shut you down, I would love to play against you?’ Well, you are about to get your chance, and believe me ever since that day he got his chance, I don’t know how succeed he was. I think he got his chance. From this day forward, if he ever say me in shorts, I would come at him.
I know you guys got to go. I know I’ve been up here a lot longer than I told my friends I was gonna up here, I cried, I was supposed to get up , said “Thank you” and walked off and I am not able to do that. So I appreciate it. Thank you very much. I appreciate it. As I close, the game basketball has been everything to me, my refuge, a place I am always gone when I need to find comfort and peace. It’s been a source of intense pain and a source of most intense feelings of joy and satisfaction. The one that no one of you can imagine. It’s been a relationship of number of intersection. It gave me the great expects and love for the game. It provided me with a platform and shared my passions with millions in the way I neither expected nor could imagine in my career. I hope it’s given millions of people touch and optimism to achieve their goals through hard work, perspiration and positive attitude. Although I am recognized with this honor of being in the Hall of Fame, I don’t look this moment as final relationship between me and the basketball. It simply a continuation of something I started a long time ago. One day, you may look up a senior player at a game of 50.Oh, no. Don’t laugh. Don’t laugh. Never say never, because limits, like fear, are often just an illusion.
Thank you very much!
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文经典演讲文章,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Dr. Conant, members of the Board of Overseers, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am
overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position. But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of Europe and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.
In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the German war machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.
There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery, as I have said, is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.
Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So, the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from America -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character.
The remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the people of Europe in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to question.
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States. It is already evident that before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.
I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions. But, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Thank you very much.
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英文演讲作为一种教学手段,是英语学习过程中经常用到的一种非常有效的方式,同时英文演讲也能增强你的口语表达呢里,下面读文网小编整理了做好英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
具备演讲的知识和技巧,演讲稿的完成只是演讲的序幕,要进行成功的演讲则要进行严格的训练。训练时,分析演讲要领,训练演讲技巧和姿势语,观看cctv杯和爱立信杯等英语演讲的录像,了解并按照比赛评分标准进行严格的模拟训练,观察演讲过程是否具备以下特点:主题鲜明,表达完整(演讲内容);思维清晰,逻辑性强(文章组织结构);感情充沛,富有表现力(演讲气势);发音正确,语音语调标准(英语语音);反应敏捷,回答准确(心理素质);着装整洁,仪态大方等等。
除此之外,还要有良好的心理素质。多进行模拟演讲,有良好的心理素质,才能更好地表现自己,取得演讲的良好效果。有的同学能讲一口地道的美式英语,但由于缺乏良好的心理素质而怯场,甚至在比赛中紧张得说不出话来或有一些不良的举止而被淘汰出局。
有了充分的准备,进行演讲就不太难了。在演讲的整个过程中还要注意一些演讲的要领与技巧,如演讲者与听众目光的接触(eye contact),声音的抑扬顿挫(vocal variety),和肢体语言的配合(hand gestures and body language)等等,但要恰当,不要太多,否则会喧宾夺主,影响演讲效果。
掌握了这些要领,有了充分的知识储备,再加上良好的心理素质,一定会成功的 .
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英国首相卡梅伦宣布将辞职,卡梅伦为什么辞职?卡梅伦在辞职是讲了什么内容?下面读文网小编在整理了英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲:我尽力了,供你阅读。
6月24日,引发全球关注的英国“脱欧”公投结果出炉,“脱欧”阵营赢得超过半数的民众支持,这意味着英国在加入欧盟43年之后将正式与这个大家庭说“再见”。这一历史性的投票将重塑英国的世界地位,同时可能触发多米诺效应、导致更多国家脱离欧盟。此外,英国首相卡梅伦或许会辞职。
公投结果显示,投票民众中52%支持脱离欧盟,48%支持留在欧盟。其中,伦敦和苏格兰地区的“留欧”意愿非常强烈,但最终没能敌过英格兰北部人数众多的“脱欧”派支持者。公投的投票率为71.8%,相当于有超过3000万民众前往投票站投票,这是英国自1992年以来最高的投票记录。
对于英国的公投结果,全球金融市场反应迅速且剧烈,英镑兑美元汇率闪电崩盘,跌幅超过1000个基点,触及1985年以来的最低水平。英国工党影子内阁大臣约翰·麦克唐纳表示,英国中央银行可能会介入市场,采取措施支撑英镑。
***“独立日”
过去20年间,英国独立党领导人奈杰尔·法拉奇一直四处奔走、游说英国脱离欧盟。如今夙愿得偿,法拉奇不禁向“脱欧”派支持者高呼:“这是普罗大众的胜利!6月23日将被载入史册,成为英国的独立日!”他还呼吁首相卡梅伦“立即”辞职。英国“脱欧”公投虽由卡梅伦发起,但他强烈支持英国留在欧盟。
不过,多名“脱欧”派保守党人士,包括前伦敦市长鲍里斯·约翰逊和英国司法大臣迈克尔·戈夫在内,已经签署联名信劝说卡梅伦不论公投结果如何都请继续出任首相。
英国前欧洲事务大臣基思·瓦兹认为,公投结果表明英国民众是根据其“情绪”而非专家建议投票,欧盟应当召集一次紧急峰会来处理英国“脱欧”后续问题,“(英国脱离欧盟)将会对我们的国家、欧洲乃至世界其他地区产生灾难性的后果”。
德国外交部长弗兰克·沃尔特·施泰因迈尔称,对于欧盟和英国,公投结果出炉是个“悲伤的日子”。
***退出不易
英国将成为自欧盟成立以来第一个退出的国家,但这并不意味着公投结果公布后英国的欧盟成员国身份即刻终止。英国退出欧盟需要花费至少两年的时间,“脱欧”派建议英国应当直至2020年大选时才完成全部脱欧工作。
接下来,英国首相将决定何时触发欧盟《里斯本条约》第50条规定。根据这条规定,英国确认脱离欧盟后,需在两年的时间内与欧洲理事会谈判退出事宜,并且除非得到全体成员国的一致同意,退出国不得再加入欧盟。
与此同时,英国政府还将与欧盟举行谈判,协商二者之间未来的贸易关系,以及修订同非欧盟国家间的贸易协议。
***“多米诺效应”
美国《纽约时报》指出,英国公投决定退出欧盟,这一历史性决定将重塑英国的世界地位,同时让欧洲大陆陷入不安,并震动整个西方政治世界。
《华盛顿邮报》分析称,除了可能导致全球性经济衰退和西方联盟的破裂,英国脱欧或许还会致使苏格兰加速走向独立、欧盟进一步分裂以及卡梅伦政府的陷落。
有分析人士称,未来,希腊、葡萄牙、意大利、捷克、芬兰、斯洛伐克、拉脱维亚和比利时都可能会跟随英国的脚步脱离欧盟。
英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲相关
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相信很多人看了电影《国王的演讲》,也发现英国人做英文演讲,也很难!那么任何一个要想有所成就的人就一定要学一点演讲与口才!那么如何做好演讲呢?下面读文网小编整理了做英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
英语演讲应该简洁扼要,直截了当。除非特别需要,一般不要采用中文中的那种迂回曲折的表达形式。据有关专家统计,一般人的注意力一次只能集中约13分钟。所以,演讲长度以10~15分钟为宜。下面是美国总统林肯所作的著名的盖茨堡演说,虽然全文只有短短200多个词,却带有振奋人心、扭转乾坤般的力量。其中 of the people, by the people, for the people(民有,民治,民享)已成为不朽佳句。对于中学生来说,这篇演讲现在读起来一定会觉得很难,但要写好英语演讲,这确实是值得认真研读的经典之作。
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