为您找到与小学生励志英文演讲相关的共200个结果:
小学生学习英语是从三年级开始的,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些小学生英语励志演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
Hi, everyone! My name is XXX. Today my topic is: “I Love English”.
English is now used everywhere in the world, It has become the most important language on internet. Learning English makse me confident and brings me great pleasure.
When I was eight , my father sent me to an English school. At there, I played games and sang English song with other children. Then I discovered the beauty of the language, and began my colorful dream in the English world.
Every day, I read English following the tapes. Sometimes, I like watching English movies for children, such as Finding Nemo, Harry Potter and so on. These movies not only improved my English, but also gave me a lot of fun. Outlook English also help me a lot in my English Studies, I have been watching this program for nearly two years.
I hope I can travel around the world someday. I want to go to America, because America is one of the most developed countries in the world. I also want to go to England, because English originated in England.
I love English, English has become part of my life. Do you like English, my friends? If you do, come with me. Let’s enjoy the fun of learning English built in a day.”
That’s all, thank you!
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演讲是一件宣传主张,分享自己知识经验的一件事情,一场精彩的演讲对于演讲者和听众来说都是享受的盛宴。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文励志演讲稿的范文,希望对大家有所帮助。
as you slowly open your eyes,look around,notice where the light comes into your room;listen carefully,see if there are new sounds you can recognize;feel with your body and spirit, and see if you can sense the freshness in the air.
yes, it's a new day,it's a different day,and its a bright day!and most importantly,it is a new beginning for your life,a beginning where you are going to make new desicisions, take new actions,make new friends,and take your life to a totally unprecedented level!
in your mind's eye, you can see clearly the things you want to have,the paces you intend to go,the relationships you desire to develop,and the positions you aspire to reach.you can hear your laughters of joy and happiness on the day when everything happens as you dream.you can see the smiles on the people around you when the magic moment strikes.you can feel your face is getting red, your heart is beating fast,and your blood is rushing all over your body,to every single corner of your being!
you know all this is real as long as you are confident,passionate and committed! and you are confident,you are passionate,you are committed!
you will no longer fear making new sounds, showing new facial expressions, using your body in new ways,approaching new people,and asking new questions.you will live every single day of your life with absolute passion,and you will show your passion through the words you speak and the actions you take.you will focus all your time and effort on the most important goals of your life.you will never succumb to challenges of hardships.you will never waver in your pursuit of excellence.after all,you are the best,and you deserve the best!
as your coach and friend,i can assure you the door to all the best things in the world will open to you,but the key to that door is in your hand.you must do your part,you must faithfully follow the plans you make and take the actions you plan,you must never quit,you must never fear.i know you must do it,you can do it,you will do it,and you will succeed! now stand firm and tall,make a fist,get excited,and yell it out:i must do it!i can do it! i will do it!i will succeed!
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科比·布莱恩特是美国职业篮球运动员,自1996年起效力于NBA洛杉矶湖人队,是前NBA篮球运动员乔·布莱恩特的儿子。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇科比的励志英文演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Dear students :
Hello everyone !
Black Mamba is a deadly poisonous snakes have , why do I get this name? Because once I entered the stadium , I was deadly , like the black mamba same. So the next scene , I can joke , but once I entered the stadium , I'll be like a new person , like , engrossed on the pitch.
I am now 35 years old, went to be the second half of his career, like some of the injured are also commonplace. Once injured , you think the world stopped, regardless of knee injuries, shoulder injuries , and so on . I know a lot of people have ruined the whole career , and some people even depressed , can not even return to the stadium. When that moment happened, I would look at himself in the mirror , "said Bryant , what would you ? If you experience such pain you what will happen ? " You know, every time I see someone hurt, I saw a lot of people come back after the injury , I looked at himself in the mirror muttering , "is not it quit ? should not stop playing it?" I do not know yet whether the return game. I sit here and tell you now , I want a full recovery back on the court . But I can not promise , because a lot of the time I still have some doubts , but I think , this is to meet the challenges of significance .
To seize every opportunity to prove yourself to everyone , to prove that you can meet the challenge. To those who say you can never succeed , you will fail to prove , and this is my opinion. If someone says you are the injured , to slump , and for me, if someone suffered this injury might quit , but Kobe can not do this . Others say it under your die, I would say that you so that you may quit . So I have to prove it to them , especially to my fans who support me , love , I have to win their own , to win the pain , can return to the game . So as to allow those who doubt me rethink what is the impossible becomes possible. The importance of these scars is reflected in here , these scars are my shift reflects growing .
As a player, I was born with a passion to succeed , you want to win. But also the most important thing in life the hardest thing . As a player , you want to go to the stadium to meet the biggest challenge , I think the biggest challenge is to bring people into the team like a man as to constantly , constantly win, this is the biggest challenge the team of athletic competition , this is exactly my passion . For me personally, the most important thing is to continue to meet the challenge, and never afraid of challenges is extremely important.
But more important to maintain a constant curiosity of things , such as how to play better , how to improve the skills , how what is learned from others . In fact, I grew up to now has been looking for factors that inspire me from all aspects , not just from the body of Michael Jordan , Earvin Magic Johnson from the body, but also from Michael Jackson , Beethoven, Leonardo da Vinci, Bruce Lee's body, these who gave me great motivation, let me forward, so this is the spirit of the black mamba . Not that you have to constantly attack others , but to never stop you from moving forward . Life is a life-long learning , so it is extremely important to keep learning . You have to keep learning , study and study again , and talk to people , to understand , to learn, and not feel that you know everything . The only way you can become a better person , in order to further improve your skills . Finally, there will be a by-product , to become a champion , become better yourself. For me, this is the spirit of the black mamba , my source of spiritual lies. So if I am able to pass this spirit to all of you , whatever you want to do, to become a basketball player , a writer or a presenter, no matter what your dream is , you must adhere to the dream of success from the front people who learn from the experience and knowledge to the success of all walks of life , some of them have in common makes them stand out, be successful, this is what I want to convey to you today positive energy .
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军人属于祖国,祖国赋于军人以神圣的使命。读文网小编为大家整理了一分钟军人励志演讲稿4篇,欢迎大家阅读。
军人与使命同在,军人因履行使命而展现价值。我军的性质和宗旨,是在献身使命中体现的;我军的凝聚力和战斗力,是在献身使命中形成的;我军的地位和作用,是在献身使命中确立的。新世纪新阶段我军担负的历史使命,承载了党的重托、人民的福祉和国家的安全,也对当代军人的价值追求提出了新的要求。作为军人,尤其要把思想境界定位在献身使命的人生追求上,以使命为重,用生命来维系使命,用忠诚来支撑使命,用血肉之躯来践行使命。
以使命为重,就是要有使命意识。不讲使命,就是不讲政治。作为一名军人,一定要牢固树立使命重于泰山、使命高于生命的强烈忧患意识、责任意识,克服和平麻痹思想和松懈自满情绪,时时讲使命、想使命、谋使命,真正做到忠于使命、献身使命、不辱使命。
以使命为重,就是要履职尽责。履职尽责是军人的天职,是履行使命的基本标准。作为军人,要不辱使命、不负重托,就不能坐而论道,而要以党的事业和人民的利益为重,把岗位作为履行使命之本,把事业作为人生价值坐标,把使命任务的要求与立足本职实实在在的行动结合起来,爱岗敬业,恪尽职守,扎扎实实干工作,默默无闻作奉献,在平凡的岗位上创造不平凡的业绩,在履职尽责中书写人生的壮丽篇章。
以使命为重,就要作出牺牲奉献。献身使命是一种职责,献身使命是一种荣光,献身使命也意味着牺牲奉献。人生的价值在于坚定的信仰、崇高的追求。我们一定要正确对待名利地位,正确对待个人得失和生命困难,把个人追求融入履行使命的伟大实践,把勇于担当使命、敢于献身使命、矢志不辱使命的坚强决心和顽强意志,内化为当代革命军人的价值理念和人生追求,转化为应对危机、谋求打赢、提高履行使命能力的实际行动,在各种考验中显本色,有效履行好党和人民赋予的光荣使命。
军人神圣的名字,令世上人羡慕敬仰;训练场个个意志坚强,忠心报国杀贼寇保家乡;青春奉献在绿色国防,生命谱写人生辉煌。留下壮丽篇章。
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相信很多人看了电影《国王的演讲》,也发现英国人做英文演讲,也很难!那么任何一个要想有所成就的人就一定要学一点演讲与口才!那么如何做好演讲呢?下面读文网小编整理了做英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
英语演讲应该简洁扼要,直截了当。除非特别需要,一般不要采用中文中的那种迂回曲折的表达形式。据有关专家统计,一般人的注意力一次只能集中约13分钟。所以,演讲长度以10~15分钟为宜。下面是美国总统林肯所作的著名的盖茨堡演说,虽然全文只有短短200多个词,却带有振奋人心、扭转乾坤般的力量。其中 of the people, by the people, for the people(民有,民治,民享)已成为不朽佳句。对于中学生来说,这篇演讲现在读起来一定会觉得很难,但要写好英语演讲,这确实是值得认真研读的经典之作。
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演讲口才训练可以培养小学生积极的心态,顽强拼搏的精神,而且学习会更勤奋,身心更健康,外表也会更美,更活泼可爱。下面读文网小编整理了小学生演讲训练稿,供你阅读参考。
尊敬的各位领导、老师,亲爱的同学们:
大家好!我叫xxx,是一年级一班的学生,我演讲的题目是《学习日常行为规范,做文明小学生》。能站在这里参加演讲比赛,我感到无比自豪。希望通过这次演讲,能让所有的同学对《小学生守则》和《日常行为规范》有更深刻的认识,以更加文明的言行来净化我们的校园,美化我们的心灵。做为一个文明的小学生,不论在校内、校外都要遵守礼仪。你听:“老师早!老师好!对不起!没关系!请!谢谢!”这些声音时时在校园内响起,而且经常能看到同学们互帮互助的身影.这些现象难道不值得继续发扬,成为大家学习的榜样吗?可是在我们身边,在一部分同学身上,还有一些不文明的行为。校园内,能见到与我们美丽的校园极不和谐的垃圾,部分同学讲脏话,粗话,甚至还有个别同学故意损坏学校公共财物,对此我们是否该深刻思考一下呢?我们是学校的一员,学校的面貌要靠我们同学共同维护,只有人人讲文明,个个有礼貌,同学之间才会团结友爱,我们的校园才会更加温暖,和谐,同学们才会更加健康,茁壮成长。
播种一种行为,收获一种习惯;播种一种习惯,收获一种性格;播种一种性格,收获一种命运。同学们,养成良好的行为习惯,需要老师的教导,同学的帮助,更需要我们自己严格要求自己,《小学生守则》《小学生日常行为规范》是我们的行为准则,它们不仅写在纸上,而且要记在我们心里,更重要的是要体现实际行动上。每个人的举手投足之间,都传递着丰富的文明信息。让我们借着学习《小学生日常行为规范》的东风,从现在做起,从自己做起,从点点滴滴的小事做起,养成良好的文明习惯,做文明学生.管住我们的口,不随地吐痰;管住我们的手,不乱扔垃圾;管住我们的脚,不去不该去的地方。让我们携起手来,共建一个文明、美丽的校园,让我们朐阳小学的每一名学生都成为一个文明之人,让文明之花开遍校园的每个角落。
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英国首相卡梅伦宣布将辞职,卡梅伦为什么辞职?卡梅伦在辞职是讲了什么内容?下面读文网小编在整理了英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲:我尽力了,供你阅读。
6月24日,引发全球关注的英国“脱欧”公投结果出炉,“脱欧”阵营赢得超过半数的民众支持,这意味着英国在加入欧盟43年之后将正式与这个大家庭说“再见”。这一历史性的投票将重塑英国的世界地位,同时可能触发多米诺效应、导致更多国家脱离欧盟。此外,英国首相卡梅伦或许会辞职。
公投结果显示,投票民众中52%支持脱离欧盟,48%支持留在欧盟。其中,伦敦和苏格兰地区的“留欧”意愿非常强烈,但最终没能敌过英格兰北部人数众多的“脱欧”派支持者。公投的投票率为71.8%,相当于有超过3000万民众前往投票站投票,这是英国自1992年以来最高的投票记录。
对于英国的公投结果,全球金融市场反应迅速且剧烈,英镑兑美元汇率闪电崩盘,跌幅超过1000个基点,触及1985年以来的最低水平。英国工党影子内阁大臣约翰·麦克唐纳表示,英国中央银行可能会介入市场,采取措施支撑英镑。
***“独立日”
过去20年间,英国独立党领导人奈杰尔·法拉奇一直四处奔走、游说英国脱离欧盟。如今夙愿得偿,法拉奇不禁向“脱欧”派支持者高呼:“这是普罗大众的胜利!6月23日将被载入史册,成为英国的独立日!”他还呼吁首相卡梅伦“立即”辞职。英国“脱欧”公投虽由卡梅伦发起,但他强烈支持英国留在欧盟。
不过,多名“脱欧”派保守党人士,包括前伦敦市长鲍里斯·约翰逊和英国司法大臣迈克尔·戈夫在内,已经签署联名信劝说卡梅伦不论公投结果如何都请继续出任首相。
英国前欧洲事务大臣基思·瓦兹认为,公投结果表明英国民众是根据其“情绪”而非专家建议投票,欧盟应当召集一次紧急峰会来处理英国“脱欧”后续问题,“(英国脱离欧盟)将会对我们的国家、欧洲乃至世界其他地区产生灾难性的后果”。
德国外交部长弗兰克·沃尔特·施泰因迈尔称,对于欧盟和英国,公投结果出炉是个“悲伤的日子”。
***退出不易
英国将成为自欧盟成立以来第一个退出的国家,但这并不意味着公投结果公布后英国的欧盟成员国身份即刻终止。英国退出欧盟需要花费至少两年的时间,“脱欧”派建议英国应当直至2020年大选时才完成全部脱欧工作。
接下来,英国首相将决定何时触发欧盟《里斯本条约》第50条规定。根据这条规定,英国确认脱离欧盟后,需在两年的时间内与欧洲理事会谈判退出事宜,并且除非得到全体成员国的一致同意,退出国不得再加入欧盟。
与此同时,英国政府还将与欧盟举行谈判,协商二者之间未来的贸易关系,以及修订同非欧盟国家间的贸易协议。
***“多米诺效应”
美国《纽约时报》指出,英国公投决定退出欧盟,这一历史性决定将重塑英国的世界地位,同时让欧洲大陆陷入不安,并震动整个西方政治世界。
《华盛顿邮报》分析称,除了可能导致全球性经济衰退和西方联盟的破裂,英国脱欧或许还会致使苏格兰加速走向独立、欧盟进一步分裂以及卡梅伦政府的陷落。
有分析人士称,未来,希腊、葡萄牙、意大利、捷克、芬兰、斯洛伐克、拉脱维亚和比利时都可能会跟随英国的脚步脱离欧盟。
英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲相关
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演讲能力应该从小学生时期开始培养,演讲既然对培养学生的说话能力是如此重要,那么,应该如何培养学生的演讲能力呢?下面读文网小编整理了小学生演讲训练的方法,供你阅读参考。
口语交际课上,一定要重视学生兴趣的激发。因为学生有兴趣,才有交流的动机;有兴趣,思维才会活跃。而培养兴趣的重要途径之一就是“激励”。人的深层需要都有渴望别人赏识的愿望,小学生更是如此。他们需要老师常用肯定和表扬的方式来保护他们的自尊心,激发他们的上进心。口语交际教学中教师要多表扬少批评,多激励少指责。教师要耐心地听学生发言,不要轻易打断学生的思路;要善于发现学生微小的进步及时肯定。在口语交际中,学生因为词汇贫乏,未能较快地组织语言。老师不要直接指出学生所犯错误,不要轻易挑剔学生这个词“不规范”,那个词“有毛病”。这样会挫伤学生交际的积极性,产生消极的影响。小学生年龄小,都喜欢听表扬。根据这一特点,在课堂上对于学生的说话,我都给予肯定、表扬或奖励,“你说得真棒!”“你的声音真响亮!”“你真会动脑筋!”“你的想象力真丰富!”小五星、大红花、卡通图片等小礼物更是我常奖励给学生的,学生听到表扬,得到奖励,十分高兴,觉得和同学、老师交流是一件容易的事情,都十分喜欢口语交际活动。对于学生说得特别好的,我会请他到台前说给大家听,并向大家介绍经验,孩子表现欲强,看到别的同学到台前去说,自己也暗下决心,努力加油,争取也到台前说给大家听。这就充分调动了大家的积极性,使他们感到兴趣盎然。“赞美是照在人心灵上的阳光,没有阳光我们就不能生长。”“赞美蕴涵着老师的鼓励、教育与评价,蕴涵着老师的爱心和期望,一味的批评训斥他们会使他们丧失自尊,不求上进。”马克.吐温说过:“只凭一句赞美的话,我就可以活上两个月。”人人都希望听到赞美,成人尚且如此,何况孩子呢?
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随着信息时代的发展,口语交际已经成为现代交际社会最基本的技能之一,口语交际能力的培养,已是刻不容缓,势在必行。下面读文网小编整理了小学生训练演讲能力的方法,供你阅读参考。
演讲内容的确定直接关系到演讲的效果。内容的确定要从实际出发,要考虑听众的需要,收集一些普遍关心的问题,做到有的放矢。
当学生以“我最钦佩的一种行为”为题演讲时,就要求在内容上选择符合学生实际的,普遍关心的一种行为来进行演讲,如“拾金不昧”、“乐于助人”、“刻苦学习”等等,这样才能引起听众的共鸣。
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英文演讲作为一种教学手段,是英语学习过程中经常用到的一种非常有效的方式,同时英文演讲也能增强你的口语表达呢里,下面读文网小编整理了做好英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
具备演讲的知识和技巧,演讲稿的完成只是演讲的序幕,要进行成功的演讲则要进行严格的训练。训练时,分析演讲要领,训练演讲技巧和姿势语,观看cctv杯和爱立信杯等英语演讲的录像,了解并按照比赛评分标准进行严格的模拟训练,观察演讲过程是否具备以下特点:主题鲜明,表达完整(演讲内容);思维清晰,逻辑性强(文章组织结构);感情充沛,富有表现力(演讲气势);发音正确,语音语调标准(英语语音);反应敏捷,回答准确(心理素质);着装整洁,仪态大方等等。
除此之外,还要有良好的心理素质。多进行模拟演讲,有良好的心理素质,才能更好地表现自己,取得演讲的良好效果。有的同学能讲一口地道的美式英语,但由于缺乏良好的心理素质而怯场,甚至在比赛中紧张得说不出话来或有一些不良的举止而被淘汰出局。
有了充分的准备,进行演讲就不太难了。在演讲的整个过程中还要注意一些演讲的要领与技巧,如演讲者与听众目光的接触(eye contact),声音的抑扬顿挫(vocal variety),和肢体语言的配合(hand gestures and body language)等等,但要恰当,不要太多,否则会喧宾夺主,影响演讲效果。
掌握了这些要领,有了充分的知识储备,再加上良好的心理素质,一定会成功的 .
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励志是集中心思致力于某种事业,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些励志的经典你眼睛,希望对大家有所帮助。
I choose the poverty of our poor people.
But I am grateful to receive (the Nobel Prize) in the name of the hungry, the naked, the homeless, of the crippled, of the blind, of the lepers, of all those people who feel unwanted, unloved, uncared-for throughout society, people that have become a burden to the society and are shunned by everyone."
Also as soon as she learned about the plan for a dinner on her honor she politely asked for the dinner to be cancelled to save the money to feed the poor.
As we have gathered here together to thank God for the Nobel Peace Prize, I think it will be beautiful that we pray the prayer of St. Francis of Assisi which always surprises me very much . We pray this prayer every day after Holy Communion, because it is very fitting for each one of us.
And I always wonder that 400-500 years ago when St. Francis of Assisi composed this prayer, they had the same difficulties that we have today as we compose this prayer that fits very nicely for us also. I think some of you already have got it - so we pray together: Let us thank God for the opportunity that we all have together today, for this gift of peace that reminds us that we have been created to live that peace, and that Jesus became man to bring that good news to the poor.
He, being God, became man in all things like us except in sin, and he proclaimed very clearly that he had come to give the good news. The news was peace to all of good will and this is something that we all want - the peace of heart. Ad God loved the world so much that he gave his son - it was a giving: it is as much as if to say it hurt God to give, because he loved the world so much that he gave his son. He gave him to the Virgin Mary, and what did she do with him?
As soon as he came in her life, immediately she went in haste to give that good news, and as she came into the house of her cousin, the child - the child in the womb of Elizabeth, lept with joy. He was, that little unborn child was, the first messenger of peace. He recognized the Prince of Peace, he recognized that Christ had come to bring the good news for you and for me.
And as if that was not enough - it was not enough to become a man - he died on the cross to show that greater love, and he died for you and for me and for that leper and for that man dying of hunger and that naked person lying in the street not only of Calcutta, but of Africa, and New York, and London, and Oslo - and insisted that we love one another as he loves each one of us.
And we read that in the Gospel very clearly: "love as I have loved you; as I love you; as the Father has loved me, I love you." And the harder the Father loved him, he gave him to us, and how much we love one another, we too must give to each other until it hurts. It is not enough for us to say: "I love God, but I do not love my neighbor." Saint John says that you are a liar if you say you love God and you don't love your neighbor.
How can you love God whom you do not see, if you do not love your neighbor whom you see, whom you touch, with whom you live? And so this is very important for us to realize that love, to be true, has to hurt. It hurt Jesus to love us. It hurt him. And to make sure we remember his great love, he made himself the bread of life to satisfy our hunger for his love - our hunger for God - because we have been created for that love. We have been created in his image.
We have been created to love and to be loved, and he has become man to make it possible for us to love as he loved us. He makes himself the hungry one, the naked one, the homeless one, and he says: " You did it to me". he is hungry for our love, and this is the hunger that you and I must find. It may be in our own home. I never forget an opportunity I had in visiting a home where they had all these old parents of sons and daughters who had just put them in an institution and forgotten, maybe.
And I went there, and I saw in that home they had everything, beautiful things, but everybody was looking towards the door. And I did not see a singe one with a smile on their face. And I turned to the sister and I asked: How is that? How is that these people who have everything here, why are they all looking towards the door? Why are they not smiling? I am so used to see the smiles on our people, even the dying ones smile. And she said: "This is nearly every day.
They are expecting, they are hoping that a son or daughter will come to visit them. They are hurt because they are forgotten." And see - this is where love comes. That poverty comes right there in our own home, even neglect to love. Maybe in our own family we have somebody who is feeling lonely, who is feeling sick, who is feeling worried, and there are difficult days for everybody. Are we there?
Are we there to Receive them? Is the mother there to receive the child? I was surprised in the West to see so many young boys and girls given into drugs. And I tried to find out why. Why is it like that? And the answer was: "Because there is no one in the family to receive them." Father and mother are so busy they have no time. Young parents are in some institution and the child goes back to the street and gets involved in something.
We are talking of peace. These are things that break peace. But I feel the greatest destroyer of peace today is abortion, because it is a direct war, a direct killing, direct murder by the mother herself. And we read in the scripture, for God says very clearly: "Even if a mother could forget her child, I will not forget you. I have curved you in the palm of my hand." We are curved in the palm of his hand; so close to him,that unborn child has been curved in the hand of God.
And that is what strikes me most, the beginning of that sentence, that even if a mother could forget, something impossible - but even if she could forget - I will not forget you. And today the greatest means, the greatest destroyer of peace is abortion. And we who are standing here - our parents wanted us. We would not be here if our parents would do that to us. Our children, we want them, we love them.
But what of the other millions. Many peopleare very, very concerned with the children of India, with the children of Africa where quite a number die, maybe of malnutrition, of hunger and so on, but millions are dying deliberately by the will of the mother. And this is what is the greatest destroyer of peace today. Because if a mother can kill her own child, what is left for me to kill you and you to kill me? There is nothing between. And this I appeal in India, I appeal everywhere - "Let us bring the child back" - and this year being the child's year: What have we done for the child?
At the beginning of the year I told, I spoke everywhere and I said: let us ensure this year that we make every single child born, and unborn, wanted. And today is the end of the year. Have we really made the children wanted? I will tell you something terrifying. We are fighting abortion by adoption. We have saved thousands of lives. We have sent word to all the clinics, to the hospitals, police stations: "Please don't destroy the child; we will take the child".
So every hour of the day and night there is always somebody - we have quite a number of unwedded mothers - tell them: "Come, we will take care of you, we will take care of the child from you, and we will get a home for the child". And we have a tremendous demand for families who have no children, that is the blessing of God for us. And also, we are doing another thing which is very beautiful. We are teaching our beggars, our leprosy patients, our slum dwellers, our people of the street, natural family planning.
And in Calcutta alone in six years - it is all in Calcutta - we have had 61 273 babies less from the families who would have had them because they practice this natural way of abstaining, of self-control, out of love for each other. We teach them the temperature method which is very beautiful, very simple. And our poor people understand. And you know what they have told me? "Our family is healthy, our family is united, and we can have a baby whenever we want".
So clear - those people in the street, those beggars - and I think that if our people can do like that how much more you and all the others who can know the ways and means without destroying the life that God has created in us. The poor people are very great people. They can teach us so many beautiful things. The other day one of them came to thank us and said: "You people who have evolved chastity; you are the best people to teach us family planning because it is nothing more than self-control out of love for each other."
And I think they said a beautiful sentence. And these are people who maybe have nothing to eat, maybe they have not a home where to live, but they are great people. The poor are very wonderful people. One evening we went out and we picked up four people from the street. And one of them was in a most terrible condition. And I told the sisters: "You take care of the other three; I will take care of this one that looks worse." So I did for her all that my love can do. I put her in bed, and there was such a beautiful smile on her face.
She took hold of my hand, as she said one word only: "thank you" - and she died. I could not help but examine my conscience before her. And I asked: "What would I say if I was in her place?" And my answer was very simple. I would have tried to draw a little attention to myself. I would have said: "I am hungry, I am dying, I am cold, I am in pain", or something. But she gave me much more - she gave me her grateful love.
And she died with a smile on her face - like that man who we picked up from the drain, half eaten with worms, and we brought him to the home - "I have lived like an animal in the street, but I am going to die like an angel, loved and cared for." And it was so wonderful to see the greatness of that man who could speak like that, who could die like that without blaming, without cursing anybody, without comparing anything. Like an angel - this is the greatness of our people.
And this is why we believe what Jesus has said: "I was hungry; I was naked, I was homeless; I was unwanted, unloved, uncared for - and you did it to me." I believe that we are not really social workers. We may be doing social work in the eyes of people. But we are really contemplatives in the heart of the world. For we are touching the body of Christ twenty-four hours. We have twenty-four hours in his presence, and so you and I. You too must try to bring that presence of God into your family, for the family that prays together stays together.
And I think that we in our family, we don't need bombs and guns, to destroy or to bring peace - just get together, love one another, bring that peace, that joy, that strength of presence of each other in the home. And we will be able to overcome all the evil that is in the world. There is so much suffering, so much hatred, so much misery, and we with our prayer, with our sacrifice are beginning at home. Love begins at home, and it is not how much we do, but how much love we put in the action that we do.
It is to God almighty - how much we do does not matter, because he is infinite, but how much love we put in action. How much we do to him in the person that we are serving. Some time ago in Calcutta we had great difficulty in getting sugar. And I don't know how the word got around to the children, and a little boy of four years old, a Hindu boy, went home and told his parents: "I will not eat sugar for three days.
I will give my sugar to Mother Teresa for her children." After these three days his father and mother brought him to our house. I had never met them before, and this little one could scarcely pronounce my name. But he knew exactly what he had come to do. He knew that he wanted to share his love. And this is why I have received such a lot of love from all. From the time that I have come here I have simply been surrounded with love, and with real, real understanding love.
It could feel as if everyone in India, everyone in Africa is somebody very special for to you. And I felt quite home, I was telling Sister today. If feel in the convent with the Sisters as if I am in Calcutta with my own Sisters. So completely at home here, right here. And so here I am talking with you. I want you to find the poor here, right in your own home first. And begin love there. Be that good news to your own people. And find out about your next-door neighbor.
Do you know who they are? I had the most extraordinary experience with a Hindu family who had eight children. A gentleman came to our house and said: "Mother Teresa, there is a family with eight children; they have not eaten for so long; do something". So I took some rice and I went there immediately. And I saw the children - their eyes shining with hunger. I don't know if you have ever seen hunger. But I have seen it very often.
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口才训练是一个长期的过程,所以口才要从小抓起,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些演小学生演讲技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
1、演讲时的姿势
演说时的姿势会带给听众某种印象,例如堂堂正正的印象或者畏畏缩缩的印象。一般而言有比较方便演讲的姿势,即“轻松的姿势”。要让身体放松,就是不要过度紧张。过度的紧张不但会表现出笨拙僵硬的姿势,而且对于舌头的动作也会造成不良的影响。决窍之一是张开双脚与肩同宽,挺稳整个身躯。另一个决窍是想办法扩散并减轻施加在身体上的紧张情绪。例如将一只手轻触桌边等等。
2、演讲时的脸部表情
演讲时的脸部表情无论好坏都会带给听众极其深刻的印象。控制脸部的方法,首先“不可垂头”。人一旦“垂头”就会予人“丧气”之感,而且若视线不能与听众接触,就难以吸引听众的注意。另一个方法是“缓慢说话”。说话速度一旦缓慢,情绪即可稳定,脸部表情也得以放松,再者,全身上下也能够为之泰然自若起来。
3、有关服饰和发型
服装也会带给观众各种印象。小学生应以轻松、活泼为宜。发型也可塑造出各种形象来。
4、声音
(1)、清晰。要人知道你说的是什么东西,一定要说得清晰,让人听得懂。
(2)、流畅。不要有口头禅,有的人作报告开头喜欢用“这个、这个”,有的人喜欢每句后面用"啊、啊”,让人听起来很不是滋味。
(3)、响亮。说话是说给大家听的,除非是悄悄话,有隐私。一般说话要把音送到人家耳朵里,让人听得清楚,所以要响亮。
(4)、口语化。演讲稿要说给大家听就要口语化。
5、说话的速度是演讲的要素。
为了营造沉着的气氛,说话稍微慢点是很重要。标准大致为5分钟三张左右的A4原稿,不过,此地要注意的是,倘若从头至尾一直以相同的速度来进行,听众会睡觉的。所以讲究轻重缓急、节奏变化、感情停顿等。
6、熟记讲稿。
7、自我讲练。
上台、开场、下台的问题。上台要情绪饱满,充满自信,步伐稳健自然,目光环视全场。开场起调一定不要太高,稍低。下台步伐平稳,要避免“得意洋洋”或“神情疲惫”。
看了“"小学生演讲技巧"”
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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这世上的一切都借希望而完成,农夫不会剥下一粒玉米,如果他不曾希望它长成种粒;单身汉不会娶妻,如果他不曾希望有孩子;商人也不会去工作,如果他不曾希望因此而有收益,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些励志英语经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
The only thing we have to fear is fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
我们唯一害怕的 是害怕本身——这种难以名状、失去理智和毫无道理的恐惧,把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾,不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧,它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信,在目前危急时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
我和你们都要以这种精神,来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝,这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠,人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺,但就在我们见到这种情景的时候,宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了,他们固执己见而又无能为力,因而已经认定失败了,并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉,将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.
是的,他们是努力过,然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败,他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱,他们只得求助于讲道,含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光,而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.
如今,货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱;幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦,在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到,我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉,而是为自己和同胞们服务,那么,我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的,我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准,来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念;我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为,它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱,信心,只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些,就不可能有信心。
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.
但是,复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来,现在就行动起来。
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use
of our great natural resources.
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气,这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成,就象对待临战的紧要关头一样,但同时,在有了人手的情况下,我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
我们齐心协力,但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡,我们必须在全国范围内重新分配,使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.
明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力,会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声,有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输,通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成,但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动,立即行动。
And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.
最后,为了重新开始工作,我们需要两手防御,来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来;一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制:一定要杜绝投机;一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
以上这些,朋友们,就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案,并且,我要向18个州请求立即的援助。
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
通过行动,我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦,使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易,虽然很重要,但现在在时间和必要性上,次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议,作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易,但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路,是即时之路,是保证复苏功效持久之路。
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.
在国际政策方面,我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重,因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务,尊重与他国协约的国家。
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话,我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题,我们是互相依存的,我们不可以只索取,我们还必须奉献。我们前进时,必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队,愿意为共同的原则而献身,因为,没有这些原则,就无法取得进步,领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备,并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产,因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议,为了更伟大的目标,我们所有的人,以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务,非战乱,不停止。
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
有了这样的誓言,我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务,致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动,这样的目标,在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单,实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况,只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想,正因为如此,我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay ction may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等,能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏,紧迫起来。
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托,即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.
在此举国奉献之际,我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人,愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。
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国学是指“国立学校”的意思,自 “西学东渐”后泛指“中国传统思想文化学术”,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些小学生国学经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
尊敬的各位老师,亲爱的同学们:
大家好,我今天演讲的题目是《传承国学经典》
“滚滚长江东逝水,浪花淘尽英雄”历史的滚滚长河,民族的浩瀚星空,人生的坎坷历程,无不浸透着中华文化的精神。于是,千百年中国傲立于东方,历史长河金鲤化龙,浩瀚的广宇群星灿然,炎黄挺起五岳的脊梁!“会当凌绝顶,一览众山小。”是杜甫吟唱的盛唐清韵;“了却君王天下事,赢得生前身后名。”是辛稼轩呐喊的两宋悲歌;“我自横刀向天笑,去留肝胆两昆仑。”是谭嗣同面对民族衰微的浩然肝胆
神州大地上,国学文化传承千年。何为国学?是司马迁熟悉华夏文明,留下了传承民族魂魄的《史记》?是李时珍涉足千山万水,遍尝百草,用自己的亲身体验造福于后人的《本草纲目》?还是纪晓岚精通经、史、子、集整理出浩瀚的《四库全书》?何为国学?不就是经那得起时间洗炼而沉淀下来的,能够在千百年后还能给人以深刻启示,让人从中获益的精神财富、文化积淀吗?
国学经典是中国的瑰宝,是中华民族生生不息,传承国脉的精神纽带,是炎黄子孙奋斗不息,富国强兵的力量源泉!它犹如一束光芒润泽着一代又一代华夏儿女!
还记得精忠报国的岳飞,力抗金兵,保家卫国,即使皇帝昏庸,奸臣当道,却依然诵出“三十功名尘与土,八千里路云和月。“的民族气概!
还记得一代枭雄曹操,东临碣石,酾酒临江,即使岁月染白了他的须发,仍旧高唱“老骥伏枥,志在千里。烈士暮年,壮心不已。”的壮怀好歌!
还记得乱世漂泊的李清照,将国家之恨纺成染柳烟浓,吹梅笛怨的哀愁,纵然帘卷西风,瘦比黄花,仍旧吟出“生当做人杰,死亦为鬼雄。至今思项羽,不肯过江东的豪言壮语!
那或铿锵或柔美的词章,溅落在历史的长河里,激起遥远的绝响!
国学的经典,华夏的辉煌,成就了伟人的不朽,缔造了民族的昌盛。国学文化,是华夏民族的灵魂,是炎黄子孙的精神脊梁!让我们一起诵读国学经典,传承中华文化,肩起民族复兴的伟业,让中国这条龙腾飞在世界东方!
看了“"小学生国学经典演讲三篇"”
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英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文经典演讲文章,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Dr. Conant, members of the Board of Overseers, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am
overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position. But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of Europe and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.
In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the German war machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.
There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery, as I have said, is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.
Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So, the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from America -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character.
The remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the people of Europe in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to question.
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States. It is already evident that before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.
I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions. But, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Thank you very much.
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不执着的意思是我们可以控制自己感情,欣赏自己的喜怒哀乐,但不会被它冲昏头,使自己顺其自然。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些励志演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
我自己个人体会就是,如何能够把生意做得更成功的几个要点:第一要点,如何尽可能把自己的长期目标和短期目标结合起来,我们要先分清楚,哪些事情是我们想一辈子干的事情,哪些事情是一下子干完了我们就可以不用干的事情。中国有句话叫做急事慢做,你越着急的事情,你做得越仔细越认真,越能把事情做好,而你越着急的事情做得越快,反而越做得七零八落。我把这个急事也把它叫做大事,比如说你要想一辈子掌握很高的英文水平,你说我用三个月,每天学十二个小时,你是绝对不可能,三个月,你的英文水平会得到很大的提高,但是三个月以后你不学了,再过三个月,你的英文水平就忘记了。第二个要素,就是要决定自己一辈子干什么,那么还有一个我觉得非常重要的就是平时做事情的时候,对时间的计划性,一个人是非常能动的,我在十几年前做新东方的时候,我就觉得时间不够用,我忙得手脚朝天,最后还发现事情做不完,我现在二十四小时做出来的事情,跟我那个十几年前二十四小时手忙脚乱做出来的事情,是不可同日而语的。那么为什么还能忙得过来呢,道理很简单,因为在你忙不过来的时候,你就知道如何去筹划你的时间了,千万记住一点的是,任何事情的时间,一定都是能够挤出来的,那么还有一个非常重要的,叫做成功就要你自我约束的,我是在五年前学滑雪的,刚上去的时候,就上雪地就摔上雪地就摔,后来我就发现不行,我得学会停,大家知道滑雪两种停法,初学滑雪的人是外八字的停法,但是当这个滑雪的坡度,到达一定坡度的时候,这个八字形就完全不管用了,一定是要两个滑雪板侧过来侧停,所以我就用了整整一个星期的时间,我就没练滑雪,我就专门练停来着,我发现我的停已经做得非常好的时候,我就直接扛着滑雪板上了高级道,我有一个朋友,他觉得你能上我也能上,他这个滑雪道一边是山坡,一边是悬崖峭壁,结果他下去的时候,他由于停不住,就直接往悬崖峭壁那个地方冲过去了,冲过去他不就害怕吗,害怕以后他就开始强行扭过来,一扭过来,一个脚扭过来了,另外一个脚没扭过来,结果两个脚一下就被撕开了,韧带就被彻底拉断了,任何时候,当你前面面对一个巨大的诱惑,和其他任何可能产生诱惑的时候,如果你自己觉得自己停不下来,您千万别去追那个东西,因为你追了那个东西停不下来,最后栽跟头的一定就是你!
of my own personal experience is how business is more successful a few key points: the first point, and how, as far as possible, to combine their long-term goals and short-term goals, we must first distinguish what things we want to life doing things, which things are suddenly finish the things we can not dry. China we have a saying hurry slow to do, the more anxious you things, you are done more carefully and more seriously, the more we can do a good job, and the more anxious you do things the faster, but more to do to pieces. I hurry to call it a major event, for example, you want to be a lifetime to master a high level of English, you say three months, learn twelve hours a day, you are absolutely impossible, three months, and you English level will be greatly improved, but three months later, you do not learn that in another three months, forget your English level. The second element is to determine their own life to do, then I think very important is usually to do things when the time plan, a person is very dynamic, and I do more than ten years ago, the New Oriental I feel that the time is not enough, I'm too busy hands and feet the air, finally found something to finish, I twenty-four hours to do things, out of things to do with more than a dozen years ago my twenty-four hours running around in circles , is quite different. So why can busy over it, the reason is very simple, because you busy when you know how to plan your time, do remember that, no matter the time, and certainly are able squeezed out, then there is a very important, called the success of the necessary self-restraint, I ski five years ago, just up on the snow to fall on the snow fell, but then I found that it does not work, I have to learn to stop, we know that skiing two parked method of beginner ski toe stop method, but when the ski slope to reach a certain slope, this eight regardless of use, to the two skis side over side stop, so I spent a whole week's time, I have not practiced skiing, I come with specialized training to stop, stop I found I have done a very good time, I directly carrying snowboard a senior Road, I have a friend, he felt that you can on that I can on his side of the ski trails is hillside, one side is cliffs, the results after him when he could not stop. directly rushed to the cliffs that have passed, rushed past that he is not afraid of you, afraid he began forcibly Niuguo Lai Niuguo Lai a foot Niuguo Lai, the other feet did not Niuguo Lai, results of two feet ripped ligament was completely pulled off at any time, when you're in front of the face of a huge temptation, and any other temptation may arise, if you feel not stop, you do not go chase that thing, because you chase that thing can not stop himself, and finally come a cropper necessarily you!
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