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下面读文网小编分享了乔布斯在斯坦福大学的演讲[视频][中英文对照] ,希望你喜欢。
I am honored to be with you today at your commencement from one of the finest universities in the world. I never graduated from college. Truth be told, this is the closest I've ever gotten to a college graduation. Today I want to tell you three stories from my life. That's it. No big deal. Just three stories.
我今天很荣幸能和你们一起参加毕业典礼,斯坦福大学是世界上最好的大学之一。我从来没有从大学中毕业。说实话,今天也许是在我的生命中离大学毕业最近的一天了。今天我想向你们讲述我生活中的三个故事。不是什么大不了的事情,只是三个故事而已。
The first story is about connecting the dots.
第一个故事是关于如何把生命中的点点滴滴串连起来。
I dropped out of Reed College after the first 6 months, but then stayed around as a drop-in for another 18 months or so before I really quit. So why did I drop out?
我在Reed大学读了六个月之后就退学了,但是在十八个月以后——我真正的作出退学决定之前,我还经常去学校。我为什么要退学呢?
It started before I was born. My biological mother was a young, unwed college graduate student, and she decided to put me up for adoption. She felt very strongly that I should be adopted by college graduates, so everything was all set for me to be adopted at birth by a lawyer and his wife. Except that when I popped out they decided at the last minute that they really wanted a girl. So my parents, who were on a waiting list, got a call in the middle of the night asking: "We have an unexpected baby boy; do you want him?" They said: "Of course." My biological mother later found out that my mother had never graduated from college and that my father had never graduated from high school. She refused to sign the final adoption papers. She only relented a few months later when my parents promised that I would someday go to college.
故事从我出生的时候讲起。我的亲生母亲是一个年轻的,没有结婚的大学毕业生。她决定让别人收养我, 她十分想让我被大学毕业生收养。所以在我出生的时候,她已经做好了一切的准备工作,能使得我被一个律师和他的妻子所收养。但是她没有料到,当我出生之后,律师夫妇突然决定他们想要一个女孩。 所以我的生养父母(他们还在我亲生父母的观察名单上)突然在半夜接到了一个电话:“我们现在这儿有一个不小心生出来的男婴,你们想要他吗?”他们回答道:“当然!”但是我亲生母亲随后发现,我的养母从来没有上过大学,我的父亲甚至从没有读过高中。她拒绝签这个收养合同。只是在几个月以后,我的父母答应她一定要让我上大学,那个时候她才同意。
And 17 years later I did go to college. But I naively chose a college that was almost as expensive as Stanford, and all of my working-class parents' savings were being spent on my college tuition. After six months, I couldn't see the value in it. I had no idea what I wanted to do with my life and no idea how college was going to help me figure it out. And here I was spending all of the money my parents had saved their entire life. So I decided to drop out and trust that it would all work out OK. It was pretty scary at the time, but looking back it was one of the best decisions I ever made. The minute I dropped out I could stop taking the required classes that didn't interest me, and begin dropping in on the ones that looked interesting.
在十七岁那年,我真的上了大学。但是我很愚蠢的选择了一个几乎和你们斯坦福大学一样贵的学校, 我父母还处于蓝领阶层,他们几乎把所有积蓄都花在了我的学费上面。在六个月后, 我已经看不到其中的价值所在。我不知道我想要在生命中做什么,我也不知道大学能帮助我找到怎样的答案。 但是在这里,我几乎花光了我父母这一辈子的所有积蓄。所以我决定要退学,我觉得这是个正确的决定。不能否认,我当时确实非常的害怕, 但是现在回头看看,那的确是我这一生中最棒的一个决定。在我做出退学决定的那一刻, 我终于可以不必去读那些令我提不起丝毫兴趣的课程了。然后我还可以去修那些看起来有点意思的课程。
It wasn't all romantic. I didn't have a dorm room, so I slept on the floor in friends' rooms, I returned coke bottles for the 5¢ deposits to buy food with, and I would walk the 7 miles across town every Sunday night to get one good meal a week at the Hare Krishna temple. I loved it. And much of what I stumbled into by following my curiosity and intuition turned out to be priceless later on. Let me give you one example:
但是这并不是那么罗曼蒂克。我失去了我的宿舍,所以我只能在朋友房间的地板上面睡觉,我去捡5美分的可乐瓶子,仅仅为了填饱肚子, 在星期天的晚上,我需要走七英里的路程,穿过这个城市到Hare Krishna寺庙(注:位于纽约Brooklyn下城),只是为了能吃上饭——这个星期唯一一顿好一点的饭。但是我喜欢这样。我跟着我的直觉和好奇心走, 遇到的很多东西,此后被证明是无价之宝。让我给你们举一个例子吧:
Reed College at that time offered perhaps the best calligraphy instruction in the country. Throughout the campus every poster, every label on every drawer, was beautifully hand calligraphed. Because I had dropped out and didn't have to take the normal classes, I decided to take a calligraphy class to learn how to do this. I learned about serif and san serif typefaces, about varying the amount of space between different letter combinations, about what makes great typography great. It was beautiful, historical, artistically subtle in a way that science can't capture, and I found it fascinating.
Reed大学在那时提供也许是全美最好的美术字课程。在这个大学里面的每个海报, 每个抽屉的标签上面全都是漂亮的美术字。因为我退学了, 没有受到正规的训练, 所以我决定去参加这个课程,去学学怎样写出漂亮的美术字。我学到了san serif 和serif字体, 我学会了怎么样在不同的字母组合之中改变空格的长度, 还有怎么样才能作出最棒的印刷式样。那是一种科学永远不能捕捉到的、美丽的、真实的艺术精妙, 我发现那实在是太美妙了。
None of this had even a hope of any practical application in my life. But ten years later, when we were designing the first Macintosh computer, it all came back to me. And we designed it all into the Mac. It was the first computer with beautiful typography. If I had never dropped in on that single course in college, the Mac would have never had multiple typefaces or proportionally spaced fonts. And since Windows just copied the Mac, its likely that no personal computer would have them. If I had never dropped out, I would have never dropped in on this calligraphy class, and personal computers might not have the wonderful typography that they do. Of course it was impossible to connect the dots looking forward when I was in college. But it was very, very clear looking backwards ten years later.
当时看起来这些东西在我的生命中,好像都没有什么实际应用的可能。但是十年之后,当我们在设计第一台Macintosh电脑的时候,就不是那样了。我把当时我学的那些家伙全都设计进了Mac。那是第一台使用了漂亮的印刷字体的电脑。如果我当时没有退学, 就不会有机会去参加这个我感兴趣的美术字课程, Mac就不会有这么多丰富的字体,以及赏心悦目的字体间距。那么现在个人电脑就不会有现在这么美妙的字型了。当然我在大学的时候,还不可能把从前的点点滴滴串连起来,但是当我十年后回顾这一切的时候,真的豁然开朗了。
Again, you can't connect the dots looking forward; you can only connect them looking backwards. So you have to trust that the dots will somehow connect in your future. You have to trust in something - your gut, destiny, life, karma, whatever. This approach has never let me down, and it has made all the difference in my life.
再次说明的是,你在向前展望的时候不可能将这些片断串连起来;你只能在回顾的时候将点点滴滴串连起来。所以你必须相信这些片断会在你未来的某一天串连起来。你必须要相信某些东西:你的勇气、目的、生命、因缘。这个过程从来没有令我失望(let me down),只是让我的生命更加地与众不同而已。
My second story is about love and loss.
我的第二个故事是关于爱和损失的。
I was lucky – I found what I loved to do early in life. Woz and I started Apple in my parents garage when I was 20. We worked hard, and in 10 years Apple had grown from just the two of us in a garage into a billion company with over 4000 employees. We had just released our finest creation - the Macintosh - a year earlier, and I had just turned 30. And then I got fired. How can you get fired from a company you started? Well, as Apple grew we hired someone who I thought was very talented to run the company with me, and for the first year or so things went well. But then our visions of the future began to diverge and eventually we had a falling out. When we did, our Board of Directors sided with him. So at 30 I was out. And very publicly out. What had been the focus of my entire adult life was gone, and it was devastating.
我非常幸运, 因为我在很早的时候就找到了我钟爱的东西。Woz和我在二十岁的时候就在父母的车库里面开创了苹果公司。我们工作得很努力, 十年之后, 这个公司从那两个车库中的穷光蛋发展到了超过四千名的雇员、价值超过二十亿的大公司。在公司成立的第九年,我们刚刚发布了最好的产品,那就是Macintosh。我也快要到三十岁了。在那一年, 我被炒了鱿鱼。你怎么可能被你自己创立的公司炒了鱿鱼呢? 嗯,在苹果快速成长的时候,我们雇用了一个很有天分的家伙和我一起管理这个公司, 在最初的几年,公司运转的很好。但是后来我们对未来的看法发生了分歧, 最终我们吵了起来。当争吵不可开交的时候, 董事会站在了他的那一边。所以在三十岁的时候, 我被炒了。在这么多人的眼皮下我被炒了。在而立之年,我生命的全部支柱离自己远去, 这真是毁灭性的打击。
I really didn't know what to do for a few months. I felt that I had let the previous generation of entrepreneurs down - that I had dropped the baton as it was being passed to me. I met with David Packard and Bob Noyce and tried to apologize for screwing up so badly. I was a very public failure, and I even thought about running away from the valley. But something slowly began to dawn on me – I still loved what I did. The turn of events at Apple had not changed that one bit. I had been rejected, but I was still in love. And so I decided to start over.
在最初的几个月里,我真是不知道该做些什么。我把从前的创业激情给丢了, 我觉得自己让与我一同创业的人都很沮丧。我和David Pack和Bob Boyce见面,并试图向他们道歉。我把事情弄得糟糕透顶了。但是我渐渐发现了曙光, 我仍然喜爱我从事的这些东西。苹果公司发生的这些事情丝毫的没有改变这些, 一点也没有。我被驱逐了,但是我仍然钟爱它。所以我决定从头再来。
I didn't see it then, but it turned out that getting fired from Apple was the best thing that could have ever happened to me. The heaviness of being successful was replaced by the lightness of being a beginner again, less sure about everything. It freed me to enter one of the most creative periods of my life.
我当时没有觉察, 但是事后证明, 从苹果公司被炒是我这辈子发生的最棒的事情。因为,作为一个成功者的极乐感觉被作为一个创业者的轻松感觉所重新代替: 对任何事情都不那么特别看重。这让我觉得如此自由, 进入了我生命中最有创造力的一个阶段。
During the next five years, I started a company named NeXT, another company named Pixar, and fell in love with an amazing woman who would become my wife. Pixar went on to create the worlds first computer animated feature film, Toy Story, and is now the most successful animation studio in the world. In a remarkable turn of events, Apple bought NeXT, I retuned to Apple, and the technology we developed at NeXT is at the heart of Apple's current renaissance. And Laurene and I have a wonderful family together.
在接下来的五年里, 我创立了一个名叫NeXT的公司, 还有一个叫Pixar的公司, 然后和一个后来成为我妻子的优雅女人相识。Pixar 制作了世界上第一个用电脑制作的动画电影——“”玩具总动员”,Pixar现在也是世界上最成功的电脑制作工作室。在后来的一系列运转中,Apple收购了NeXT, 然后我又回到了Apple公司。我们在NeXT发展的技术在Apple的复兴之中发挥了关键的作用。我还和Laurence 一起建立了一个幸福的家庭。
I'm pretty sure none of this would have happened if I hadn't been fired from Apple. It was awful tasting medicine, but I guess the patient needed it. Sometimes life hits you in the head with a brick. Don't lose faith. I'm convinced that the only thing that kept me going was that I loved what I did. You've got to find what you love. And that is as true for your work as it is for your lovers. Your work is going to fill a large part of your life, and the only way to be truly satisfied is to do what you believe is great work. And the only way to do great work is to love what you do. If you haven't found it yet, keep looking. Don't settle. As with all matters of the heart, you'll know when you find it. And, like any great relationship, it just gets better and better as the years roll on. So keep looking until you find it. Don't settle.
我可以非常肯定,如果我不被Apple开除的话, 这其中一件事情也不会发生的。这个良药的味道实在是太苦了,但是我想病人需要这个药。有些时候, 生活会拿起一块砖头向你的脑袋上猛拍一下。不要失去信心。我很清楚唯一使我一直走下去的,就是我做的事情令我无比钟爱。你需要去找到你所爱的东西。对于工作是如此, 对于你的爱人也是如此。你的工作将会占据生活中很大的一部分。你只有相信自己所做的是伟大的工作, 你才能怡然自得。如果你现在还没有找到, 那么继续找、不要停下来、全心全意的去找, 当你找到的时候你就会知道的。就像任何真诚的关系, 随着岁月的流逝只会越来越紧密。所以继续找,直到你找到它,不要停下来!
My third story is about death.
我的第三个故事是关于死亡的。
When I was 17, I read a quote that went something like: "If you live each day as if it was your last, someday you'll most certainly be right." It made an impression on me, and since then, for the past 33 years, I have looked in the mirror every morning and asked myself: "If today were the last day of my life, would I want to do what I am about to do today?" And whenever the answer has been "No" for too many days in a row, I know I need to change something.
当我十七岁的时候, 我读到了一句话:“如果你把每一天都当作生命中最后一天去生活的话,那么有一天你会发现你是正确的。”这句话给我留下了深刻的印象。从那时开始,过了33年,我在每天早晨都会对着镜子问自己:“如果今天是我生命中的最后一天, 你会不会完成你今天想做的事情呢?”当答案连续很多次被给予“不是”的时候, 我知道自己需要改变某些事情了。
Remembering that I'll be dead soon is the most important tool I've ever encountered to help me make the big choices in life. Because almost everything – all external expectations, all pride, all fear of embarrassment or failure - these things just fall away in the face of death, leaving only what is truly important. Remembering that you are going to die is the best way I know to avoid the trap of thinking you have something to lose. You are already naked. There is no reason not to follow your heart.
“记住你即将死去”是我一生中遇到的最重要箴言。它帮我指明了生命中重要的选择。因为几乎所有的事情, 包括所有的荣誉、所有的骄傲、所有对难堪和失败的恐惧,这些在死亡面前都会消失。我看到的是留下的真正重要的东西。你有时候会思考你将会失去某些东西,“记住你即将死去”是我知道的避免这些想法的最好办法。你已经赤身裸体了, 你没有理由不去跟随自己的心一起跳动。
About a year ago I was diagnosed with cancer. I had a scan at 7:30 in the morning, and it clearly showed a tumor on my pancreas. I didn't even know what a pancreas was. The doctors told me this was almost certainly a type of cancer that is incurable, and that I should expect to live no longer than three to six months. My doctor advised me to go home and get my affairs in order, which is doctor's code for prepare to die. It means to try to tell your kids everything you thought you'd have the next 10 years to tell them in just a few months. It means to make sure everything is buttoned up so that it will be as easy as possible for your family. It means to say your goodbyes.
大概一年以前, 我被诊断出癌症。我在早晨七点半做了一个检查, 检查清楚的显示在我的胰腺有一个肿瘤。我当时都不知道胰腺是什么东西。医生告诉我那很可能是一种无法治愈的癌症, 我还有三到六个月的时间活在这个世界上。我的医生叫我回家, 然后整理好我的一切, 那就是医生准备死亡的程序。那意味着你将要把未来十年对你小孩说的话在几个月里面说完.;那意味着把每件事情都搞定, 让你的家人会尽可能轻松的生活;那意味着你要说“再见了”。
I lived with that diagnosis all day. Later that evening I had a biopsy, where they stuck an endoscope down my throat, through my stomach and into my intestines, put a needle into my pancreas and got a few cells from the tumor. I was sedated, but my wife, who was there, told me that when they viewed the cells under a microscope the doctors started crying because it turned out to be a very rare form of pancreatic cancer that is curable with surgery. I had the surgery and I'm fine now.
我整天和那个诊断书一起生活。后来有一天早上我作了一个活切片检查,医生将一个内窥镜从我的喉咙伸进去,通过我的胃, 然后进入我的肠子, 用一根针在我的胰腺上的肿瘤上取了几个细胞。我当时很镇静,因为我被注射了镇定剂。但是我的妻子在那里, 后来告诉我,当医生在显微镜地下观察这些细胞的时候他们开始尖叫, 因为这些细胞最后竟然是一种非常罕见的可以用手术治愈的胰腺癌症。我做了这个手术, 现在我痊愈了。
This was the closest I've been to facing death, and I hope its the closest I get for a few more decades. Having lived through it, I can now say this to you with a bit more certainty than when death was a useful but purely intellectual concept:
那是我最接近死亡的时候, 我还希望这也是以后的几十年最接近的一次。从死亡线上又活了过来, 死亡对我来说,只是一个有用但是纯粹是知识上的概念的时候,我可以更肯定一点地对你们说:
No one wants to die. Even people who want to go to heaven don't want to die to get there. And yet death is the destination we all share. No one has ever escaped it. And that is as it should be, because Death is very likely the single best invention of Life. It is Life's change agent. It clears out the old to make way for the new. Right now the new is you, but someday not too long from now, you will gradually become the old and be cleared away. Sorry to be so dramatic, but it is quite true.
没有人愿意死, 即使人们想上天堂, 人们也不会为了去那里而死。但是死亡是我们每个人共同的终点。从来没有人能够逃脱它。也应该如此。 因为死亡就是生命中最好的一个发明。它将旧的清除以便给新的让路。你们现在是新的, 但是从现在开始不久以后, 你们将会逐渐的变成旧的然后被清除。我很抱歉这很戏剧性, 但是这十分的真实。
Your time is limited, so don't waste it living someone else's life. Don't be trapped by dogma - which is living with the results of other people's thinking. Don't let the noise of other's opinions drown out your own inner voice. And most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition. They somehow already know what you truly want to become. Everything else is secondary.
When I was young, there was an amazing publication called The Whole Earth Catalog, which was one of the bibles of my generation. It was created by a fellow named Stewart Brand not far from here in Menlo Park, and he brought it to life with his poetic touch. This was in the late 1960's, before personal computers and desktop publishing, so it was all made with typewriters, scissors, and polaroid cameras. It was sort of like Google in paperback form, 35 years before Google came along: it was idealistic, and overflowing with neat tools and great notion
Stewart and his team put out several issues of The Whole Earth Catalog, and then when it had run its course, they put out a final issue. It was the mid-1970s, and I was your age. On the back cover of their final issue was a photograph of an early morning country road, the kind you might find yourself hitchhiking on if you were so adventurous. Beneath it were the words: "Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish." It was their farewell message as they signed off. Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish. And I have always wished that for myself. And now, as you graduate to begin anew, I wish that for you.
Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish.
Thank you all very much.
乔布斯在斯坦福大学的演讲相关
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无论做什么事情,好的口才会提高事情的成功率。但是,你首先也要明白,培养好的口才没有速成的方法,不可以两三天就让你成为一个有口才的人。
第一,下定决心学好自己的口才并为之付出努力,你坚定的决心也会让你看起来比较自信。你在心里一定要跟自己说,我要学好口才,一定要学好口才,学好口才才能让事情进行得更顺利。
第二,先倾听,后诉说。你去看一些名人演讲或者听一些口才好的人说话,看一下他们是如何表达自己的,吸取他们的优点,看到适合你的,就用在自己的身上。任何口才好的人会成功都是以模仿为主,然后再加上自己创新的东西,形成自己的一种风格的。
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作为杰出的政治活动家,美国总统几乎都具有超群的智慧、坚强的意志和丰富的实践经验。从心理学角度加以考察,他们的特质可概括为五个共同的心理特征,从中我们将了解美国总统成功的秘诀。
在一个人的心理活动中,智力水平总是占据主要地位,成为一个人成功的必备素质。美国总统几乎个个智力超常,其智慧有时不被常人所理解,给人一种大智若愚的感觉。?
美国第9届总统威廉出生在一个小镇上,他是一个文静而怕羞的孩子,人们却把他看成一个傻瓜,常常喜欢捉弄他。他们经常把一枚5分和一枚1角的硬币摆在他面前,叫他随便捡一个,威廉总捡那个5分硬币,人们于是轰然大笑,纷纷嘲笑他。一位好心人问他:“难道你不知道1角要比5分值钱吗?”威廉悄悄地说:“当然知道。不过,如果我捡了那个1角硬币,他们就再也没兴趣扔钱给我了。”这就是大智若愚的真实写照。
深受美国人民爱戴的老罗斯福总统有许多生理缺陷:牙齿参差不齐,声音含糊不清……老罗斯福毫不气馁,针对自己的缺陷一一加以改正,如果实在不能改变,就巧妙地加以利用。他在演说中,巧妙地利用了他的沙声和暴露在外的牙齿,还利用他那打桩工人的姿势,使他的演说获得了成功。
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李敖(1935年4月25日—),男,字敖之 ,思想家,自由主义大师,国学大师,中国近代史学者,时事批评家,台湾作家,历史学家,诗人;台湾无党派人士,曾任台湾“立法委员”,2008年任满,宣布退出台湾政坛。以下是读文网小编整理了李敖暨南大学演讲:中国不能走美国发展道路,希望对你有帮助。
?李敖说
“我这辈子最大的功德就是拆穿了很多谎言。”
“经过那么多人帮我折腾,还能存活到现在,我的名誉很坚强。”
“有人说李敖喜欢捧自己。这个是很正常的,因为别人不捧我,我只好自己捧自己。”
“我不用电脑写书,我写书的场面是:笔不动,纸张动,像缝纫机一样,三个月就可以写一本,我希望一辈子都写下去。”
蓝色墨镜、暗红夹克,依然是人们熟悉的行头。“神州文化之旅”六年后,台湾知名作家李敖再次登上大陆高校讲台。受好友潘毓刚邀请,李敖昨日来到“百年暨南文化素质教育讲堂”,纵论辛亥革命与当前时局。
李敖暨南大学演讲:中国不能走美国发展道路
李敖暨大演讲的主题为“黄花岗第七十三烈士”。正式演讲前,李敖受聘担任暨南大学名誉教授。暨大校长胡军向其颁发名誉教授证书,还为他佩戴暨大校徽。此时,李敖像小学生一样双手贴着裤缝,直立着微微前倾,很“乖顺”地让胡军校长给他戴好校徽。
黄花岗有七十三烈士?
“黄花岗七十三烈士”是李敖新书的书名,这本书他只用了70多天就写完了,却是其50多年来的心愿。人们常说“黄花岗七十二烈士”,何来“第七十三烈士”?
李敖解释说,一般认为黄花岗起义的时间是从3月27日起义到4月3日清朝总督张鸣歧同意把起义者的尸体埋起来,但实际上起义的过程颇为复杂,例如有人直到4月7日才死去,还有的人死在了家里。
李敖考证,一名叫做莫纪彭的先锋队长起义后活了下来,最后来到了台湾,这段故事鲜为人知。
新书中的“第七十三烈士”是否指代某个人?李敖坦率地说,这是本小说,起这个题目是要让大家看这本书,“就是真真假假,有好几个人都是第七十三烈士。”
今年是辛亥革命100周年,李敖在演讲中对台湾青年的历史观念表示了担忧。“有媒体在街头采访学生,问什么是黄花岗七十二烈士,竟然有学生说是跟日本人打仗牺牲的。”
中国不可与美国“比阔”
在演讲现场,李敖拿出一张一美元纸币说,这里面有4毛1分钱是美国领土以外人的,因为美国在全世界发行的纸币比本土还多。金融海啸之后,美国借货币向世界输出困难,相当于6000个世贸中心大楼的价格。
他提醒说,中国切不可与美国“比阔”,不能走美国的发展道路。如果全世界都过上美国人的生活,那就需要三个地球的资源支撑,这样的发展道路是没有前途的。
对于大陆当前的发展情况,李敖评价说,经济和军事取得了显著成绩,但在“软实力”上仍有欠缺。他举例说,《时代》杂志曾用毛泽东作为封面,但用尼克松作封面的次数却高达64次。大陆的畅销书只有几十万本,而美国一个惊悚小说家就卖出一亿七千万本。
李敖在演讲中提出,某些情况下,政治上的眼光要超过个人利益。例如,还在一穷二白的时候,中国就下决心搞出原子弹。李敖说,美国也曾有过类似情况。19世纪,美国国务卿西沃德用720万美元买下151万平方公里的阿拉斯加,当时全美国人都在骂他,说是买下了一个“大冰柜”。而事实证明,这个选择如此英明。
内地有很多“假李敖”文章
“内地有很多李敖的假文章在网上流传,还有一本谈男女恋爱的书,这不是我写的。”李敖澄清。写过100多本书,却被查禁了96本,李敖说,这也算是一个世界纪录。
在演讲现场,李敖拿出台湾歌星邓丽君的照片,讲起一段往事。邓丽君去世时,台湾媒体曾报道说,天刚刚亮,一个人就去拜奠,这个人就是李敖。李敖澄清说,自己不认识邓丽君,也不参加任何婚丧喜事。追究消息
记者“围殴”
“李戡读北大是弃暗投明!”
昨日,台湾作家李敖在暨南大学的演讲吸引了众多媒体记者的目光,90分钟的演讲很难满足记者们的采访欲望,于是李敖在演讲后与数十位记者展开对话,一场“围殴”式混合采访由此展开。
最心仪的头衔是文学家
记者:近来多位作家与百度文库关于版权问题发生纠纷,您怎么看?
李敖:不要谈论版权问题吧,显得那么小气。
记者:但很多作家都很辛苦。
李敖:这是作家的宿命吧。
记者:您被冠以很多大师头衔,您自己怎么定位?
李敖:不是我这样宣传的,是人家这样称呼我。我心仪的头衔是文学家,但是人家不承认,我不甘心。
记者:您年轻的时候批评很锋利,现在有所改变,这跟年龄和环境有关吗?
李敖:都没有关系,跟对象有关系。我年轻的时候喜欢讲话,喜欢批评权威,现在都没有变,而是因为对象改变了,我的表现才改变。
记者:《论语》说,“七十而从心所欲不逾矩”,您已经年过七十,您觉得自己达到这种境界了吗?
李敖:我已经快八十岁了。“不逾矩”三个字删掉,“从心所欲”好了。
记者:您对大学生选择文史哲专业怎么看?现在社会比较注重实用。
李敖:我不太建议学文史,这几个专业一不小心就把人学笨了。
儿子李戡被北大“会商”
记者:您的儿子李戡在北京大学读书,现在北大在进行学业会商。您有没有注意到?
李敖:我看到了。李戡也在排名里,上网成性。
记者:那您有没有后悔把他送到北大去?
李敖:没有,没有。北大最讲究自由学风。
记者:您怎么看李戡北上读书的事情?
李敖:这个很好,弃暗投明嘛!
记者:您认为北京大学比台湾大学更自由开放吗?
李敖:我去北大演讲捐了130万台币,要给胡适先生捐个铜像。现在钱还在那里。但胡适著作全部可以看到。
记者:这大半年,李戡学习生活遇到了什么问题吗?
李敖:他说水不够用,这是自然环境问题。他的适应力还是很强的。
记者:李戡来大陆读书是他的意愿还是您的意愿?
李敖:我觉得你们可能高估了我对他的影响。
两岸找到辛亥“公约数”
记者:今年是辛亥革命百年,两岸的纪念活动都特别隆重。您觉得两岸的纪念目的有何异同?
李敖:纪念目的都是辛亥百年,这起码是个“公约数”。台湾用中华民国100年。大陆纪念辛亥革命百年而不是中华民国百年,这是“公约数”,台湾没话说。
记者:中国大陆已经是世界第二大经济体了,您对目前的发展道路和前景感到满意吗?
李敖:目前感到满意,在军事和经济力量方面做得很不错。
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安倍晋三出生于日本东京,1977年毕业于日本东京成蹊大学政治学系。1993年首次当选日本众议院议员。2006年9月26日,就任第90届日本首相,次年9月12日辞职。以下是读文网小编整理了安倍美国国会演讲全文,供你参考。
日本媒体称安倍晋三是“小泉的正统接班人”。从许多方面看,安倍晋三这位政坛后生都带
着小泉纯一郎的影子。他性格固执、言论强硬,从不对自己的鹰派立场含糊其辞,是小泉纯一郎参拜靖国神社的忠实拥护者,在各种场合均为小泉纯一郎辩护,自己也作为政治家多次参拜。安倍晋三执政理念与小泉纯一郎十分相近,与小泉纯一郎一样,安倍晋三主张强化日美同盟,主张修改日本和平宪法,加入日本拥有集体自卫权条款,推动日本走向所谓“正常国家”。日本政坛甚至称安倍晋三“比小泉还小泉”。
安倍在安全和外交上属“鹰派”,长期主张日本与美国深化同盟关系。安倍要求修改二战后制定的和平宪法,使日本成为“正常国家”。安倍担任首相期间,日本防卫厅正式升格为防卫省。不过,2012年9月26日安倍受访时说,日中关系极为重要,他出任首相后首次出访即选择中国;日本经济增长需要中国市场;同时日本对华投资促进中国就业;两国关系“切也切不断”。
中国驻英国大使刘晓明在英国《每日电讯报》发表文章批评日本首相安倍晋三参拜靖国神社时提及伏地魔。 刘晓明把日本军国主义比作幽灵,把靖国神社比作恶魔的化身。他写道:“如果把日本军国主义比作伏地魔,靖国神社无疑就是其魂器之一,代表这个国家灵魂最黑暗一面。
以上读文网小编分享了安倍美国国会演讲全文,你阅读了吗?
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2015年9月8日,日本自民党总裁选举公示,现任总裁安倍晋三是唯一候选人,“无投票”连任,任期3年。以下是读文网小编整理了安倍晋三美国国会演讲英文全文,供你参考。
日本媒体称安倍晋三是“小泉的正统接班人”。从许多方面看,安倍晋三这位政坛后生都带
着小泉纯一郎的影子。他性格固执、言论强硬,从不对自己的鹰派立场含糊其辞,是小泉纯一郎参拜靖国神社的忠实拥护者,在各种场合均为小泉纯一郎辩护,自己也作为政治家多次参拜。安倍晋三执政理念与小泉纯一郎十分相近,与小泉纯一郎一样,安倍晋三主张强化日美同盟,主张修改日本和平宪法,加入日本拥有集体自卫权条款,推动日本走向所谓“正常国家”。日本政坛甚至称安倍晋三“比小泉还小泉”。
安倍在安全和外交上属“鹰派”,长期主张日本与美国深化同盟关系。安倍要求修改二战后制定的和平宪法,使日本成为“正常国家”。安倍担任首相期间,日本防卫厅正式升格为防卫省。不过,2012年9月26日安倍受访时说,日中关系极为重要,他出任首相后首次出访即选择中国;日本经济增长需要中国市场;同时日本对华投资促进中国就业;两国关系“切也切不断”。
中国驻英国大使刘晓明在英国《每日电讯报》发表文章批评日本首相安倍晋三参拜靖国神社时提及伏地魔。 刘晓明把日本军国主义比作幽灵,把靖国神社比作恶魔的化身。他写道:“如果把日本军国主义比作伏地魔,靖国神社无疑就是其魂器之一,代表这个国家灵魂最黑暗一面。
以上读文网小编分享了安倍晋三美国国会演讲英文全文,你阅读了吗?
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美利坚合众国第一夫人(First Lady of the United States of America,缩写:FLOTUS),是美国白宫的女主人,通常是指现任美国总统的妻子。以下是读文网小编整理了美国第一夫人演讲稿中英文,供你参考。
因此,出国留学不只是以开心的方式度过一个学期——它正迅速成为全球化经济中取得成功的关键。因为要走在当今职场的前
谢谢。你好。很高兴也很荣幸来到这里,在这所伟大的大学和你们共聚一堂。非常感谢你们邀请我。
在我今天开始之前,代表我自己和我的丈夫,我想就马来西亚航空公司的MH370航班简短说两句。如我丈夫所说,美国正提供尽可能多的资源协助搜寻工作。请相信,在这个非常艰难的时刻,我们的心和航班上人员的家属和亲人在一起,我们为他们祈祷。
现在,我们首先来认识一下美国新任驻华大使——博卡斯大使。王校长、朱主席、李副校长、 Cuelluer主任、Jean Oi教授和斯坦福中心,纽约大学的塞克顿斯校长(该校在上海开设了一个优秀的海外留学项目),以及清华大学全球领袖项目主任约翰·桑顿 ,由衷地感谢大家的到来。
最重要的是,我要感谢今天所有到场的学生们......我要特别感谢埃里克·谢弗和朱宣皓的精彩英文和中文介绍。这绝佳地诠释了我今天要和大家聊的全部话题。
你们看,通过学习彼此的语言,通过展现对彼此文化的好奇心和尊重,谢弗先生、朱女士以及你们大家正在搭建理解的桥梁,这些桥梁带来更多的丰硕成果。我今天来到你们这里是因为我知道,我们的未来取决于全球像你们这样年轻人间的这样的联系。
这也是为什么我们夫妇在国外访问时,不只参观宫殿、议会和会晤国家元首。我们也来到学校,与像你们一样的学生见面。因为我们相信,国与国之间的关系不只是政府或领导人之间的关系,它们是人民间―特别是年轻人之间的关系。因此,我们认为海外留学项目不只是为学生提供的教育机会,还是美国外交政策至关重要的组成部分。
通过现代技术奇迹,我们的世界比以往任何时候都更多地联系在一起。思想可以通过点击按钮跨越海洋。全球各地的公司可以进行业务往来和相互竟争。我们可以与各大洲的人们通过短信、电子邮件和Skype进行沟通。
沿,只在学校里取得好成绩是不够的,还应拥有国境外的真实体验:体验完全不同的语言、文化和社会。正如中国的一句古话所说:“读万卷书,不如行万里路。”
我想要说的是,出国留学绝不仅是改善你们自己的未来,它也关乎塑造你们的国家、关乎我们共有的世界的未来。因为我们这个时代的决定性挑战一一无论是气侯变化、经济机遇,还是核武器扩散一一这些都是我们共同的挑战。没有任何一个国家能够单独应对它们……唯一的出路就是共同携手。
这就是为什么年轻人到彼此国家学习和生活是如此重要。因为这是你们培养合作习惯的途径一一你们通过融入不同的文化,通过了解彼此的故事,通过跨越常常隔膜我们的成见和误解,来做到这一点。
这是你们了解到我们共享多少东西的途径。这是你们认识到我们的成功惠及彼此的途径。在北京发现的治序方法可以挽救在美国的生命,来自加州硅谷的清洁能源技术可以改善中国的环境,西安一座古老寺庙的架构可激发达拉斯或者底特律新建筑设计的灵感。
这是你们与同学、实验伙伴建立起的联系能带来更多收获的时候。阿比盖尔·柯普林成为北京大学美国富布赖特学者的时候,她与同事们在首屈一指的科学杂志上共同发表论文,建立研究伙伴关系,这段关系在他们各自回国后还长久持续着。 来自北京大学的牛可教授是去年的美国富布赖特学者。我引述下他的话,“最难忘的经历是和我的美国朋友们在一起。”
这些长久的纽带代表留学的真正价值,我很兴奋,越来越多的学生正得到这样的机会。中国目前是美国人留学的第五大热门目的地。今天的美国,来自中国的交换生数量最多。
尽管如此,太多的学生从来没有这样的机会,而一些有机会的学生则犹豫是否要抓住它。 他们可能觉得留学只是有钱的学生或来自某类大学的学生的事。或者,他们可能心里想,“嗯,这听起来很有趣,但它在我的生活中真正有多大用处?” 我理解这些年轻人,因为我在上大学时也有同样的感受。
你们知道,我来自一个工薪阶层家庭,我甚至从来没想过留学。我的父母没有上过大学,我将精力集中在进入大学并获得学位,这样我就可以得到一份工作并养活自己、帮助家人。对于很多像我一样靠奋斗才能读得起一个常规学期的年轻人来说,支付世界另一边的机票或生活费实在是不可能的。这是不可接受的,因为留学不应仅属于有一些背景的学生。
我们希望在所有种族和社会经济背景的人之间建立联系,因为正是这样的多样性让我们的国家如此充满活力和强大……我们的海外留学项目应向世界反映美国的真正精神。
这就是为什么在2009年我的丈夫访问中国时,宣布了我们的10万项倡议,该倡议旨在增加留学中国的美国学生的数量和多样性。而今年,在我们纪念中美两国关系正常化三十五周年之际,美国政府实际上支持更多的美国学生在中国学习。
我们正将高中生、大学生和研究生送到这里来学习中文,我们正邀请中国老师到美国的高校教授普通话,我们为希望留学美国的中国学生提供免费的在线咨询。美中富布赖特项目仍在加强,现有3000多名学友。
私人部门也在加紧工作。例如,美国黑石公司的主管斯蒂夫·施瓦茨曼正在资助清华大学模仿罗德奖学全的一个新项目。今天,来自不同背景的学生正在中国学习。
以来自俄亥俄州克利夫兰的罗亚尔为例,她参加了纽约大学在上海的项目。像我一样,罗亚尔是家里的第一代大学生。她母亲做两份全职工作,而她父亲晚上工作以维持他们的家庭。谈到她在上海的经历时,她说:“这座城市充满韧性,它激励我完成所有我能做的事。” 对了,罗亚尔,我祝你生日快乐。昨天正好是她的生日。
还有来自华盛顿大学的腓力门·海尔,他还是孩
子的时候,他的家人作为厄立特里亚难民来到了美国。谈到他在中国学习的经历时,他说:“在我们进入公民外交的新时代之际,留学是人民间交流的一种强大工具。”
“一个公民外交的新时代”一一我想不出比这更好的说法了,因为这正是我正在谈的,那就是普通公民走向世界。正如我经常对美国年轻认说的那样,你不需要登上飞机才能成为公民外交官。我告诉他们,如果你在家里、学校或者图书馆能上网,只要几秒钟,你就可以被带到世界任何地方,遇见来自每个大陆的人。
这就是为什么我每天都要发一篇旅行博文,里面有我这次中国之行的视频和照片,因为我希望美国的年轻人能成为这次访问的一部分。这确实是技术的力量——它打开整个世界,让我们接触到以前根本难以想象的思想和创新。
这也是为什么信息和思想在互联网上、并通过媒体自由流动是如此重要。因为那是我们发现真理的途径,那使我们得以了解我们的社群、我们的国家和我们的世界到底在发生着什么。那也是我们何以决定哪些价值观和思想是最好的——通过有力地对它们提出疑问,进行辩论,倾听各方观点,并做出自己的判断。
相信我,我知道这是一个令人困惑而沮丧的过程。有大量来自我们媒体和公民的质疑和批评,而我丈夫和我位于接收端。这并非易事,但我们认为它的重要无可取代。因为我们一次又一次地看到,当所有公民的声音和观点都能得到倾听之时,国家会变得更加强大和繁荣。
正像我的丈夫曾说过的,我们尊重其他文化和社会的独特性。然而,就自由地表达自我、选择自己所崇拜的东西、以及享有信息公开而言——我们相信那是地球上每个人与生俱来的权利。我们相信,所有人都应享有实现自己最大潜能的机会,正如我在美国所能做到的那样。
同时,当你在中国这里以及在美国了解新的文化、结交新的朋友之时,你整个人就是那些价值观的鲜活代表。所以我保证,通过出国留学,你们不仅在改变自己的人生,也在改变你所遇到的每个人的人生。
正像伟大的美国总统约翰·肯尼迪谈到留学美国的外国学生时说的那样,“我想他们所教的比他们学到的还要多。”而对出国学习的年轻美国人来说也是一样的。对世界而言,你们所有人都是最好的美国面孔,和最好的中国面孔。
每一天,你们都在向世界展示你们国家的能量、创造力、乐观,以及对未来坚定不移的信念。每一天,你们都在提醒我们,通过跨越国界,学会在彼此身上看到我们自己,和用共同的决心应对我们共同的挑战。
所以,我希望你们都会不断寻求这样的经历。我希望你们能继续受益于彼此,互相学习,同时建立起友谊的纽带,而这些纽带能在未来数十年丰富你们的生活,也丰富我们的世界。
你们大家都有这么多可以给予世界,我热切期待着你们未来的成就。
非常感谢。谢谢。
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理查德·米尔豪斯·尼克松是一位美国政治家,也是该国历史上第一位在任期内辞职的总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇尼克松的辞职演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
晚上好。 这是我第 37 次在白宫发表演讲,正是在这里,产生了很多决定我们 国家历史的关键决策。 每一次我站在这里,都是为了与各位讨论事关国家利益的 重要问题。而我相信,在我任期内所做出的任何决定都竭力于更好地服务国家。我一直把 “坚持” 作为自己的职责,我 要尽全力走完人民赋予我的总统任期。
然而在过去的几天中, 我发现在国会中已经得不到坚实的政治基础来证明 我的这种坚持的必要性。这个基础如果存在,我坚持认为,通过宪法程序来获得 最终结果是非常必要的, 否则就是对精心设计的宪法精神的背叛,并且开启了一 个对未来极有危害的先例。 但是由于没有了基础,我认为,宪政的目标已经被实现,因此,没有理由让 这个程序继续下去。 我原本选择不论将面对怎样的痛苦都要继续走下去, 而我的家庭也一致支 持我这样的选择。 然而国家的利益永远高于个人的利益。
通过我和国会以及其他 领袖的讨论, ,我可能不再会赢得国会的必要的支持,没有 这些支持,我无法继续为国家履行自己的职责以及做出有利于国家的决定。 然而,我从来都不是一个半途而废的人. 在任期结束之前离开白宫, 这完全有悖于我的行事准则。但作为总统, 我必 须永远把美国的利益置于首位。
美国需要一个全心全意的总统,和同样全心全意的国会,尤其是在这样一个 当国内和国外都面临着挑战的关键时候。 如果继续我个人辩护将占去总统和国会未来几个月几乎所有的时间, 而这时 我们应该做的却是致力于世界和平及?有通货膨胀的国家繁荣。 因此,我愿意辞职, 并将于明天中午生效。 副总统福特届时将成为总统。 当我回想起美国人民在我第二个任期之初给予 我的高期望时, 我很难过我不能继续在未来的两年半里,去实现人民给予我的这 些厚望。不过将政府权力交予副总统福特,正如当我提名他时对大家所说的:美 国的权力已交付给了值得信赖的人。
在将权力转移给副总统的同时,我深感明天他将要负起的重大的责任,因此 我理解他需要所有人的合作。 当他承担了这份责任,他也应受到所有人的帮助和 配合。 展望未来, 我们要走出第一步就是要修复我们国家所经受的创伤,将那些 痛苦和分歧抛之脑后, 重新发现那些根植于我们内心的的共同理想,重新强调我 们作为伟大的和自由的人的团结。 通过这些努力,我希望可以加速美国所急需的愈合的进程。在这个进程中, 我对任何因这个决策所可能产生的伤害感到最深切的遗憾。
我会说, 即使我有时 做出的决定和判断是错的——而一部分的确是错的——也是我相信在当时它们 是最有利于我们国家的决定. 对于那些在过去艰难的几个月中始终伴随着我的人们,我的家人、朋友和那 些因为相信我是正确的而相信我的人们,我将会永远感激你们的支持。 而对于那些没有给予我支持的人,我并不会以恶言恶语相待,因为我相信我 们的判断都是为了我们的国家,不论我们的判断有怎样的区别。 无论如何, 现在就让我们团结起来为共同的目标,和我们的新总统一起带领 美国进步。
我虽然因为没有完成任期而带着遗憾离开总统的职位, 但是更因为有幸作为 总统服务了五年半而感到自豪和欣喜。 这五年半对于我们的国家和世界都有着重 要的意义。 这些年我们有着让我们引以为豪的在政府、国会和人民共同努力下的 伟大成就。但是五年半之后我们将面临的挑战也同样巨大,也同样需要人民、国 会和政府的全力合作和努力。
五年半中, 我们结束了美国最长的战争。但是维持世界持久和平的任务甚至 更加遥远和崎岖。因此,我们这代美国人要努力构建一个和平的世界秩序,被全 世界人们传诵:因为我们不仅结束了一场战争,更防止了未来战争发生的可能。 五年半中,我们敲开了一扇隔离美中之间 25 余年的大门,我们必须确保占 世界人口四分之一的中国人民是我们的朋友,而非我们的敌人。 在中东地区,有 100 万的人口生活在阿拉伯国家,而 20 年来其中的许多人 都把美国视为他们的敌人。
我们必须继续建立与中东地区的友好关系,才能使和 平降落在中东地区, 避免使文明的摇篮变为文明的坟墓。 另一方面, 与苏联合作, 我们在限制核武器进程上取得了重大突破。但是,我们必须明确我们的目标,对 于核武器, 不应单单是限制, 更应是不断削减直至最终完全取缔这些恐怖的武器。 这样才能使核武器不再威胁世界和人类。与此同时,我们与苏联的外交也打 开了新局面, 我们仍必须继续发展和拓广美苏之间的关系,因而世界上两个最强 大的国家才能够相互合作而不再是充满冲突。放眼世界,在亚洲、非洲、拉丁美 洲、 中东地区, 还有成千上万的人们在贫困和饥饿中挣扎。我们必须用以和平为 目的的生产取代以战争为目的的生产, 才能让这个地球上的所有人对享有有尊严 的生活燃起希望, 即使这只是在我们儿辈而不是我们自己身上实现。在这里,美 国,我们应该感到幸运,因为我们不仅可以受到自由平等的沐浴,更有可以体面 的生活,甚至按照世界标准来说是富足的生活。 但是我们仍需继续努力,向着一个更高的目标——不仅仅是为每个美国人提 供更好的工作和机会,更要拒绝通货膨胀的美国经济。 在我二十多年的政治生活中,今晚都?是一个重大的里程碑。
我为了自己的信仰奋战, 我尽了我最大的努力完成我的义务。 有时我成功了, 有时我也面临着失败, 但是无论如何,我都一直谨记着西奥多罗斯福对战场上武 士的评价:这些武士的面孔都混合着血泪和泥土;他们都英勇地活着;一遍一遍 遭遇坎坷和错误,因为没有努力不包含错误;但是他们依然不畏失误,尽力去实 践; 他们懂得激情和付出, 并把自己的生命奉献于有意义的事业; 因为他们知道, 成功迎来的就将是无与伦比的高度,即使面临失败,也意味着他们有伟大的尝试 的勇气。 今晚我向你们各位保证,只要我呼吸尚存,我就会继续秉承这样的信仰。
我将会继续为我的信仰奋斗,不论我是一个众议员、参议员、副总统又或者总统, 这个信仰一直未变,就是对于和平、繁荣、公正和机遇的愿景,这不仅是对于美 国,更是对于全世界。 在所有目标中, 这个信仰是我矢志不渝投入的,并且我将会为之奉献我的一 生。 当我五年前第一次看见总统宣言的时候,我许下了这个庄严神圣的承诺:把 我的任期、我的能量和我所有的智慧致力于和平事业。对于这个承诺,我已经尽 了我最大的努力。 我自信, 这些努力带来的是一个不仅对于美国人民而是对于世 界来说的更加和平的环境, 可以让更多孩子可以有更好的生活的条件而不是面临 着战争中的死亡。
这愿望超越了所有, 是我在我总统任期内最渴望达成的。 这愿望超越了所有, 是我最希望在我辞职之后给予你们的。 就任总统意味着跟每个美国人建立起亲密的关系。 而离开它,我有一个祈祷: 在有未来的日子里,愿上帝的恩典与你同在。
看了“"美国总统尼克松辞职演讲稿"”
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美国911事件之后服役的三分之一退伍军人认为伊拉克和阿富汗战争不值得打,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战英文演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
And I tried hard to be proud of my service but all I could feel was shame.
The racism could no longer mask the reality of the occupation. These were people, these were human beings. I’ve since been claimed by guilt anytime I see an elderly man like the one who couldn’t walk and we rolled out on a stretcher and told the Iraqi police to take him away.
I feel guilt anytime I see a mother with her children like the one who cried hysterically and screamed that we were worst than Saddam as we forced her from her home.
I feel guilt anytime I see a young girl, like the one I grabbed by the arm, and dragged into the street. We are told we are fighting terrorists; the real terrorist was me and the real terrorism is this occupation. Racism within the military has long been an important tool to justify the destruction and occupation of another country.
It’s long been used to justify the killing, subjugation and torture of another people. Racism is a vital weapon employed by this government. It’s a more important weapon than a rifle, a tank, a bomber or a battleship. It’s more destructive than an artillery shell or a bunker buster, or a Tomahawk missile.
While those weapons are created and owned by this government, they are harmless without people willing to use them. Those who send us to war do not have to pull a trigger or lob a mortar round. They do not have to fight the war, they merely have to sell the war.
They need a public who is willing to send their soldiers into harm’s way. They need soldiers who are willing to kill and be killed without question. They can spend millions on a single bomb, but that bomb only becomes a weapon when the ranks in the military are willing to follow orders to use it. They can send every last soldier anywhere on Earth, but there’ll only be a war, if soldiers are willing to fight.
And the ruling class, the billionaires who profit from human suffering care only about expending their wealth, controlling the world economy. Understand that their power lies only in their ability to convince us that war, oppression and exploitation is in our interest. They understand that their wealth is dependent on their ability to convince the working class to die to control the market of another country.
And, convincing us to kill and die is based on their ability to make us think that we are somehow superior. Soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen, have nothing to gain from this occupation. The vast majority of people living in the U.S. have nothing to gain from this occupation.
In fact, not only do we have nothing to gain, but we suffer more because of it. We lose limbs, endure trauma and give our lives. Our families have to watch flag draped coffins roll into the earth. Millions in this country without health care, jobs or access to education, just watch as this government squander over 450 million dollars a day on this occupation.
Poor and working people in this country are sent to kill poor and working people in other country to make the rich richer. Without racism soldiers would realize that they have more in common with the Iraqi people than they do with the billionaires who send us to war.
I threw families onto the street in Iraq only to come home and find families thrown onto the street in this country and this tragic, tragic and unnecessary foreclosure crisis. We need to wake up and realize that our real enemies are not in some distant land and not people whose names we don’t know and cultures we don’t understand. The enemy is people we know very well and people we can identify.
The enemy is a system that wages war when it’s profitable. The enemy is the CEOs who lay us off our jobs when it’s profitable, is the insurance companies who deny us health care when it’s profitable, is the banks who take away our homes when it’s profitable.
Our enemy is not five thousands miles away, they are right here at home. If we organize and fight with our sisters and brothers we can stop this war, we can stop this government and we can create a better world.
“If tyranny and oppression come to this land, it will be in the guise of fighting a foreign enemy… The loss of Liberty at home is to be charged to the provisions against danger real or imagined from abroad…”
看了“"美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战演讲稿英文"”
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即便是口齿正常的国家领袖,想要在演说中挥洒自如也绝非是一件易事,因为你在对一个国家的人喊话。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国总统们的演讲技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
上文提到罗斯福非常妒忌丘吉尔的演说稿,结果发现那是首相大人自己写的。但像丘吉尔这种勤于写作的领袖真的比较少,多数演说稿还是由人代笔完成的,一篇看似不长的演说稿,其实对写稿人来说就是一项非常的折磨,对各种政治因素的考虑和博弈,一遍遍谨慎的审视和修改,完全就是一件体力活。
1987年,柏林建城750周年,美国总统里根要去发表演说,撰写演说稿的任务就落在了彼得·罗宾逊头上,写点什么呢?
当时的柏林,是东德的首都,柏林墙还屹立在那里,所以东德的外交官首先告诉彼得,不要写猛烈抨击柏林墙的话,不要骂苏联。但是彼得在东德逗留的短短时间内,从身边的人口中只体会到了一种最为强烈的情绪,那就是要求拆掉柏林墙。
于是,彼得开始动笔:“戈尔巴乔夫先生,拆掉这堵墙吧。”因为是对东德人演说,所以他故意用了德语的“先生”一词,思来想去,他又把“拆掉”改成了“推倒”。结果,这篇演说稿在白宫的新闻主管那里被撕成了碎片,他对彼得咆哮道:“一无是处!”
彼得只好又闷头修改,“推倒”又被改成了“拆掉”。最后,这篇演说稿得到了里根总统的首肯,他很喜欢。彼得听了总统的赞许,心情自然很好,可是厄运接踵而至,美国国务院和国家安全委员会看过演说稿之后,简直是暴跳如雷,他们认为那句“拆掉这堵墙吧”简直就是一句天真的玩笑,是明摆着和苏联搞对抗,这种想法出现在总统演说中实在是过于幼稚了。连当时的美国国务卿舒尔茨都觉得,这样的话出现在里根总统的演说中,简直就是对苏联领导人戈尔巴乔夫的冒犯和无礼。
结果,那堵墙没拆,那句话就首先被删掉了,填上了不温不火的一句期待:总有一天,这堵丑陋的墙是会消失的。彼得盯着这句话有点窝火,总有一天会实现,这不是苏联人最爱说的话么?
等里根飞到意大利的时候,这篇演说稿再一次被拿出来讨论,白宫新闻主管把各方的意见都说了一遍,里根自己读了一遍,尤其是“拆掉这堵墙吧”那一段,他笑着说:“留下吧。”等他的飞机抵达柏林时,那些反对派还是不死心,大清早就拿着演说稿再次找到里根,想删除那句话。在前往勃兰登堡门的汽车上,里根对新闻主管说,他必须要讲出那句话,还开玩笑说:“国务院那些家伙肯定会杀了我。”
结果,演说的效果异常地好,曾经坚持要删掉那句话的美国国务卿舒尔茨甚至找到写稿人彼得说:“你是对的!”2年之后,柏林墙被拆除。
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胡锦涛中国共产党党员。中国共产党、中华人民共和国领导人,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇胡锦涛在美国耶鲁大学的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
尊敬的理查德·莱文校长,同学们,老师们,女士们,先生们:
首先,我感谢莱文校长的邀请,使我有机会来到世界著名学府耶鲁大学,同青年朋友和老师们相聚在一起。
进入耶鲁大学的校园,看到莘莘学子青春洋溢的脸庞,呼吸着书香浓郁的空气,我不由回想起40年前在北京清华大学度过的美好时光。学生时代,对人的一生都会产生重要影响。当年老师们对我的教诲,同学们给我的启发,我至今仍受用不尽。
耶鲁大学以悠久的发展历史、独特的办学风格、卓著的学术成就闻名于世。如果时光能够倒流几十年,我真希望成为你们中的一员。
耶鲁大学校训强调追求光明和真理,这符合人类进步的法则,也符合每个有志青年的心愿。300多年来,耶鲁大学培养出一大批杰出人才,其中包括20位诺贝尔奖获得者、5位美国总统。美国民族英雄内森·黑尔是耶鲁校友,他的名言――“我唯一的憾事,就是没有第二次生命献给我的祖国”,深深感染了我和许多中国人。我衷心祝愿贵校培养出更多英才,为美国经济社会发展、为人类进步事业作出更大贡献!
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
长期以来,中美两国人民一直相互抱有浓厚的兴趣和友好的感情。中国人民欣赏美国人民的开拓进取精神,钦佩美国人民在建设国家中取得的骄人业绩。随着中国的快速发展和中美合作的不断拓展,越来越多的美国人也把目光投向中国,更加关注中国的发展进步。
了解是信任的基础。今天,我愿从中华文明历史流变和现实发展的角度,谈谈当代中国的发展战略和前进方向,希望有助于美国人民更全面、更深入地了解中国。
在5000多年的历史长河中,中华民族为人类文明进步作出了巨大贡献,同时也走过了曲折艰辛的道路。特别是从1840年鸦片战争以来的160多年间,中国人民为摆脱积贫积弱的境遇,实现民族复兴,前仆后继,顽强斗争,使中华民族的命运发生了深刻变化。95年前,中国人民通过辛亥革命推翻了统治中国几千年的君主专制制度,为中国的进步打开了闸门。57年前,中国人民经过长期浴血奋斗实现了民族独立和人民解放,建立了人民当家作主的新中国。28年前,中国人民开始了改革开放和现代化建设的伟大历史进程,经过艰苦创业取得了举世瞩目的巨大成就,从1978年到2005年,中国国内生产总值从1473亿美元增长到22257亿美元,进出口总额从206亿美元增长到14221亿美元,国家外汇储备从1.67亿美元增加到8189亿美元,农村贫困人口由2.5亿人减少到2300多万人。回顾这160多年来中国发生的沧桑巨变,可以说,中国人民经过艰苦探索和顽强奋斗,既改变了自己的命运,也推动了人类进步事业。
必须看到,中国尽管取得了巨大的发展成就,但仍是世界上最大的发展中国家,人均国内生产总值仍排在世界100名之后,中国人民的生活还不富裕,中国的发展还面临着不少突出的矛盾和问题。要彻底改变中国的面貌和改善中国人民的生活,需要继续持之以恒地艰苦奋斗。中国将在未来15年集中力量全面建设惠及十几亿人口的更高水平的小康社会。具体来说,就是要使中国国内生产总值到2020年达到40000亿美元左右,人均达到3000美元左右,使经济更加发展、民主更加健全、科教更加进步、文化更加繁荣、社会更加和谐、人民生活更加殷实。
为了实现我们的发展目标,中国根据本国国情和时代要求明确了自己的发展理念,这就是树立和贯彻以人为本、全面协调可持续发展的科学发展观,统筹城乡发展、统筹区域发展、统筹经济社会发展、统筹人与自然和谐发展、统筹国内发展和对外开放,更加注重解决民生问题,更加注重克服发展的不平衡性,更加注重解决发展中存在的突出矛盾,致力于走科技含量高、经济效益好、资源消耗低、环境污染少、人力资源优势得到充分发挥的新型工业化道路,推进经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设协调发展,努力实现生产发展、生活富裕、生态良好的文明发展格局。
科学发展的理念,是在总结中国现代化建设经验、顺应时代潮流的基础上提出来的,也是在继承中华民族优秀文化传统的基础上提出来的。
中华文明是世界古代文明中始终没有中断、连续5000多年发展至今的文明。中华民族在漫长历史发展中形成的独具特色的文化传统,深深影响了古代中国,也深深影响着当代中国。现时代中国强调的以人为本、与时俱进、社会和谐、和平发展,既有着中华文明的深厚根基,又体现了时代发展的进步精神。
――中华文明历来注重以民为本,尊重人的尊严和价值。早在千百年前,中国人就提出“民惟邦本,本固邦宁”、“天地之间,莫贵于人”,强调要利民、裕民、养民、惠民。今天,我们坚持以人为本,就是要坚持发展为了人民、发展依靠人民、发展成果由人民共享,关注人的价值、权益和自由,关注人的生活质量、发展潜能和幸福指数,最终是为了实现人的全面发展。保障人民的生存权和发展权仍是中国的首要任务。我们将大力推动经济社会发展,依法保障人民享有自由、民主和人权,实现社会公平和正义,使13亿中国人民过上幸福生活。
――中华文明历来注重自强不息,不断革故鼎新。“天行健,君子以自强不息。”这是中国的一句千年传世格言。中华民族所以能在5000多年的历史进程中生生不息、发展壮大,历经挫折而不屈,屡遭坎坷而不馁,靠的就是这样一种发愤图强、坚忍不拔、与时俱进的精神。中国人民在改革开放中表现出来的进取精神,在建设国家中焕发出来的创造热情,在克服前进道路上的各种困难中表现出来的顽强毅力,正是这种自强不息精神的生动写照。
――中华文明历来注重社会和谐,强调团结互助。中国人早就提出了“和为贵”的思想,追求天人和谐、人际和谐、身心和谐,向往“人人相亲,人人平等,天下为公”的理想社会。今天,中国提出构建和谐社会,就是要建设一个民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处的社会,实现物质和精神、民主和法治、公平和效率、活力和秩序的有机统一。中国人民把维护民族团结作为自己义不容辞的职责,把维护国家主权和领土完整作为自己至高无上的使命。一切有利于民族团结和国家统一的行为,都会得到中国人民真诚的欢迎和拥护。一切有损于民族团结和国家统一的举动,都会遭到中国人民强烈的反对和抗争。
――中华文明历来注重亲仁善邻,讲求和睦相处。中华民族历来爱好和平。中国人在对外关系中始终秉承“强不执弱”、“富不侮贫”的精神,主张“协和万邦”。中国人提倡“海纳百川,有容乃大”,主张吸纳百家优长、兼集八方精义。今天,中国高举和平、发展、合作的旗帜,奉行独立自主的和平外交政策,坚定不移地走和平发展道路,既通过维护世界和平来发展自己,又通过自身的发展来促进世界和平。中国坚持实施互利共赢的对外开放战略,真诚愿意同各国广泛开展合作,真诚愿意兼收并蓄、博采各种文明之长,以合作谋和平、以合作促发展,推动建设一个持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
中美都拥有辽阔的国土,都是多个民族并存、多种文化融合的国家,都生活着勤劳智慧的人民。中美因不同的历史背景和现实国情而存在着差异,这有利于我们相互借鉴,取长补短。中美加强合作,符合两国和两国人民的根本利益,对世界的和平与发展也具有重大影响。
200多年来,浩瀚的太平洋并未阻断中美两国人民的交流合作,中美两国人民相互学习、相互帮助,谱写了世界不同文明相互借鉴的美好篇章。1979年中美建交27年来,两国关系曾历经曲折,但总体上保持了稳定发展的大方向,给两国和两国人民带来了巨大利益。
进入21世纪,国际形势继续深刻变化。和平与发展仍然是当今时代的主题,但不稳定不确定因素在增多,新挑战新威胁在增加。在新的国际形势下,中美两国共同利益在增多,合作领域在扩大。世界和平与安全面临的新课题,特别是反对国际恐怖主义、防止大规模杀伤性武器扩散、保护人类生存环境、打击跨国犯罪等,使我们两国拥有重要的共同战略利益。中国的巨大市场和发展需求,美国的先进科技和优质产品,使两国具有巨大的经济技术合作空间。中美全面发展建设性合作关系前景广阔。
昨天上午,我同布什总统就中美关系及共同关心的重大国际和地区问题深入交换看法,达成了许多重要共识。我们都认为,双方应该坚持从战略高度和长远角度审视和处理中美关系,加强对话,扩大共识,增进互信,深化合作,全面推进21世纪中美建设性合作关系。
我相信,只要我们从中美关系发展的大局出发,彼此尊重,相互理解,两国关系就能够健康稳定地向前发展,给两国人民带来更多利益,给世界各国人民带来更大希望。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
一个音符无法表达出优美的旋律,一种颜色难以描绘出多彩的画卷。世界是一座丰富多彩的艺术殿堂,各国人民创造的独特文化都是这座殿堂里的瑰宝。一个民族的文化,往往凝聚着这个民族对世界和生命的历史认知和现实感受,也往往积淀着这个民族最深层的精神追求和行为准则。人类历史发展的过程,就是各种文明不断交流、融合、创新的过程。人类历史上各种文明都以各自的独特方式为人类进步作出了贡献。
文明多样性是人类社会的客观现实,是当今世界的基本特征,也是人类进步的重要动力。历史经验表明,在人类文明交流的过程中,不仅需要克服自然的屏障和隔阂,而且需要超越思想的障碍和束缚,更需要克服形形色色的偏见和误解。意识形态、社会制度、发展模式的差异不应成为人类文明交流的障碍,更不能成为相互对抗的理由。我们应该积极维护世界多样性,推动不同文明的对话和交融,相互借鉴而不是相互排斥,使人类更加和睦幸福,让世界更加丰富多彩。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
文化、教育和青年交流是中美两国人民增进相互了解和友谊的重要桥梁,也是推动中美关系健康稳定发展的重要力量。耶鲁大学是中美教育合作的先行者和文化交流的重要平台。156年前,一位名叫容闳的中国青年走进了耶鲁大学校园,4年后他以优异的成绩获得了文学士学位,成为毕业于美国大学的第一个中国留学生。此后,一批又一批中国青年来到耶鲁大学求学。近20年来,耶鲁大学吸引了4000多名中国留学人员,同中国文化界、科技界、教育界的合作项目超过80个。去年夏天,耶鲁大学派遣首批学生到中国实习,其中一些人成为中国故宫博物院的第一批外国实习生。借此机会,我对莱文校长和耶鲁大学为增进中美两国人民的交流所做的积极努力表示赞赏。
为增进中美两国青年以及教育界的相互了解,我高兴地宣布,中方决定邀请100名耶鲁大学师生今年夏天访问中国。我相信,你们的访问将是一次十分愉快的经历。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
“长江后浪推前浪,世上新人换旧人。”青年人是世界的希望和未来,青年人有着蓬勃向上的生命活力和无穷的创造力。我衷心希望,中美两国青年携起手来,以实际行动促进中美两国人民友好,同世界各国人民一道,共创世界美好的明天。
谢谢各位。
看了“"胡锦涛在美国耶鲁大学的演讲"”
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王毅是经济学硕士、国际关系学博士,中华人民共和国外交部部长、党委副书记,中国共产党十八届中央委员,中央外事工作领导小组成员,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇2016年王毅在美国智库的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
很高兴有机会与各位专家学者进行交流。我今天演讲的题目是“发展中的中国和中国外交”。
中国最大的发展变化就是改革开放以来保持了30多年的两位数增长,在世界上创造了“中国奇迹”。我们不仅成为了世界第二大经济体,还让6亿多人口成功脱贫,成为实现联合国千年发展目标的最佳实践。
同时我们非常清醒地意识到,以往的发展模式已经不能持续。无论是从中国人民的长远利益出发,还是从世界的可持续发展考虑,都必须转变我们的发展模式。所以中国毅然决然地做出了决定,那就是以壮士断腕的决心推进结构性改革,走出一条节能、环保、绿色、循环和可持续的发展新路。
我要告诉各位的是,我们已经取得了明显进展。去年,中国第三产业的比重已经超过了50%,环境污染正在得到有效管控。消费对经济增长的拉动快速上升,去年消费对中国经济增长的贡献率已经达到66%。也就是说,在投资、出口和消费三驾马车当中,消费第一次成为最重要的动力。这是一个健康和可持续的变化趋势。当然,由于我们不再依靠大规模投资,经济增长速度有所下降。但尽管如此,我们去年仍然在10万亿美元的巨大基数上实现了6.9%的中高速增长,这其中增长的每个百分点都相当于10年前的2.6个百分点。中国,仍是全球最重要的发展引擎。
最近一段时间,中国经济确实面临一些下行压力,这与国际经济环境的变化密切相关,因为中国已是一个高度开放的经济体。我们听到了一些对中国经济前景的担忧,但我要非常明确地告诉各位,中国经济不会硬着陆,中国开放的大门不会关上,中国改革的步伐不会停止。
改革和开放是中国实现经济发展奇迹的两大重要法宝,已经成为了我们的基本国策。继续改革,继续开放,是中国全党全国的共识。中国经济将会在更加健康、更有效率的基础上保持长时期的中高速增长,并迈向中高端水平。
这个自信来自于何处?我并不是经济专家,我在这里只想告诉大家中国经济具有的三个重要优势和潜力。
第一个优势是中国的巨大市场潜力。昨天在美国国会,有几个议员对我说,美方对同中国的贸易不平衡特别重视,我们买了中国太多的东西,中国买得太少。我告诉他们,不要着急,情况一定会变化,因为中国拥有13亿人口,也就是说中国的市场规模是美国的四倍。中国正在从潜在的市场快速成长为现实的市场,这个市场一旦成熟,肯定会从美国和全世界买更多的东西,到那时,就可能变成中国对美国的巨大逆差了。当然,美国需要向中国提供更加物美价廉的商品。
第二个优势是中国城镇化的发展。发达国家的城镇化水平一般在80%以上。但中国目前的城镇化,如果按照户籍人口计算还不到40%。也就是说,我们还有巨大的空间和潜力,还有巨大的城镇化需求有待开发。这里面蕴藏着巨大的商机。
第三个优势是服务业的扩张。发达国家服务业占经济结构比例一般70%以上。而中国的第三产业才刚刚迈过50%的门槛。也就是说这方面我们也仍然具有巨大发展潜力和空间。
中国自身的发展一定会持续下去,同时也一定会为包括美国在内的国际社会提供更多机遇。中国和美国一定会成为长期稳定的经贸合作伙伴。
接下来,我说说中国的外交。外交是内政的延伸。我们已经制定了“两个百年”的奋斗目标,要团结全国各族人民共同实现民族复兴的中国梦。中国的外交就是要为这个最大的内政来服务,就是要为中国实现发展目标提供更加稳定、良好、友善的外部环境,就是要为助力这个目标的实现营造和开创更多外部资源。
大家对中国外交这几年的进展印象深刻,甚至是刮目相看。近三年来,主席就如何在继承基础上进一步拓展中国外交,提出了一系列重要的新思想和新理念。中国外交正在更加积极地维护正当的国家利益,更加积极地承担应尽的国际责任,也更加积极地同世界各国,当然包括美国发展互利共赢的国家关系。
中国外交在当前和今后一段时间主要会做什么?我的说明是,当前和今后一段时间,中国外交要承担起五项重要使命。
第一项使命,是中国外交要使更多国家和民众了解并理解中国选择的社会制度和发展道路。中国是国际社会的成员,我们希望更多、更深入地融入国际社会。同时,我们必须坚持自己选择的中国特色社会主义道路。这是因为,这个选择完全适合中国国情,完全符合中国人民的利益,得到了中国社会各界最广泛的支持。中国特色社会主义,最简要地讲,其特征就是在尽可能调动亿万人民奋发有为、竞相发展积极性的基础上,坚持共同富裕的目标。也就是说,每一个中国人,无论身在城市还是农村,无论处在顺境还是暂时处在逆境,无论有什么样的社会背景和家庭出身,都可以对自己的前途怀有憧憬,抱有希望,都可以通过自身的打拼实现自己的梦想。正因为如此,中国特色社会主义制度和道路得到了最广泛人民大众的强有力支持。
同时我们看到,在一个拥有13亿人口、一个发展很不平衡、地区差异很大的国度,要实现现代化,我们必须有一支中坚力量,一支有理想、敢担当、能奉献的中坚政治力量。这支中坚力量就是8600万成员的中国共产党。8600万中共党员,如果人人都按照党章要求,担当各条战线的先锋,那么,任何难题都难不倒中国,任何困难都阻挡不住中国。
更重要的是,这支8600万的党员队伍需要一个坚强的领导核心。而这个核心,就是以同志为的党中央。在以为的党中央的统率和擘划下,中国这条巨大的航船正在按照自己的既定航程坚定前行。我们一定能实现我们的目标,我们对此有充分的自信。
同时,中国的发展既与每一个中国人民的生活密切相关,也与全世界人民的利益密切相关。我们非常希望在进一步融入国际社会的过程中,得到更多国家的理解。中国决不会输出我们的社会制度和发展模式,因为每个国家都有权根据本国国情来选择发展道路。但我们愿意在平等基础上,同国际社会进行相互交流。
大家都知道有一本书叫作《谈治国理政》。这本书自2014年开始对外发行,很快就风靡全球,目前已在100多个国家和地区出版,总发行量达到500多万册。我们希望并相信,随着中国同世界各国的交往进一步加深,一定会有更多国家和民众理解、支持中国选择的社会制度和发展模式。这也是中国外交必须要承担的使命。
第二项使命,是中国外交要坚定维护二战胜利以后形成的国际秩序和国际体系。我们绝不会“另搞一套”。因为中国是当年在联合国宪章上第一个签字的国家,我们用3500万人伤亡代价换来了这个世界的和平。
我们首先要坚定维护以联合国为核心的当代国际体系,以及以联合国宪章宗旨和原则为代表的国际关系基本准则。我们认为,当今世界之所以乱象频生,很重要的一个背景是联合国宪章的宗旨和原则没有得到充分贯彻,不干涉内政、和平解决争端等重要理念被抛到一边。所以中国外交一个重要的任务就是通过我们的身体力行,通过外交行动,真正把宪章的宗旨和原则贯彻到国与国交往和具体实践当中。这是中国应该发挥的国际作用。
我们还需要维护自由开放的世界贸易体系,中国依靠开放得到了快速发展,我们正在并希望与世界各国一起来建立开放的经济体系,我们反对一切形式的贸易保护主义。面对现在世界各地不断出现的各种区域或次区域自贸安排,我们不希望它们碎片化发展。不管什么样的自贸安排,包括TPP也好、RCEP也好,都应该成为通向更广泛的自由贸易体制的路径。这一点实际上已经在前年北京APEC会议中作出明确宣示,美国、中国以及所有APEC成员国都做出了承诺。我们不仅要维护一个自由开放的贸易体制,我们还希望把它延伸至投资领域。大家知道,迄今为止,世界上还没有统一的投资规则。今年9月在杭州召开的G20峰会,作为东道主,我们希望与G20的成员们共同讨论,如何来形成一个大家都遵守的、开放的全球投资规则,这不可能一蹴而就,但我们希望启动这一进程。
此外,我们还希望不断完善当今的国际经济金融治理机制。中国已经深入参与了现有国际经济和金融机制。比如延宕5年的IMF改革方案,去年底美国国会终于通过了。中国在IMF的份额和投票权都有了明显增加。今年初,中国还成为欧洲复兴开发银行成员。我们将继续在现有的国际经济金融体制中发挥应有的作用。同时,我们倡议成立了亚投行(AIIB),一开始有些国家对此有疑虑,甚至怀疑中国是不是要搞亚洲版的“门罗主义”。但现在情况已经清楚,中国从一开始就敞开臂膀,欢迎全世界的国家加入,而不仅仅局限在中国所在地区。目前,57个创始成员国一半以上是亚洲以外的国家。除了美国、日本以外的发达国家几乎都参加进来,我们都持非常欢迎的态度。现在还有将近40个国家在排队等待加入。我们将与各成员国一道,将AIIB打造成具有国际标准、专业化的,同时又没有那么多官僚主义,能够填补亚洲基础设施建设融资瓶颈的多边金融机构。它将是对现存的国际金融机制的补充,绝不是要另起炉灶。
中国外交的第三项使命,就是要更加积极有为地为中国自身的发展服务。当前最重要的工作就是同各国一道推进“一带一路”建设。我们所在的欧亚大陆,几百年来充满了刀与剑、血与火,战争战乱不断。现在亚欧大陆国家最大的公约数就是要发展,要加速工业化进程,提高自主发展能力。而中国恰恰可以向这些国家提供所需的先进装备、成熟技术以及管理、融资、人才培训。总之,这完全是一个优势互补、经济合作、互利共赢的倡议,它会为中国和参与“一带一路”的国家开创新的发展前景,开拓新的合作领域。不仅对中国、对所有国家都有利。目前,已有70多个国家支持并愿参与“一带一路”建设。
“一带一路”建设有三大支柱,第一大支柱是互联互通,中国目前正积极与各国合作,打通相互联接的通道。我们不仅要进一步打通欧亚大陆通道,还希望建设泛亚铁路,我们也愿意响应非洲朋友们的愿望,将来把非洲54国用高速铁路连接起来。中国高速铁路已达1.8万公里,占全世界70%以上,我们完全有能力与大家一起实现互联互通。
“一带一路”第二大支柱是产能合作。我们已与20多个国家签署国际产能合作协议。我们希望通过产能合作来加快各自的工业化进程,实现更高层次的发展,从而应对目前世界经济低迷给各国带来的各种挑战。实际上,美国也有“再工业化”进程,欧洲也有相应倡议。中国的国际产能合作计划是开放的,不仅跟所有有意愿的国家进行产能合作,也欢迎三方合作。如果把中国的先进装备、充足的融资和发达国家,比如美国的一些技术和关键部件结合起来,这种产能合作就将更加有效地推动各国经济发展,从而促进世界繁荣。
“一带一路”的第三大支柱是人文交流。欧亚大陆有各种不同文明和文化,没有优劣、高下之分。我们愿通过一带一路建设使不同的文明和文化相互借鉴、相互包容,共同促进人类历史进步。
中国外交的第四项使命,就是有效维护中国不断拓展的海外利益。与其他大国发展轨迹一样,中国已经到了越来越多企业、越来越多公民走出国门、到世界各地去发展的新阶段。中国目前有3万家企业遍布世界各地,数百万中国人工作生活在世界各个角落。中国每年非金融类直接投资快速增长,去年已达到1200亿美元。这个数字已经接近甚至超过中国引进外资的规模。再加上每年约1.2亿人次中国公民出境,构成了全世界最大的流动人员群体。中国政府当然有责任、有义务维护好这些机构和人员的合法权益。但坦率地讲,我们在这方面手段缺乏,资源不足,能力建设薄弱。因此,中国外交一项非常紧要的任务就是要不断增强我们海外维权的能力建设,要运用更多的资源,同国际社会一起来维护好我们不断拓展的巨大海外利益。当然,是合法、正当的利益。
中国外交的第五项使命就是要更加建设性地参与国际与地区热点问题的解决。这首先是因为中国作为联合国安理会常任理事国,对国际和平与安全承担着重要责任。同时,热点问题的解决也将为中国的发展提供更好的国际环境。在非洲,我们斡旋南苏丹的纠纷;在亚洲,我们斡旋阿富汗和谈、缅甸国内和解。我们和各方一起促成了伊朗核问题全面协议的达成。我们还积极参与了叙利亚问题的政治解决进程。
可能目前大家最关心的是朝鲜半岛核问题。我愿在之后的答问环节详细回答大家的提问,但我要强调中方的三点基本立场。第一点,我们反对朝鲜发展核武器,朝鲜半岛不能有核,无论是北方还是南方,无论是自己制造还是引进部署。半岛出现核武器,不符合各方利益,也不利于朝鲜维护自身安全。所以,半岛必须实现无核化,对此中国坚定不移。
第二点,半岛不能战、不能乱。半岛任何战乱都会带来无法想象的严重后果。如何来实现无核化?最终还是需要通过谈判解决。就和伊朗核问题的解决一样,十年谈判,十年磨一剑。半岛核问题就是因为六方会谈中断了八年,才出现了朝鲜一次又一次的核试验。我们当然要通过新的联合国决议,采取进一步有力措施,有效阻断朝鲜方面的核导发展计划。但是另一方面,我们绝不能放弃和谈的努力,因为和谈才是解决问题的唯一可行途径。中方作为六方会谈东道主,我们履行责任和义务,本着公正客观立场,提出了一个并进谈判的思路,那就是半岛无核化和停和机制转换并行推进。没有半岛无核化,就没有停和机制转换;反过来,停和机制转换不起来,各方的合理关切、包括朝鲜方面的安全关切都得不到解决,那么无核化也难以真正可持续地落到实处。这两个方面需要齐头并进,它的特征在于明确了无核化的大方向,同时合理平衡地解决了各方要价。我们愿意同其他各方进一步探讨如何推进这一并进思路的路径和步骤。
第三点,中国正当的国家利益必须得到保障。这里大家自然想到“萨德”反导系统。美国有可能在韩国部署“萨德”反导系统,这最终将由韩国来决定。韩国的内政我们当然是不干涉的。我们也理解美国和韩国在这种复杂形势下维护自身安全的迫切需要。但我要告诉大家的是,“萨德”反导系统X波段雷达覆盖范围已深入中国内陆,也就是说中国的正当国家安全和利益很可能受到损害、甚至威胁。所以美国和韩国如果商量是否部署“萨德”反导系统的时候,应该考虑中国的合理安全关切,应该给中国一个有说服力的、能够让中方信服的解释和说明。中方的上述要求合情合理。
大家一定也很关心南海局势。我要告诉大家的是,南海局势实际上是总体平稳的。因为没有一条商船抱怨过它在南海的航行受到了干扰。南沙部分岛礁确实存在争议。中国有42个岛礁被一些国家相继非法占领。但尽管如此,中国政府的立场是坚持通过对话谈判、以和平的方式、根据国际法包括《联合国海洋法公约》来寻求妥善解决。这是中国政府坚定明确的立场,也成为确保南海局势总体稳定的重要因素。我们正在与东盟国家一起落实《南海各方行为宣言》,加快推进“南海行为准则”磋商。中国和东盟国家完全有能力维护好南海地区的和平与稳定。我们曾经提出过几条建议:
第一,争议各方要按照DOC的规定,通过直接商谈和平解决争议。DOC第四条明确规定,争议由直接当事方通过谈判解决。中国与东盟10国领导人都在DOC上签了字,这份文件是有约束力的。尽管菲律宾不愿同中国谈,但我们仍然在同其他国家一起履行这一规定。
第二,域内国家即使不是争议国,但作为南海沿岸国,应一起努力维护南海地区的和平与稳定,维护根据国际法规定享有的航行自由。中国将在其中发挥自己的作用。
第三,域外国家能够支持有关争议通过直接谈判来解决,支持中国和东盟一起维护南海地区的和平与稳定。
我想如果能做到以上三点,南海将继续保持和平与稳定。大家不必过于担心。
最后我要谈一下中美关系。大家都说中美关系是最重要的双边关系,确实如此。一个最大的发达国家和一个最大的发展中国家之间的关系搞好了,对两国人民甚至对世界都是有益的。但如果搞不好,有可能掉进所谓的“修昔底德”陷阱。为此,中国国家主席提出中美双方要共同建设新型大国关系,说到底就是要建设合作共赢的中美关系。我认为这是一个明智的选择,也是一个正确的方向,我们正在朝这个方向跟美方合作,不断加强对话,增进相互了解,推动关系发展。同时我们希望,建设新型大国关系也应该成为中美两国社会各界的共识,得到更多中美两国人民的支持。
最近对中美关系的议论比较多。媒体也有些炒作,似乎中美之间出了这么多分歧。昨天同克里国务卿会见记者时,我们都重申中美的共同利益远远大于分歧。有分歧不要紧,我们一起通过协商加以解决。但现在确实有一个值得我们注意的说法,有一些美国的朋友担心,认为中国才是美国将来真正的主要对手,可能有一天中国要取代美国。这背后其实是一种战略互不信,是对中国长远意图的战略怀疑。战略疑虑不解决,小问题会变成大问题,没有问题会生出问题。相反,如果我们能建立战略信任,消除战略疑虑,加强战略合作,任何问题都可以通过对话协商找到解决办法。
中国会不会成为美国将来最主要的对手,甚至取代美国?我认为这个命题是完全不存在的。首先,中国虽然已是第二大经济体,但按照人均计算,我们仍排在世界80名以后。人的发展是一个国家发展的基础,因此我们仍然是一个发展中国家,仍然要聚焦自身的发展,今后很长一段时间要把我们的主要精力放在我们自己的发展上。我们不会去和别人竞争,也无意去取代谁。
第二,中美之间已经进入了一个相互依存的时代,谁也离不离开谁。大量美国企业在中国有自己的事业,中国企业也越来越多进入美国,进入美国各个州市,在当地创造着就业机会。去年中国已成为美国最大的贸易伙伴,5580多亿美元的贸易规模。每年中美之间来往的人次是475万,每天都有一万多名中美民众在天上飞着。
这种相互融合的关系,怎么能想象发生冲突呢?一旦发生冲突肯定是双输,而合作才能双赢。如果我们大家都意识到这一点的话,为什么要去进行无谓的零和竞争?我们应该合作,而且完全可以开展更深入的合作。中美之间具有高度的互补性,我们应该不断发掘中美合作的潜力和空间。
还有一点,为什么中国不会取代美国?很简单,因为中国不是美国。中国就是中国,中国今后也不会成为另一个美国。中国人的血脉中没有多少扩张的基因,也没有多少当救世主的冲动。中国从2000多年前开始,就不断地修建长城来保卫我们自己。这就是中国文化特质的一个典型表现。这种融化于血脉当中的文化基因和传统会继续下去。即便我们将来进一步发展了,壮大了,甚至在未来的某一天,我们的经济总体规模可能会成为世界第一。但即便到了那个时候,中国仍然不是美国。我们会以中国人的方式,以东方人的思维,以更加和谐和包容的态度来与其他国家交往,在国际社会上发挥中国应该发挥的作用。而且那个时候,中美之间的合作会更加深入,更加紧密。我认为,当今最需要的就是增进我们彼此的相互理解。
这是我今天最想讲的,谢谢大家。
看了“"2016年王毅在美国智库演讲"”
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19世纪初,美国开始对外扩张,历经二次世界大战后,美国国力大增,是当今世界上唯一的“霸权”超级大国 。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Itssuccessful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-socialconditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effortand expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter ofmilitary urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one mustunderstand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on thecharacter of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity tounderstand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as I said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of militarystrategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where oursupply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.
Good Bye.
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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2009年10月9日,挪威诺贝尔委员会将2009年诺贝尔和平奖授予贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马,以表彰他为加强“国际外交和人民之间合作”所作出的努力。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇奥巴马首次访华的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
诸位下午好。我感到很荣幸能够有机会到上海跟你们交谈,我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长,感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。我还想感谢我们出色的大使洪博培,他是我们两国间?深厚的纽带。我不知道他刚才说什么,但是希望他说得很好。
我今天准备这样,先做一个开场白,我真正希望做的是回答在座的问题,不但回答在座的学生问题,同时还可以从网上得到一些问题,由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为?提问。很抱歉,我的中文远不如你们的英文,所以我期待和你们的对话。这是我首次访问中国,我看到你们博大的国家,感到很兴奋。在上海这里,我们看到了瞩目的增长?,高耸的塔楼,繁忙的街道,还有企业家的精神。这些都是中国步入21世纪的迹象,让我感到赞叹。同时我也急切的要看到向我们展现中国古老的古迹,明天和后天我要?到北京去看雄伟壮丽的故宫和令人叹为观止的长城,这个国度既有丰富的历史,又有对未来憧憬的信念。
而我们两国的关系也是如此,上海在美中关系的历史中是个具有意义的重大城市,在30年前,《上海公报》打开了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新的篇章。
不过美国与这个国家的纽带可以追溯更久远的过去,追溯到美国独立的初期,乔治?华盛顿组织了皇后号的下水仪式,这个船成功前往大清王朝,华盛顿希望看到这艘船前?往各地,与中国结成新的纽带。希望中国开辟新的地平线,建立新的伙伴关系。在其后的两个世纪中,历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展,而即使在最动荡的?方向中,我们的两国人民打造深的,甚至有戏剧性的纽带,比如美国人永远不会忘记,在二战期间,美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后,当地人民对他们的款待,中国公民冒?着失去一切的危险罩着他们。
而参加二战的老兵仍然欢迎故地重游的美国老兵,他们在那里参战。40年前,我们两国间开启了又一种联系,两国关系开始解冻,通过乒乓球的比赛解冻关系。我们两国?之间有着分歧,但是我们也有着共同的人性及有着共同的好奇,就像一位乒乓球人员一样,那的国家就是一样,但是这个小小的开头带来了《上海公报》的问世,最终还带?来了美中在1979年建交。在其后的30年我们又取得了长足的进展,1979年美中贸易只有50亿美元,现在已经超过了4000亿美元。
贸易在许多方面影响人民的生活,比如美国电脑中许多部件,还有穿的衣服都是从中国进口的,我们向中国出口中国工业要使用的机器,这种贸易可以在太平洋两岸创造更?多的就业机会,让我们的人民过上质量更高的生活。
在需求趋于平衡的过程中,这种贸易可以是更广阔的贸易。如今我们有着积极合作和全面的关系,为我们在当前重大的全球问题上建立伙伴关系打开了大门,这些问题包括?经济复苏、洁净能源的开发、制止核武器扩散以及应对气候变化。还有在亚洲及全球各地促进和平和稳定,所有这些问题我明天与胡锦涛同志会谈时都会谈到。一九七九年的时?候,我们两国人民的联系十分有限,如今当年乒乓球运动员的好奇可以在许多领域建立的联系中都可以看到,在美国数量最多的留学生都来自中国。而在美国的学生中,学?中文的人数增加了50%。我们两国有近200个友好城市,美中科学家在许多新的研究领域和发现领域进行合作,而我们两国人民都热爱篮球,姚明就是个例子。不过,?此行中我不能观看上海鲨鱼队的比赛,有点遗憾。
那么我们两国之间的这种关系给我们带来了积极的变化,这并不是偶然的,中国使得亿万人民脱贫,而这种成就是人类历史上史无前例的。而中国在全球问题中也发挥更大?的作用,美国也目睹了我们经济的成长。中国有句古言,温故而知新。当然,我们过去三十年中也遇到了挫折和挑战,我们的关系并不是没有困难的,没有分歧的。但是我?们必须一定是对手这种想法不应该是一成不变的。由于我们两国的合作,美中两国都变得更加繁荣、更加安全。我们基于相互的利益、相互的尊重就能有成就。
不过,这种接触的成功要取决于我们要彼此了解,要能够进行开诚布公的对话,彼此进行了解。就像当年美国乒乓球运动员所说的,我们作为人有着共同的向往,但是我们?两国又不同。我认为我们两国每个国家都应该勾画出自己要走的路,中国是一个文明古国,它有着博大精深的文化。相对而言,美国是一个年轻的国家,它的文化受到来自?许多不同国家移民的影响,而指导我们民主制度文件的影响,我有一个非常简单的向往,代表了一些核心的原则,就是所有的人生来平等,都有着基本的权利,而政府应当?反映人们的意志,贸易应该是开放的,信息流通应当是自由的,而法律要保证这个公平。
当然,我们的国家历史也不是没有过困难的地方,从很多方面来讲,很多年以来,我们是通过斗争来促进这些原则或者是所有的人民能够享受到,为了缔造一个更完美的联?合,我们也打过一个很痛苦的内战,把一部分我们被奴役的人口释放出来,经过一段时间才能使妇女有投票权,劳工有组织权,包括来自各地的移民能够全部不接受。即使?他们被解放以后,非洲与美国人也和美国人经过一些分开的、不平等的条件,经过一段时间才争取到全面的平等权利,所有这些是不容易的。但是我们对这些核心原则的信?念我们取得的进展,在最黑暗的风暴当中是作为我们的指南针。
这是为什么林肯在内战期间站起来说过,任何一个国家以自由、以所有人类平等的原则能够长久的存在,也就是为什么金博士在林肯纪念馆的前台站起来,说我们国家要必?须真正的实现我们的信念。也就是为什么来自中国或者肯尼亚的移民能够到我们的家,也是为什么一个不到五十年前以前在某些地方连投票都遇到困难的人,现在就能够做?到那个国家的总统。
这就是为什么美国永远为了全世界各地的核心原则说话,我们不寻求把任何政治体制强制给任何国家,但是我们也不认为我们所支持的这些原则是我们国家所独有的,这些?表达自由、宗教崇拜自由、接触信息的机会、政治的参与,我们认为这些是普世的权利,应该是所有人民能够享受到,包括少数民族和宗教的族群,不管是在中国、美国和?任何国家,对于普遍权利的尊敬,作为美国对其他国家的开放态度的指导原则,我们对其他文化的尊重,我们对国际法的承诺和对未来的信念的原则。
所有这些都是你们知道关于美国得一些情况,我们有很多要从中国学习。我们看看这个伟大城市的各地,也看看这个房间,我就相信我们两国有很重要的共同点,也就是对?未来的信念,不管是美国还是中国,对现在的成就不能感到自满。虽然中国是一个古老的国家,你们也是充满信心展望未来,致力于下一代能够比这一代做的更好,除了你?们不断增长的经济之外,我们很配合中国在科学和研究方面所投入的力量,包括建设的基础设施和使用的技术,中国是世界上使用互联网技术最多的国家,这就是我们很高?兴互联网是今天活动的一部分,这个国家也拥有最大的机动电话网络,对新的投资保持继续增长,和应对气候变化方面有新的投资,我也希望两国加强这方面的合作。
但是更重要是看到年轻人你们的才能、你们的献身精神、你们的梦想在21世纪实现方面会发挥很大的作用。我说过很多次,我认为世界是互相连接的,我们所做的工作,?我们所建立的繁荣,我们所保护的环境,我们所追求的安全,所有这些都是共同的,而且是互相连接的,所以21世纪的实力不在零和游戏,一个国家成功不应该以另外一?个国家的牺牲作为代价。这就是我们为什么不寻求遏制中国的崛起。相反,我们欢迎中国作为一个国际社会的强的、繁荣的、成功的成员。
再回到刚才的谚语,我们应该考虑过去。在大的国家合作的时候,就比互相碰撞会取得更多得好处,这就是人类在历史上不断吸取的教训。我认为我们合作应该是超越政府?间的合作,应该是以人民为基础,我们所研究的内容,我们所从事的生意,我们送获得的知识,我们所进行的体育比赛,所有这些桥梁必须是年轻人共同合作建立起来,这?就是我为什么非常高兴我们要大大的宣布我们到中国学习的留学生人数,要增加到十万人。这样交流就会表现出我们是愿意致力于加强两国人民的联系,而且我是绝对有?信心。对美国来说,最好的大使、最好的使者就是年轻人,他们和你们一样,很有才能,充满活力,对未来的历史还是很乐观的,这是我们合作的下一步,惠及两国和全世?界。
今天可以吸收的一个最重要的内容就是我们不断的向前推进。非常感谢。
看了“"美国总统奥巴马首次访华演讲"”
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宋美龄是中华民国前第一夫人、蒋介石的第四任妻子,与宋蔼龄、宋庆龄并称为宋氏三姐妹,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇宋美龄1943年在美国国会的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
议长先生,美国参议院各位议员,各位女士、先生,受到诸位所代表的美国人民热情与真诚的欢迎,令我感动莫名。我事先不知今天要在参议院发表演说,只以为要到此说声「大家好,很高兴见到各位」,并向贵国人民转达敝国百姓的问候之意。不过,在来到此地之前,贵国副总统告诉我,他希望我和各位说几句话。
我并不擅於即席演说,事实上根本称不上是演说家,但我不会因此怯场,因为前几天我在海德公园参观过总统图书馆,在那里看见的一些东西鼓励了我,让我感觉各位或许不会对我的即席演说要求太多。各位知道我在那里见到什麽吗?我看到了许多,但最让我感兴趣的,莫过於一个放着总统先生(译按,即罗斯福总统)演说草稿的玻璃箱,里头从第一份草稿、第二份草稿,一直到第六份草稿。昨天,我碰巧向总统先生提及此事,我说我很高兴知道,以他如此知名又公认一流的演说家,还必须写这麽多份草稿。他回答说,有时他一次演说得写12份草稿。因此,今天本人在此发表的即席演说,我确信各位一定会包容。
贵国和敝国之间有着160年悠久历史的情谊,我觉得贵国人民和敝国百姓有许许多多的相似点,而这些相似点正是两国情谊的基础,我也相信不是只有我有这样的感觉。
在此,我想说个小故事,来说明此一信念。杜立德将军和部下一起去轰炸东京,回程时有些美国子弟兵不得不在中国内陆跳伞。其中一人後来告诉我,他被迫从飞机跳伞,踏上中国的土地时,看到当地居民跑向他,他就挥着手,喊出他会说的唯一一句中国话:「美国,美国」,也就是「美利坚」的意思,美国在中国话的意思是「美丽的国家」。这个大男孩说,敝国人民听了都笑开来,拥抱他,像欢迎失散多年的兄弟一般。他还告诉我说,当他看到我们的人民,感觉他已经回到家;而那是他第一次来到中国。
我来到贵国时是个小女孩,我熟悉贵国人民,我和他们一起生活过。我生命中成长的岁月是和贵国人民一起度过,我说你们的话,我想的和你们一样,说的也和你们一样。所以今天来到这里,我也感觉我好像回到家了。
不过,我相信不只是我回到家,我觉得,如果中国人民会用你们的语言与你们说话,或是你们能了解我们的语言,他们会告诉你们,根本而言,我们都在为相同的理念奋战;我们有一致的理想;亦即贵国总统向全世界揭示的「四个自由」,自由的钟声、联合国自由的钟声,和侵略者的丧钟响彻我国辽阔的土地。
看了“"宋美龄1943年在美国国会的演讲"”
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胡锦涛是中央委员会,中华人民共和国主席,中共中央军事委员会主席,中华人民共和国中央军事委员会主席。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇胡锦涛在美国耶鲁大学的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
尊敬的理查德·莱文校长,同学们,老师们,女士们,先生们:
首先,我感谢莱文校长的邀请,使我有机会来到世界著名学府耶鲁大学,同青年朋友和老师们相聚在一起。
进入耶鲁大学的校园,看到莘莘学子青春洋溢的脸庞,呼吸着书香浓郁的空气,我不由回想起40年前在北京清华大学度过的美好时光。学生时代,对人的一生都会产生重要影响。当年老师们对我的教诲,同学们给我的启发,我至今仍受用不尽。
耶鲁大学以悠久的发展历史、独特的办学风格、卓著的学术成就闻名于世。如果时光能够倒流几十年,我真希望成为你们中的一员。
耶鲁大学校训强调追求光明和真理,这符合人类进步的法则,也符合每个有志青年的心愿。300多年来,耶鲁大学培养出一大批杰出人才,其中包括20位诺贝尔奖获得者、5位美国总统。美国民族英雄内森·黑尔是耶鲁校友,他的名言——“我唯一的憾事,就是没有第二次生命献给我的祖国”,深深感染了我和许多中国人。我衷心祝愿贵校培养出更多英才,为美国经济社会发展、为人类进步事业作出更大贡献!
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
长期以来,中美两国人民一直相互抱有浓厚的兴趣和友好的感情。中国人民欣赏美国人民的开拓进取精神,钦佩美国人民在建设国家中取得的骄人业绩。随着中国的快速发展和中美合作的不断拓展,越来越多的美国人也把目光投向中国,更加关注中国的发展进步。
了解是信任的基础。今天,我愿从中华文明历史流变和现实发展的角度,谈谈当代中国的发展战略和前进方向,希望有助于美国人民更全面、更深入地了解中国。
在5000多年的历史长河中,中华民族为人类文明进步作出了巨大贡献,同时也走过了曲折艰辛的道路。特别是从1840年鸦片战争以来的160多年间,中国人民为摆脱积贫积弱的境遇,实现民族复兴,前仆后继,顽强斗争,使中华民族的命运发生了深刻变化。95年前,中国人民通过辛亥革命推翻了统治中国几千年的君主专制制度,为中国的进步打开了闸门。57年前,中国人民经过长期浴血奋斗实现了民族独立和人民解放,建立了人民当家作主的新中国。28年前,中国人民开始了改革开放和现代化建设的伟大历史进程,经过艰苦创业取得了举世瞩目的巨大成就,从1978年到2005年,中国国内生产总值从1473亿美元增长到22257亿美元,进出口总额从206亿美元增长到14221亿美元,国家外汇储备从1.67亿美元增加到8189亿美元,农村贫困人口由2.5亿人减少到2300多万人。回顾这160多年来中国发生的沧桑巨变,可以说,中国人民经过艰苦探索和顽强奋斗,既改变了自己的命运,也推动了人类进步事业。
必须看到,中国尽管取得了巨大的发展成就,但仍是世界上最大的发展中国家,人均国内生产总值仍排在世界100名之后,中国人民的生活还不富裕,中国的发展还面临着不少突出的矛盾和问题。要彻底改变中国的面貌和改善中国人民的生活,需要继续持之以恒地艰苦奋斗。中国将在未来15年集中力量全面建设惠及十几亿人口的更高水平的小康社会。具体来说,就是要使中国国内生产总值到2020年达到40000亿美元左右,人均达到3000美元左右,使经济更加发展、民主更加健全、科教更加进步、文化更加繁荣、社会更加和谐、人民生活更加殷实。
为了实现我们的发展目标,中国根据本国国情和时代要求明确了自己的发展理念,这就是树立和贯彻以人为本、全面协调可持续发展的科学发展观,统筹城乡发展、统筹区域发展、统筹经济社会发展、统筹人与自然和谐发展、统筹国内发展和对外开放,更加注重解决民生问题,更加注重克服发展的不平衡性,更加注重解决发展中存在的突出矛盾,致力于走科技含量高、经济效益好、资源消耗低、环境污染少、人力资源优势得到充分发挥的新型工业化道路,推进经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设协调发展,努力实现生产发展、生活富裕、生态良好的文明发展格局。
科学发展的理念,是在总结中国现代化建设经验、顺应时代潮流的基础上提出来的,也是在继承中华民族优秀文化传统的基础上提出来的。
中华文明是世界古代文明中始终没有中断、连续5000多年发展至今的文明。中华民族在漫长历史发展中形成的独具特色的文化传统,深深影响了古代中国,也深深影响着当代中国。现时代中国强调的以人为本、与时俱进、社会和谐、和平发展,既有着中华文明的深厚根基,又体现了时代发展的进步精神。
——中华文明历来注重以民为本,尊重人的尊严和价值。早在千百年前,中国人就提出“民惟邦本,本固邦宁”、“天地之间,莫贵于人”,强调要利民、裕民、养民、惠民。今天,我们坚持以人为本,就是要坚持发展为了人民、发展依靠人民、发展成果由人民共享,关注人的价值、权益和自由,关注人的生活质量、发展潜能和幸福指数,最终是为了实现人的全面发展。保障人民的生存权和发展权仍是中国的首要任务。我们将大力推动经济社会发展,依法保障人民享有自由、民主和人权,实现社会公平和正义,使13亿中国人民过上幸福生活。
——中华文明历来注重自强不息,不断革故鼎新。“天行健,君子以自强不息。”这是中国的一句千年传世格言。中华民族所以能在5000多年的历史进程中生生不息、发展壮大,历经挫折而不屈,屡遭坎坷而不馁,靠的就是这样一种发愤图强、坚忍不拔、与时俱进的精神。中国人民在改革开放中表现出来的进取精神,在建设国家中焕发出来的创造热情,在克服前进道路上的各种困难中表现出来的顽强毅力,正是这种自强不息精神的生动写照。
——中华文明历来注重社会和谐,强调团结互助。中国人早就提出了“和为贵”的思想,追求天人和谐、人际和谐、身心和谐,向往“人人相亲,人人平等,天下为公”的理想社会。今天,中国提出构建和谐社会,就是要建设一个民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处的社会,实现物质和精神、民主和法治、公平和效率、活力和秩序的有机统一。中国人民把维护民族团结作为自己义不容辞的职责,把维护国家主权和领土完整作为自己至高无上的使命。一切有利于民族团结和国家统一的行为,都会得到中国人民真诚的欢迎和拥护。一切有损于民族团结和国家统一的举动,都会遭到中国人民强烈的反对和抗争。
——中华文明历来注重亲仁善邻,讲求和睦相处。中华民族历来爱好和平。中国人在对外关系中始终秉承“强不执弱”、“富不侮贫”的精神,主张“协和万邦”。中国人提倡“海纳百川,有容乃大”,主张吸纳百家优长、兼集八方精义。今天,中国高举和平、发展、合作的旗帜,奉行独立自主的和平外交政策,坚定不移地走和平发展道路,既通过维护世界和平来发展自己,又通过自身的发展来促进世界和平。中国坚持实施互利共赢的对外开放战略,真诚愿意同各国广泛开展合作,真诚愿意兼收并蓄、博采各种文明之长,以合作谋和平、以合作促发展,推动建设一个持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
中美都拥有辽阔的国土,都是多个民族并存、多种文化融合的国家,都生活着勤劳智慧的人民。中美因不同的历史背景和现实国情而存在着差异,这有利于我们相互借鉴,取长补短。中美加强合作,符合两国和两国人民的根本利益,对世界的和平与发展也具有重大影响。
200多年来,浩瀚的太平洋并未阻断中美两国人民的交流合作,中美两国人民相互学习、相互帮助,谱写了世界不同文明相互借鉴的美好篇章。1979年中美建交27年来,两国关系曾历经曲折,但总体上保持了稳定发展的大方向,给两国和两国人民带来了巨大利益。
进入21世纪,国际形势继续深刻变化。和平与发展仍然是当今时代的主题,但不稳定不确定因素在增多,新挑战新威胁在增加。在新的国际形势下,中美两国共同利益在增多,合作领域在扩大。世界和平与安全面临的新课题,特别是反对国际恐怖主义、防止大规模杀伤性武器扩散、保护人类生存环境、打击跨国犯罪等,使我们两国拥有重要的共同战略利益。中国的巨大市场和发展需求,美国的先进科技和优质产品,使两国具有巨大的经济技术合作空间。中美全面发展建设性合作关系前景广阔。
昨天上午,我同布什总统就中美关系及共同关心的重大国际和地区问题深入交换看法,达成了许多重要共识。我们都认为,双方应该坚持从战略高度和长远角度审视和处理中美关系,加强对话,扩大共识,增进互信,深化合作,全面推进21世纪中美建设性合作关系。
我相信,只要我们从中美关系发展的大局出发,彼此尊重,相互理解,两国关系就能够健康稳定地向前发展,给两国人民带来更多利益,给世界各国人民带来更大希望。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
一个音符无法表达出优美的旋律,一种颜色难以描绘出多彩的画卷。世界是一座丰富多彩的艺术殿堂,各国人民创造的独特文化都是这座殿堂里的瑰宝。一个民族的文化,往往凝聚着这个民族对世界和生命的历史认知和现实感受,也往往积淀着这个民族最深层的精神追求和行为准则。人类历史发展的过程,就是各种文明不断交流、融合、创新的过程。人类历史上各种文明都以各自的独特方式为人类进步作出了贡献。
文明多样性是人类社会的客观现实,是当今世界的基本特征,也是人类进步的重要动力。历史经验表明,在人类文明交流的过程中,不仅需要克服自然的屏障和隔阂,而且需要超越思想的障碍和束缚,更需要克服形形色色的偏见和误解。意识形态、社会制度、发展模式的差异不应成为人类文明交流的障碍,更不能成为相互对抗的理由。我们应该积极维护世界多样性,推动不同文明的对话和交融,相互借鉴而不是相互排斥,使人类更加和睦幸福,让世界更加丰富多彩。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
文化、教育和青年交流是中美两国人民增进相互了解和友谊的重要桥梁,也是推动中美关系健康稳定发展的重要力量。耶鲁大学是中美教育合作的先行者和文化交流的重要平台。156年前,一位名叫容闳的中国青年走进了耶鲁大学校园,4年后他以优异的成绩获得了文学士学位,成为毕业于美国大学的第一个中国 留学生。此后,一批又一批中国青年来到耶鲁大学求学。近20年来,耶鲁大学吸引了4000多名中国留学人员,同中国文化界、科技界、教育界的合作项目超过80个。去年夏天,耶鲁大学派遣首批学生到中国实习,其中一些人成为中国故宫博物院的第一批外国实习生。借此机会,我对莱文校长和耶鲁大学为增进中美两国人民的交流所做的积极努力表示赞赏。
为增进中美两国青年以及教育界的相互了解,我高兴地宣布,中方决定邀请100名耶鲁大学师生今年夏天访问中国。我相信,你们的访问将是一次十分愉快的经历。
女士们、先生们、朋友们!
“长江后浪推前浪,世上新人换旧人。”青年人是世界的希望和未来,青年人有着蓬勃向上的生命活力和无穷的创造力。我衷心希望,中美两国青年携起手来,以实际行动促进中美两国人民友好,同世界各国人民一道,共创世界美好的明天。
谢谢各位。
看了“"名人演讲:胡锦涛在美国耶鲁大学的演讲"”
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