为您找到与奥巴马复旦大学演讲英文字幕相关的共200个结果:
奥巴马是美国第44任总统,是美国历史上的第一个黑人总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇杨玉良在复旦大学欢迎奥巴马的演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
让我们大家用热烈的掌声欢迎美国总统奥巴马先生。各位来宾、各位朋友,同学们,请让我自我介绍一下,我是杨玉良,复旦大学的校长。
今天请来美利坚合众国总统奥巴马先生,他在对中国进行国事访问的同时,然后来到这里,而且我非常高兴作为主持人在这里主持这场对话。因为奥巴马总统非常重视中美两国人民之间的沟通和交流,尤其是重视我们年轻人之间的沟通和交流。
所以今天我们将用一种非常轻松、自由的方式,而且我相信也将会是愉快的方式,奥巴马总统将和大家一起讨论中美关系问题,包括这个世界未来的问题,包括我们人类所面临的所有的可能的全球性的挑战性问题。
今天在现场的所有的同事们,包括同学们,都可以现场提问题。但同时我们也会选择问题,从网络上选择一些问题,选择由网民向奥巴马提问的问题。用英文来提问题,也可以用英文回答。
如果你觉得你的英文还不足够表达你深邃的思想的话,你可以用中文来提问和中文来回答问题。我想在正式开始之前,我们美利坚合众国的驻华大使洪博培先生有几句话要讲。
[洪博培]杨校长,谢谢你。可是我们在上海我应该说家乡话,侬好。这么多人,今天就是太好了,美中关系30年,这个时刻从双边地区和全球的角度来说,最适合进行一场好的交谈,这种活动在中国没有先例。
我们两国元首具体说过,他们要推动一个积极建设性全面的关系。如果没有美中两国的合作,几乎没有哪个全球性挑战能得到解决。我们面临的挑战是把我们的交往提到一个更高的水平,有谁比我们更高层领导人更适合参加我们的讨论呢?
那我很荣幸向你们介绍第44任美国总统贝拉克·奥巴马。
[奥巴马]你好。诸位下午好。我感到很荣幸能够有机会到上海跟你们交谈,我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长,感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。我还想感谢我们出色的大使洪博培,他是我们两国间深厚的纽带。我不知道他刚才说什么,但是希望他说得很好。
我今天准备这样,先做一个开场白,我真正希望做的是回答在座的问题,不但回答在座的学生问题,同时还可以从网上得到一些问题,由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为提问。很抱歉,我的中文远不如你们的英文,所以我期待和你们的对话。这是我首次访问中国,我看到你们博大的国家,感到很兴奋。在上海这里,我们看到了瞩目的增长,高耸的塔楼,繁忙的街道,还有企业家的精神。这些都是中国步入21世纪的迹象,让我感到赞叹。同时我也急切的要看到向我们展现中国古老的古迹,明天和后天我要到北京去看雄伟壮丽的故宫和令人叹为观止的长城,这个国度既有丰富的历史,又有对未来憧憬的信念。
而我们两国的关系也是如此,上海在美中关系的历史中是个具有意义的重大城市,在37年前,《上海公报》打开了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新的篇章。
不过美国与这个国家的纽带可以追溯更久远的过去,追溯到美国独立的初期,乔治华盛顿组织了皇后号的下水仪式,这个船成功前往大清王朝,华盛顿希望看到这艘船前往各地,与中国结成新的纽带。希望与中国开辟新的地平线,建立新的伙伴关系。在其后的两个世纪中,历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展,而即使在最动荡的方向中,我们的两国人民打造深的,甚至有戏剧性的纽带,比如美国人永远不会忘记,在二战期间,美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后,当地人民对他们的款待,中国公民冒着失去一切的危险罩着他们。
而参加二战的老兵仍然欢迎故地重游的美国老兵,他们在那里参战。40年前,我们两国间开启了又一种联系,两国关系开始解冻,通过乒乓球的比赛解冻关系。我们两国之间有着分歧,但是我们也有着共同的人性及有着共同的好奇,就像一位乒乓球运动员一样,那时的国家就是一样,但是这个小小的开头带来了《上海公报》的问世,最终还带来了美中在1979年建交。在其后的30年我们又取得了长足的进展,1979年美中贸易只有50亿美元,现在已经超过了4000亿美元。
贸易在许多方面影响人民的生活,比如美国电脑中许多部件,还有穿的衣服都是从中国进口的,我们向中国出口中国工业要使用的机器,这种贸易可以在太平洋两岸创造更多的就业机会,让我们的人民过上质量更高的生活。
在需求趋于平衡的过程中,这种贸易可以是更广阔的贸易。如今我们有着积极合作和全面的关系,为我们在当前重大的全球问题上建立伙伴关系打开了大门,这些问题包括经济复苏、洁净能源的开发、制止核武器扩散以及应对气候变化。还有在亚洲及全球各地促进和平和稳定,所有这些问题我明天与胡锦涛同志会谈时都会谈到。1979年的时候,我们两国人民的联系十分有限,如今当年乒乓球运动员的好奇可以在许多领域建立的联系中都可以看到,在美国数量最多的留学生都来自中国。而在美国的学生中,学中文的人数增加了50%。我们两国有近200个友好城市,美中科学家在许多新的研究领域和发现领域进行合作,而我们两国人民都热爱篮球,姚明就是个例子。不过,此行中我不能观看上海鲨鱼队的比赛,有点遗憾。
那么我们两国之间的这种关系给我们带来了积极的变化,这并不是偶然的,中国使得亿万人民脱贫,而这种成就是人类历史上史无前例的。而中国在全球问题中也发挥更大的作用,美国也目睹了我们经济的成长。中国有句古言,温故而知新。当然,我们过去30年中也遇到了挫折和挑战,我们的关系并不是没有困难的,没有分歧的。但是我们必须一定是对手这种想法不应该是一成不变的。由于我们两国的合作,美中两国都变得更加繁荣、更加安全。我们基于相互的利益、相互的尊重就能有成就。
不过,这种接触的成功要取决于我们要彼此了解,要能够进行开诚布公的对话,彼此进行了解。就像当年美国乒乓球运动员所说的,我们作为人有着共同的向往,但是我们两国又不同。我认为我们两国每个国家都应该勾画出自己要走的路,中国是一个文明古国,它有着博大精深的文化。相对而言,美国是一个年轻的国家,它的文化受到来自许多不同国家移民的影响,而指导我们民主制度文件的影响,我有一个非常简单的向往,代表了一些核心的原则,就是所有的人生来平等,都有着基本的权利,而政府应当反映人们的意志,贸易应该是开放的,信息流通应当是自由的,而法律要保证这个公平。
当然,我们的国家历史也不是没有过困难的地方,从很多方面来讲,很多年以来,我们是通过斗争来促进这些原则或者是所有的人民能够享受到,为了缔造一个更完美的联合,我们也打过一个很痛苦的内战,把一部分我们被奴役的人口释放出来,经过一段时间才能使妇女有投票权,劳工有组织权,包括来自各地的移民能够全部被接受。即使他们被解放以后,非洲裔美国人也和美国人经过一些分开的、不平等的条件,经过一段时间才争取到全面的平等权利,所有这些是不容易的。但是我们对这些核心原则的信念我们取得的进展,在最黑暗的风暴当中是作为我们的指南针。
这是为什么林肯在内战期间站起来说过,任何一个国家以自由、以所有人类平等的原则能够长久的存在,也就是为什么金博士在林肯纪念馆的前台站起来,说我们国家要必须真正的实现我们的信念。也就是为什么来自中国或者肯尼亚的移民能够到我们的家,也是为什么一个不到50年前以前在某些地方连投票都遇到困难的人,现在就能够做到那个国家的总统。
这就是为什么美国永远为了全世界各地的核心原则说话,我们不寻求把任何政治体制强制给任何国家,但是我们也不认为我们所支持的这些原则是我们国家所独有的,这些表达自由、宗教崇拜自由、接触信息的机会、政治的参与,我们认为这些是普世的权利,应该是所有人民能够享受到,包括少数民族和宗教的族群,不管是在中国、美国和任何国家,对于普遍权利的尊敬,作为美国对其他国家的开放态度的指导原则,我们对其他文化的尊重,我们对国际法的承诺和对未来的信念的原则。
所有这些都是你们知道关于美国的一些情况,我们有很多要从中国学习。我们看看这个伟大城市的各地,也看看这个房间,我就相信我们两国有很重要的共同点,也就是对未来的信念,不管是美国还是中国,对现在的成就不能感到自满。虽然中国是一个古老的国家,你们也是充满信心展望未来,致力于下一代能够比这一代做的更好,除了你们不断增长的经济之外,我们很配合中国在科学和研究方面所投入的力量,包括建设的基础设施和使用的技术,中国是世界上使用互联网技术最多的国家,这就是我们很高兴互联网是今天活动的一部分,这个国家也拥有最大的机动电话网络,对新的投资保持继续增长,和应对气候变化方面有新的投资,我也希望两国加强这方面的合作。
但是更重要是看到年轻人你们的才能、你们的献身精神、你们的梦想在21世纪实现方面会发挥很大的作用。我说过很多次,我认为世界是互相连接的,我们所做的工作,我们所建立的繁荣,我们所保护的环境,我们所追求的安全,所有这些都是共同的,而且是互相连接的,所以21世纪的实力不在零和游戏,一个国家成功不应该以另外一个国家的牺牲作为代价。这就是我们为什么不寻求遏制中国的崛起。相反,我们欢迎中国作为一个国际社会的强的、繁荣的、成功的成员。
再回到刚才的谚语,我们应该考虑过去。在大的国家合作的时候,就比互相碰撞会取得更多得好处,这就是人类在历史上不断吸取的教训。我认为我们合作应该是超越政府间的合作,应该是以人民为基础,我们所研究的内容,我们所从事的生意,我们送获得的知识,我们所进行的体育比赛,所有这些桥梁必须是年轻人共同合作建立起来,这就是我为什么非常高兴我们要大大的宣布我们到中国学习的留学生人数,要增加到10万人。这样交流就会表现出我们是愿意致力于加强两国人民的联系,而且我是绝对有信心。对美国来说,最好的大使、最好的使者就是年轻人,他们和你们一样,很有才能,充满活力,对未来的历史还是很乐观的,这是我们合作的下一步,惠及两国和全世界。
今天可以吸收的一个最重要的内容就是我们不断地向前推进。非常感谢。现在欢迎各位提问题。
顺便说一句,这在美国是非常常见的传统——举行这种市政会议,我现在要做的就是如果你有兴趣提问的话请举手,我会说请你提问。我会从在座的观众中问一个问题,然后再让这些学生代表以及洪大使从网上代为提问。我先找个男生再找一个女生,来回这么找,让大家知道我是公平的。
看了“"杨玉良在复旦大学欢迎奥巴马的演讲"”
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马是第44任美国总统,为美国历史上第一位非洲裔总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇奥巴马复旦演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
Good afternoon. It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you. I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome. I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations. I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good.(Laughter) 你们好。能够有机会在上海跟你们大家交谈,我深感荣幸。我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长,感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。我还要感谢我们出色的大使洪博培,他代表了我们两国之间的深远联系和相互尊重。我不知道他刚才说什么,但是希望他说得不错。(笑声)
What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman. And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.我今天准备先做一个开场白,但我真正希望做的是回答问题,不但回答在座的学生提出的问题,同时也回答从网上提出的一些问题,这些问题由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为提出。很抱歉,我的中文不如你们的英文,但我期待着这个和你们对话的机会。
This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country. Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world - the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity. And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past. Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall. Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.这是我首次访问中国,看到你们壮丽的国家,我感到很兴奋。在上海,我们看到了全球瞩目的发展——高耸的大厦、繁忙的街道、创业的动态。这些都是中国步入 21世纪的迹象,让我感到赞叹。同时,我也期盼看到向我们展现中国悠久历史的古迹。明天和后天我会在北京,希望有机会看到壮观的故宫和奇迹般的长城。的确,这是一个既有丰富的历史,又对未来的希望充满信心的国家。
The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries. Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China. It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people. However, America's ties to this city and to this country - stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.我们两国的关系也是如此。毫无疑问,上海在美中关系史上是一个具有重大意义的城市。正是在这里,37年前发布的《上海公报》(Shanghai Communique)开启了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新篇章。然而,美国与这个城市以及这个国家的纽带可以追溯到更久远的过去,直至美国独立初期。
In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China. This is a common American impulse - the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.1784年,我们的建国之父乔治·华盛顿主持了“中国女皇号”(Empress of China)的下水仪式。这条船前往中国海岸,寻求与清朝通商。华盛顿希望看到这条悬挂美国国旗的船前往世界各地,与像中国这样的国家缔结新的纽带。这是通常的美国人的愿望——希望达到新的地平线,建立新的、互利的伙伴关系。
Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions. And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so. And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation. 在此后的两个世纪中,历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展,但即使在动荡的岁月中,两国人民也抓住机会发展了深入的、甚至极不平凡的关系。例如,美国人民永远不会忘记,二战期间,美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后,中国公民冒着失去一切的危险护理他们。参加过二战的中国老兵仍然热情欢迎故地重游的美国老兵,他们曾经在那里作战,帮助中国从占领下获得解放。
A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis. The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed. As one American player described his visit to China - "The people are just like us... The country is very similar to America, but still very different."近40年前,简单的乒乓球比赛带来了两国关系的解冻,使我们两国建立起另一种联系。这种接触令人意外,但却恰恰促成了其成功,因为尽管我们之间存在许多分歧,但是我们共同的人性和共同的好奇心得以从中显现。正如一位美国乒乓球队员在回忆对中国的访问时所说:“那里的人民和我们一样……这个国家和美国有许多相似之处,也有很大区别。”
Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979. And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.无须赘言,这个小小的契机带来了《上海公报》的问世,并最终促使美中两国在1979年建立正式外交关系。请看在此后的30年,我们取得了多么长足的进展。
In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion - today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways. America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry. This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life. And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.1979年,美中贸易额约为50亿美元,今天,年度贸易额已经超过4000亿美元。贸易在许多方面影响着两国人民的生活,
美国电脑中的许多元件以及我们身穿的服装都是从中国进口的,我们向中国出口你们的工业需要的机器。这种贸易可以在太平洋两岸创造更多的就业机会,让我们的人民过上质量更高的生活。随着需求趋于平衡,繁荣的范围将进一步扩大。
In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe. All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.1979年,美中之间的政治合作主要立足于双方共同面对的竞争对手苏联。如今我们享有积极的、建设性的、全面的关系,为我们在当今时代的关键性全球问题上建立伙伴关系打开了大门,这些问题包括:经济复苏和清洁能源开发、制止核武器扩散和气候变化的影响、在亚洲及全球各地促进和平与安全。所有这些问题都是我明天与胡锦涛同志会谈的内容。
And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors. The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students. There are nearly 200 "friendship cities" drawing our communities together. American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery. And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball. I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.1979年,我们两国人民的联系十分有限。今天,我们看到当年乒乓球队员的好奇心已经化为许多领域的纽带,中国留学生在美国的人数名列第二,而在美国学生中,学中文的人数增加了50%。我们两国有近200个友好城市,把我们的社区连接在一起。美中科学家合作进行新的研究与发现。而姚明是我们两国人民都热爱篮球的仅仅一个标志而已——令我遗憾的是,此行中我不能观看上海大鲨鱼队的比赛。
It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change. China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty an accomplishment unparalleled in human history while playing a larger role in global events. And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.我们两国之间的关系相伴着一个积极变化的时期,这不是偶然的。中国实现了亿万人民脱贫,这一成就史无前例,同时,中国在全球问题中也在发挥更大的作用。美国在促使冷战顺利结束的同时,经济也取得了增长,人民的生活水平提高。
There is a Chinese proverb: "Consider the past, and you shall know the future. Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years. Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty. But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined - not when we consider the past. Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure. We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.中国有句名言:“温故而知新。”当然,过去30年中我们也曾遇到挫折和挑战,我们的关系不是没有分歧和困难。但是,“我们必然是对手”的概念并非是注定不变的——回顾过去不会是这样。由于我们的合作,美中两国都更加繁荣、更加安全。我们已经看到我们本着共同的利益和相互的尊重去努力所能取得的成果。
And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding - on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another. For just as that American table tennis player pointed out - we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.可是,这种接触的成功取决于理解,取决于继续进行开诚布公的对话,相互了解,相互学习。正如前面提到的那位美国乒乓球队员所说——作为人,我们有着许多共同之处,但是我们两国在某些方面存在着差别。
I believe that each country must chart its own course. China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture. The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy. Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles - that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.我认为每个国家都必须规划自己的前进方向。中国是一个文明古国,文化深远。而美国相对而言是一个年轻的国家,它的文化由来自许多不同国家的移民以及指导我国民主制度的建国纲领所形成。这些纲领中提出了对人类事务的简单明了的瞩望,并包含了一些核心原则——不论男女人人生而平等,都享有某些基本权利;政府应当反映民意,并对人民的愿望作出回应;商贸应该是开放的,信息应该自由流通;司法保障应该来自法治而不是人治。
Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters. In many ways over many years we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union. We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery. It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced. Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal
rights.当然,我国的历史也并非没有困难的篇章。在很多方面,在很长的时间里,我们要通过斗争去实现这些原则对全体人民的承诺,缔造一个更趋完善的联邦。我们曾打过一场很痛苦的南北战争,将我国的一部分人口从奴役下解放出来。妇女获得投票权、劳工赢得组织权、来自世界各地的移民得到完全的接纳——这些都是经过了一段时间才实现的。非洲裔美国人即使在获得自由后依然生活在被隔离和不平等的条件下,他们经过不懈努力才最终赢得全面、平等的权利。
None of this was easy. But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms. That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and "dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" could long endure. That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed. That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.所有这些都不曾轻而易举。但是,由于我们对这些核心原则的坚定信念,我们取得了进步,这些原则指引我们冲过了最黑暗的风暴。这就是为什么林肯能在南北战争中挺身而出并宣布,这是一场考验一个孕育于自由之中、“忠实于人人生而平等这一原则”的国家能否永存的斗争。这也就是为什么马丁·路德·金博士能够站立在林肯纪念堂的台阶上,要求我们的国家实践自身信仰的真正含义。这也就是为什么来自从中国到肯尼亚的各国移民能够在我国的土地上安家;为什么所有努力寻求机会的人都能获得机会;为什么像我这种在不到50年前在美国的某些地方连投票都遇到困难的人,现在能够出任这个国家的总统。
And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world. We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation. These freedoms of expression and worship of access to information and political participation - we believe are universal rights. They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation. Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.这就是为什么美国一直在全世界为这些核心原则而大声疾呼。我们不寻求把任何政治体制强加给任何别的国家,但是我们也不认为我们主张的这些原则是我们国家所独有的。表达自由和宗教信仰自由——获得信息和政治参与的自由——我们认为这些自由都是普世的权利,所有人都应当享有,包括少数民族和宗教少数派,不管是在美国、中国还是在任何其他国家。正是对普世权利的尊重指导着美国向其他国家开放,尊重各种不同的文化,致力于遵守国际法,并对未来抱有信念。
These are all things that you should know about America. I also know that we have much to learn about China. Looking around at this magnificent city and looking around this room. I do believe that our nations hold something
mportant in common, and that is a belief in the future. Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements. For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.这些都是你们应当了解的美国的情况。我也知道中国有很多有待我们了解的情况。环顾一下这座伟大的城市——环顾一下这个大厅——我确信我们两个国家有一个很重要的共同点,那就是我们对未来的信念。美国和中国都不想满足于已取得的成就,止步不前。虽然中国是一个古老的国家,但你们显然也对未来满怀信心、雄心和使年轻一代能比这一代人更有作为的决心。
In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use. China is now the world's largest Internet user which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event. This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow. But above all, I see China's future in you young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.我们不但钦佩中国日益增长的经济,还赞赏你们在科学研究方面极不平凡的努力——从你们建设的基础设施到你们使用的技术,均体现出这种努力。中国现在是世界上最大的互联网使用国——这也是我们今天很高兴能把互联网作为此次活动的一部分的原因。这个国家目前拥有世界上最大的移动电话网络,它正在投资发展既能维持可持续增长,又能应对气候变化的新型能源——我期待着明天在这个至关重要的领域中深化两国的合作关系。然而,最重要的是,我在你们身上看到
了中国的未来 ——年轻一代的聪明才智、献身精神和梦想将为塑造21世纪发挥巨大作用。
I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected. The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek all of these things are shared. And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country's success need not come at the expense of another. And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise. On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.我已说过多次,我相信我们现在的世界是紧密相连的。我们所做的工作,我们所建设的繁荣,我们所保护的环境,以及我们所寻求的安全——所有这一切都是共有的。鉴于这种相互联系,在21世纪,权力不应再成为一场零和游戏;一国的成功发展不应以他国为代价。这也就是为什么美国坚决表示我们不谋求遏制中国的崛起。恰恰相反,我们欢迎中国成为国际社会中一个强大、繁荣、成功的成员——一个从你们这样的每个中国人的权利、实力和创造力中获得力量的中国。
To return to the proverb consider the past. We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide. That is a lessonthat human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations. And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government. It must be rooted in our people in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play. And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.回到前面提到的那句古语——回顾过去。我们知道,大国之间选择合作而非对抗会带来更大的惠益。这是人类不断汲取的一个教训,我们两国的关系史中也不乏其例。我深信,合作必须不止于政府间的合作。合作必须植根于我们的人民——植根于我们共同进行的研究,我们的商贸活动,我们所学到的知识,乃至我们的体育运动。这些桥梁必须由你们这样的年轻人和美国的年轻人共同构筑。
That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000. And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century. And I'm absolutelyconfident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people. For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.因此,我高兴地宣布,美国准备将在中国留学的美国学生人数大幅度增加到10万人。这种交流是对在我们两国人民之间建立联系的明确承诺,毫无疑问,你们将帮助决定21世纪的命运。我完全相信,对美·来说,再好的使者莫过于我们的年轻人。因为他们和你们一样,才华横溢,充满活力,对有待书写的历史篇章充满乐观。
So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world. And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.那么,就让这个举措成为我们稳步寻求合作的下一个步骤,这种合作有利于我们两国乃至整个世界。如果能从今天的对话中得到一点启示的话,我希望那就是致力于今后继续进行这种对话。
So thank you very much. And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause)非常感谢诸位。现在我希望回答你们大家提出的一些问题。非常感谢。(掌声)
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马(Barack Hussein Obama),1961年8月4日出生,美国民主党籍政治家,第44任美国总统,为美国历史上第一位非洲裔总统。下面读文网小编整理了奥巴马开学演讲稿中英文版,供你阅读参考。
2013年11月18日-20日,CNN和全球市场调查机构ORC联合对全美843个成年人进行了电话抽样调查。结果显示,只有40%的人认为贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马能有效管理联邦政府,该数字比2013年6月的调查下降了12个百分点。53%的人认为奥巴马不诚实、不值得信赖,这是CNN民调中首次发现超半数美国人持有这样的看法。此外,56%的受访者说,奥巴马不是自己崇拜的人。
美国《绅士季刊》总共列出了25位最无影响力名人,奥巴马位列第17位,因为他“什么也没做”。[44]
《纽约邮报》调侃称,奥巴马是“陷入僵局的总司令”。[44]
俄罗斯《今日报》称,奥巴马以“失败的政治家”和“无法坚持自己立场”而入选。专家们认为,奥巴马承诺的太多,讲得很华丽,实际上却什么也没有做。因为不成功的医保改革、移民政策及不善于维护自己在国际政治中的地位,尤其是在处理叙利亚问题时的失误,使得奥巴马的执政路变得相对坎坷。[27]
美国前总统克林顿则称奥巴马是美国历史上最糟糕的总统。
《时代》:民调显示奥巴马成战后最差总统。[45]
美国昆尼皮亚克大学民调研究所2日发布一项民调结果,贝拉克·奥巴马以33%的得票率被评为第二次世界大战以来美国“最糟糕的总统”[46] 。
2014年8月28日,奥巴马在新闻发布会上谈及俄乌以及打击“伊拉克和沙姆伊斯兰国”(ISIS)等问题。舆论不仅对他的观点有所不满,甚至认为他的西装十分滑稽。人们的注意力都集中在总统的浅黄色西装上(如图),而不是他对乌克兰和叙利亚问题的看法。美国媒体甚至调侃称,称其穿傻帽西装。[47]
美国反战组织“粉色代码”(CODEPINK)和“立即行动起来结束战争和种族主义联盟”(ANSWER Coalition)2014年9月25日在白宫门口举行游行示威,抗议总统奥巴马对叙利亚和伊拉克发动空袭行动,批评美国中东政策是“伊斯兰国”发展壮大的原因之一,也是问题所在。
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
Thank you. Thank you so much. Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:
谢谢,非常感谢大家。拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们。
Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy. We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional – what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than two centuries ago:
每一次我们集会庆祝总统就职都是在见证美国宪法的持久力量。我们都是在肯定美国民主的承诺。我们重申,将这个国家紧密联系在一起的不是我们的肤色,也不是 我们信仰的教条,更不是我们名字的来源。让我们与众不同,让我们成为美国人的是我们对于一种理念的恪守。200多年前,这一理念在一篇宣言中被清晰阐述:
“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”
“我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的,人人生而平等。造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利,包括生存、自由和追求幸福的权利。”
Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep safe our founding creed.
今天,我们继续着这一未竟的征程,架起这些理念与我们时代现实之间的桥梁。因为历史告诉我们,即便这些真理是不言而喻的,它们也从来不会自动生效。因为虽然自由是上帝赋予的礼物,但仍需要世间的子民去捍卫。1776年,美国的爱国先驱们不是只为了推翻国王的暴政而战,也不是为赢得少数人的特权,建立暴民的统治。先驱们留给我们一个共和国,一个民有、民治、民享的政府。他们委托每一代美国人捍卫我们的建国信条。
For more than two hundred years, we have.
在过去的200多年里,我们做到了。
Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.
从奴役的血腥枷锁和刀剑的血光厮杀中我们懂得了,建立在自由与平等原则之上的联邦不能永远维持半奴隶和半自由的状态。我们赢得了新生,誓言共同前进。
Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and colleges to train our workers。
我们共同努力,建立起现代的经济体系。架设铁路与高速公路,加速了旅行和商业交流。建立学校与大学,培训我们的工人。
Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are rules to ensure competition and fair play.
我们一起发现,自由市场的繁荣只能建立在保障竞争与公平竞争的原则之上。
Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.
我们共同决定让这个伟大的国家远离危险,保护她的人民不受生命威胁和不幸的侵扰。
Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise; our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in our character.
一路走来,我们从未放弃对集权的质疑。我们同样不屈服于这一谎言:一切的社会弊端都能够只靠政府来解决。我们对积极向上与奋发进取的赞扬,我们对努力工作与个人责任的坚持,这些都是美国精神的基本要义。
But we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges; that preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action. For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism with muskets and militias. No single person can train all the math and science teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation, and one people.
我们也理解,时代在变化,我们同样需要变革。对建国精神的忠诚,需要我们肩负起新的责任,迎接新的挑战。保护我们的个人自由,最终需要所有人的共同努力。 因为美国人不能再独力迎接当今世界的挑战,正如美国士兵们不能再像先辈一样,用步枪和民兵同敌人(法西斯主义与共产主义)作战。一个人无法培训所有的数学 与科学老师,我们需要他们为了未来去教育孩子们。一个人无法建设道路、铺设网络、建立实验室来为国内带来新的工作岗位和商业机会。现在,与以往任何时候相比,我们都更需要团结合作。作为一个国家,一个民族团结起来。
This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our resolve and proved our resilience. A decade of war is now ending. An economic recovery has begun. America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive; diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention. My fellow Americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it – so long as we seize it together.
这一代美国人经历了危机的考验,经济危机坚定了我们的决心,证明了我们的恢复力。长达十年的战争正在结束,经济的复苏已经开始。美国的可能性是无限的,因为我们拥有当今没有边界的世界所需要的所有品质:年轻与活力、多样性与开放、无穷的冒险精神以及创造的天赋才能。我亲爱的同胞们,我们正是为此刻而生,我们更要在此刻团结一致,抓住当下的机会。
For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the brink of hardship. We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else, because she is an American, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes of God but also in our own.
因为我们,美国人民,清楚如果只有不断萎缩的少数人群体获得成功,而大多数人不能成功,我们的国家就无法成功。我们相信,美国的繁荣必须建立在不断上升的中产阶级的宽阔臂膀之上,我们知道美国的繁荣只有这样才能实现。只有当每个人都能找到工作中的自立与自豪时才能实现。只有当诚实劳动获得的薪水足够让家庭 摆脱困苦的悬崖时才能实现。我们忠诚于我们的事业,保证让一个出生于最贫穷环境中的小女孩都能知道,她有同其他所有人一样的成功机会。因为她是一个美国人,她是自由的、平等的。她的自由平等不仅由上帝来见证,更由我们亲手保护。
We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our time. We must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they need to work harder, learn more, and reach higher. But while the means will change, our purpose endures: a nation that rewards the effort and determination of every single American. That is what this moment requires. That is what will give real meaning to our creed.
我们知道,我们已然陈旧的程序不足以满足时代的需要。我们必须应用新理念和新技术重塑我们的政府,改进我们的税法,改革我们的学校,让我们的公民拥有他们所需要的技能,更加努力地工作,学更多的知识,向更高处发展。这意味着变革,我们的目标是:国家可以奖励每个美国人的努力和果断。这是现在需要的。这将给我们的信条赋予真正的意义。
We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security and dignity. We must make the hard choices to reduce the cost of health care and the size of our deficit. But we reject the belief that America must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and investing in the generation that will build its future. For we remember the lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a child with a disability had nowhere to turn. We do not believe that in this country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. We recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a terrible storm. The commitments we make to each other – through Medicare, and Medicaid, and Social Security – these things do not sap our initiative; they strengthen us. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great.
我们,人民,仍然认为,每个公民都应当获得基本的安全和尊严。我们必须做出艰难抉择,降低医疗成本,缩减赤字规模。但我们拒绝在照顾建设国家的这一代和投 资即将建设国家的下一代间做出选择。因为我们记得过去的教训:老年人的夕阳时光在贫困中度过,家有残障儿童的父母无处求助。我们相信,在这个国家,自由不只是那些幸运儿的专属,或者说幸福只属于少数人。我们知道,不管我们怎样负责任地生活,我们任何人在任何时候都可能面临失业、突发疾病或住房被可怕的飓风摧毁的风险。我们通过医疗保险、联邦医疗补助计划、社会保障项目向每个人做出承诺,这些不会让我们的创造力衰竭,而是会让我们更强大。这些不会让我们成为充满不劳而获者的国度,这些让我们敢于承担风险,让国家伟大。
We, the people, still believe that our obligations as Americans are not just to ourselves, but to all posterity. We will respond to the threat of climate change, knowing that the failure to do so would betray our children and future generations. Some may still deny the overwhelming judgment of science, but none can avoid the devastating impact of raging fires, and crippling drought, and more powerful storms. The path towards sustainable energy sources will be long and sometimes difficult. But America cannot resist this transition; we must lead it. We cannot cede to other nations the technology that will power new jobs and new industries – we must claim its promise. That is how we will maintain our economic vitality and our national treasure – our forests and waterways; our croplands and snowcapped peaks. That is how we will preserve our planet, commanded to our care by God. That’s what will lend meaning to the creed our fathers once declared.
我们,人民,仍然相信,我们作为美国人的义务不只是对我们自己而言,还包括对子孙后代。我们将应对气候变化的威胁,认识到不采取措施应对气候变化就是对我 们的孩子和后代的背叛。一些人可能仍在否定科学界的压倒性判断,但没有人能够避免熊熊火灾、严重旱灾、更强力风暴带来的灾难性打击。通向可再生能源利用的 道路是漫长的,有时是困难的。但美国不能抵制这种趋势,我们必须引领这种趋势。我们不能把制造新就业机会和新行业的技术让给其他国家,我们必须明确这一承 诺。这是我们保持经济活力和国家财富(我们的森林和航道,我们的农田与雪峰)的方法。这将是我们保护我们星球的办法,上帝把这个星球托付给我们。这将给我们的建国之父们曾宣布的信条赋予意义。
We, the people, still believe that enduring security and lasting peace do not require perpetual war. Our brave men and women in uniform, tempered by the flames of battle, are unmatched in skill and courage. Our citizens, seared by the memory of those we have lost, know too well the price that is paid for liberty. The knowledge of their sacrifice will keep us forever vigilant against those who would do us harm. But we are also heirs to those who won the peace and not just the war, who turned sworn enemies into the surest of friends, and we must carry those lessons into this time as well.
我们,人民,仍然相信持久的安全与和平,不需要持续的战争。我们勇敢的士兵经受了战火的考验,他们的技能和勇气是无可匹敌的。我们的公民依然铭记着那些阵亡者,他们非常清楚我们为自由付出的代价。明白他们的牺牲将让我们永远对那些试图伤害我们的势力保持警惕。但我们也是那些赢得和平而不只是战争的人们的后 代,他们将仇敌转变成最可靠的朋友,我们也必须把这些经验带到这个时代。
We will defend our people and uphold our values through strength of arms and rule of law. We will show the courage to try and resolve our differences with other nations peacefully – not because we are naïve about the dangers we face, but because engagement can more durably lift suspicion and fear. America will remain the anchor of strong alliances in every corner of the globe; and we will renew those institutions that extend our capacity to manage crisis abroad, for no one has a greater stake in a peaceful world than its most powerful nation. We will support democracy from Asia to Africa; from the Americas to the Middle East, because our interests and our conscience compel us to act on behalf of those who long for freedom. And we must be a source of hope to the poor, the sick, the marginalized, the victims of prejudice – not out of mere charity, but because peace in our time requires the constant advance of those principles that our common creed describes: tolerance and opportunity; human dignity and justice.
我们将通过强大的军力和法制保护我们的人民,捍卫我们的价值观。我们将展现试图和平解决与其它国家分歧的勇气,但这不是因为我们对面临的危险持幼稚的态 度,而是因为接触能够更持久地化解疑虑和恐惧。美国将在全球保持强大的联盟,我们将更新这些能扩展我们应对海外危机能力的机制。因为作为世界上最强大的国家,我们在世界和平方面拥有最大的利益。我们将支持从亚洲到非洲、从美洲至中东的民主国家,因为我们的利益和良心驱使我们代表那些想获得自由的人们采取行 动。我们必须成为贫困者、病患者、被边缘化的人士、异见受害者的希望来源,不仅仅是出于慈善,也是因为这个时代的和平需要不断推进我们共同信念中的原则: 宽容和机遇,人类尊严与正义。
We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths – that all of us are created equal – is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall; just as it guided all those men and women, sung and unsung, who left footprints along this great Mall, to hear a preacher say that we cannot walk alone; to hear a King proclaim that our individual freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of every soul on Earth.
我们,人民,今天昭示的最明白的事实是——我们所有人都是生而平等的,这是依然引领我们的恒星。它引领我们的先辈穿越纽约塞尼卡瀑布城(女权抗议事件)、 塞尔马(黑人权力事件)和石墙骚乱(同性恋与警察发生的暴力事件),引领着所有的男性和女性,留下姓名和没留姓名的人。在伟大的征程中,一路上留下足迹的 人。曾经听一位牧师说,我们不能独自前行。马丁-路德-金说,我们个人的自由与地球上每个灵魂的自由不可分割。
It is now our generation’s task to carry on what those pioneers began. For our journey is not complete until our wives, our mothers, and daughters can earn a living equal to their efforts. Our journey is not complete until our gay brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law – for if we are truly created equal, then surely the love we commit to one another must be equal as well. Our journey is not complete until no citizen is forced to wait for hours to exercise the right to vote. Our journey is not complete until we find a better way to welcome the striving, hopeful immigrants who still see America as a land of opportunity; until bright young students and engineers are enlisted in our workforce rather than expelled from our country. Our journey is not complete until all our children, from the streets of Detroit to the hills of Appalachia to the quiet lanes of Newtown, know that they are cared for, and cherished, and always safe from harm.
继续先辈开创的事业是我们这代人的任务。直到我们的妻子、母亲和女儿的付出能够与她们的努力相称,我们的征途才会结束。我们的征途不会终结,我们要让同性恋的兄弟姐妹在法律之下得到与其他人同样的待遇。如果我们真正是生而平等的,那么我们对彼此的爱也应该是平等的。我们的征途没有结束,直到没有公民需要等待数个小时去行使投票权。我们的征途不会结束,直到我们找到更好的方法迎接努力、有憧憬的移民,他们依旧视美国是一块充满机会的土地。直到聪颖年轻的学生 和工程师为我们所用,而不是被逐出美国。我们的征途不会结束,直到我们所有的儿童,从底特律的街道到阿巴拉契亚的山岭,再到康涅狄格州纽镇安静的小巷,直到他们得到关心和珍视,永远避免受到伤害。
That is our generation’s task – to make these words, these rights, these values – of Life, and Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness – real for every American. Being true to our founding documents does not require us to agree on every contour of life; it does not mean we will all define liberty in exactly the same way, or follow the same precise path to happiness. Progress does not compel us to settle centuries-long debates about the role of government for all time – but it does require us to act in our time.
那是我们这一代的任务——让生存、自由和追求幸福的言语、权力和价值切实体现在每个美国人的身上。我们的立国根本没有要求我们将每个人的生活一致化。这并不意味着,我们会以完全一样的方式去定义自由,沿着同样的道路通向幸福。进步不会终止几个世纪以来一直纠结的关于政府角色的争论,但这要求我们现在就采取行动。
For now decisions are upon us, and we cannot afford delay. We cannot mistake absolutism for principle, or substitute spectacle for politics, or treat name-calling as reasoned debate. We must act, knowing that our work will be imperfect. We must act, knowing that today’s victories will be only partial, and that it will be up to those who stand here in four years, and forty years, and four hundred years hence to advance the timeless spirit once conferred to us in a spare Philadelphia hall.
目前是由我们决策,我们不能拖延。我们不能将绝对主义当作原则,或者以表象代替政治,或将中伤视作理性的辩论。我们必须行动,要意识到我们的工作并不完美。我们必须行动,意识到今天的胜利是并不完全的。这些将有赖于未来4年、40年或是400年致力于这项事业的人,去推进当年在费城制宪会议大厅传承给我们的永恒精神。
My fellow Americans, the oath I have sworn before you today, like the one recited by others who serve in this Capitol, was an oath to God and country, not party or faction – and we must faithfully execute that pledge during the duration of our service. But the words I spoke today are not so different from the oath that is taken each time a soldier signs up for duty, or an immigrant realizes her dream. My oath is not so different from the pledge we all make to the flag that waves above and that fills our hearts with pride.
我的美国同胞,我今天在你们面前宣读的誓词,如同在国会山服务的其他人曾宣读过的誓词一样,是对上帝和国家的誓词,不是对党派或是派别的,我们必须在任期 内忠实地履行这些承诺。但我今天宣读的誓词与士兵报名参军或者是移民实现梦想时所宣读的誓词没有多少差别。我的誓词与我们所有的人向我们头顶飘扬的、让我们心怀自豪的国旗所表达的誓言没有多大差别。
They are the words of citizens, and they represent our greatest hope.
这些是公民的誓词,代表着我们最伟大的希望。
You and I, as citizens, have the power to set this country’s course.
你和我,作为公民,都有为这个国家设定道路的权力。
You and I, as citizens, have the obligation to shape the debates of our time – not only with the votes we cast, but with the voices we lift in defense of our most ancient values and enduring ideals.
你和我,作为公民,有义务塑造我们时代的辩题,不仅是通过我们的选票,而且要为捍卫悠久的价值观和持久的理想发声。
Let each of us now embrace, with solemn duty and awesome joy, what is our lasting birthright. With common effort and common purpose, with passion and dedication, let us answer the call of history, and carry into an uncertain future that precious light of freedom.
现在让我们相互拥抱,怀着庄严的职责和无比的快乐,这是我们永恒的与生俱来的权利。有共同的努力和共同的目标,用热情与奉献,让我们回应历史的召唤,将珍贵的自由之光带入并不确定的未来。
Thank you, God Bless you, and may He forever bless these United States of America.
感谢你们,上帝保佑你们,愿上帝永远保佑美利坚合众国。
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
相信很多人看了电影《国王的演讲》,也发现英国人做英文演讲,也很难!那么任何一个要想有所成就的人就一定要学一点演讲与口才!那么如何做好演讲呢?下面读文网小编整理了做英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
英语演讲应该简洁扼要,直截了当。除非特别需要,一般不要采用中文中的那种迂回曲折的表达形式。据有关专家统计,一般人的注意力一次只能集中约13分钟。所以,演讲长度以10~15分钟为宜。下面是美国总统林肯所作的著名的盖茨堡演说,虽然全文只有短短200多个词,却带有振奋人心、扭转乾坤般的力量。其中 of the people, by the people, for the people(民有,民治,民享)已成为不朽佳句。对于中学生来说,这篇演讲现在读起来一定会觉得很难,但要写好英语演讲,这确实是值得认真研读的经典之作。
浏览量:4
下载量:0
时间:
英国首相卡梅伦宣布将辞职,卡梅伦为什么辞职?卡梅伦在辞职是讲了什么内容?下面读文网小编在整理了英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲:我尽力了,供你阅读。
6月24日,引发全球关注的英国“脱欧”公投结果出炉,“脱欧”阵营赢得超过半数的民众支持,这意味着英国在加入欧盟43年之后将正式与这个大家庭说“再见”。这一历史性的投票将重塑英国的世界地位,同时可能触发多米诺效应、导致更多国家脱离欧盟。此外,英国首相卡梅伦或许会辞职。
公投结果显示,投票民众中52%支持脱离欧盟,48%支持留在欧盟。其中,伦敦和苏格兰地区的“留欧”意愿非常强烈,但最终没能敌过英格兰北部人数众多的“脱欧”派支持者。公投的投票率为71.8%,相当于有超过3000万民众前往投票站投票,这是英国自1992年以来最高的投票记录。
对于英国的公投结果,全球金融市场反应迅速且剧烈,英镑兑美元汇率闪电崩盘,跌幅超过1000个基点,触及1985年以来的最低水平。英国工党影子内阁大臣约翰·麦克唐纳表示,英国中央银行可能会介入市场,采取措施支撑英镑。
***“独立日”
过去20年间,英国独立党领导人奈杰尔·法拉奇一直四处奔走、游说英国脱离欧盟。如今夙愿得偿,法拉奇不禁向“脱欧”派支持者高呼:“这是普罗大众的胜利!6月23日将被载入史册,成为英国的独立日!”他还呼吁首相卡梅伦“立即”辞职。英国“脱欧”公投虽由卡梅伦发起,但他强烈支持英国留在欧盟。
不过,多名“脱欧”派保守党人士,包括前伦敦市长鲍里斯·约翰逊和英国司法大臣迈克尔·戈夫在内,已经签署联名信劝说卡梅伦不论公投结果如何都请继续出任首相。
英国前欧洲事务大臣基思·瓦兹认为,公投结果表明英国民众是根据其“情绪”而非专家建议投票,欧盟应当召集一次紧急峰会来处理英国“脱欧”后续问题,“(英国脱离欧盟)将会对我们的国家、欧洲乃至世界其他地区产生灾难性的后果”。
德国外交部长弗兰克·沃尔特·施泰因迈尔称,对于欧盟和英国,公投结果出炉是个“悲伤的日子”。
***退出不易
英国将成为自欧盟成立以来第一个退出的国家,但这并不意味着公投结果公布后英国的欧盟成员国身份即刻终止。英国退出欧盟需要花费至少两年的时间,“脱欧”派建议英国应当直至2020年大选时才完成全部脱欧工作。
接下来,英国首相将决定何时触发欧盟《里斯本条约》第50条规定。根据这条规定,英国确认脱离欧盟后,需在两年的时间内与欧洲理事会谈判退出事宜,并且除非得到全体成员国的一致同意,退出国不得再加入欧盟。
与此同时,英国政府还将与欧盟举行谈判,协商二者之间未来的贸易关系,以及修订同非欧盟国家间的贸易协议。
***“多米诺效应”
美国《纽约时报》指出,英国公投决定退出欧盟,这一历史性决定将重塑英国的世界地位,同时让欧洲大陆陷入不安,并震动整个西方政治世界。
《华盛顿邮报》分析称,除了可能导致全球性经济衰退和西方联盟的破裂,英国脱欧或许还会致使苏格兰加速走向独立、欧盟进一步分裂以及卡梅伦政府的陷落。
有分析人士称,未来,希腊、葡萄牙、意大利、捷克、芬兰、斯洛伐克、拉脱维亚和比利时都可能会跟随英国的脚步脱离欧盟。
英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲相关
浏览量:5
下载量:0
时间:
英文演讲作为一种教学手段,是英语学习过程中经常用到的一种非常有效的方式,同时英文演讲也能增强你的口语表达呢里,下面读文网小编整理了做好英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
具备演讲的知识和技巧,演讲稿的完成只是演讲的序幕,要进行成功的演讲则要进行严格的训练。训练时,分析演讲要领,训练演讲技巧和姿势语,观看cctv杯和爱立信杯等英语演讲的录像,了解并按照比赛评分标准进行严格的模拟训练,观察演讲过程是否具备以下特点:主题鲜明,表达完整(演讲内容);思维清晰,逻辑性强(文章组织结构);感情充沛,富有表现力(演讲气势);发音正确,语音语调标准(英语语音);反应敏捷,回答准确(心理素质);着装整洁,仪态大方等等。
除此之外,还要有良好的心理素质。多进行模拟演讲,有良好的心理素质,才能更好地表现自己,取得演讲的良好效果。有的同学能讲一口地道的美式英语,但由于缺乏良好的心理素质而怯场,甚至在比赛中紧张得说不出话来或有一些不良的举止而被淘汰出局。
有了充分的准备,进行演讲就不太难了。在演讲的整个过程中还要注意一些演讲的要领与技巧,如演讲者与听众目光的接触(eye contact),声音的抑扬顿挫(vocal variety),和肢体语言的配合(hand gestures and body language)等等,但要恰当,不要太多,否则会喧宾夺主,影响演讲效果。
掌握了这些要领,有了充分的知识储备,再加上良好的心理素质,一定会成功的 .
浏览量:3
下载量:0
时间:
奥巴马是美国历史上第一位黑人总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇奥巴马勃兰登堡门的演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Hello, Berlin!
(Applause。) Thank you, Chancellor Merkel, for your leadership, your friendship, and the example of your life -- from a child of the East to the leader of a free and united Germany。
As I've said, Angela and I don't exactly look like previous German and American leaders. But the fact that we can stand here today, along the fault line where a city was divided, speaks to an eternal truth: No wall can stand against the yearning of justice, the yearnings for freedom, the yearnings for peace that burns in the human heart. (Applause。)
Mayor Wowereit, distinguished guests, and especially the people of Berlin and of Germany -- thank you for this extraordinarily warm welcome. In fact, it's so warm and I feel so good that I'm actually going to take off my jacket, and anybody else who wants to, feel free to. (Applause。) We can be a little more informal among friends. (Applause。)
As your Chancellor mentioned, five years ago I had the privilege to address this city as senator. Today, I'm proud to return as President of the United States. (Applause。) And I bring with me the enduring friendship of the American people, as well as my wife, Michelle, and Malia and Sasha. (Applause。) You may notice that they're not here. The last thing they want to do is to listen to another speech from me. (Laughter。) So they're out experiencing the beauty and the history of Berlin. And this history speaks to us today。
Here, for thousands of years, the people of this land have journeyed from tribe to principality to nation-state; through Reformation and Enlightenment, renowned as a “land of poets and thinkers,” among them Immanuel Kant, who taught us that freedom is the “unoriginated birthright of man, and it belongs to him by force of his humanity。”
Here, for two centuries, this gate stood tall as the world around it convulsed -- through the rise and fall of empires; through revolutions and republics; art and music and science that reflected the height of human endeavor, but also war and carnage that exposed the depths of man's cruelty to man。
It was here that Berliners carved out an island of democracy against the greatest of odds. As has already been mentioned, they were supported by an airlift of hope, and we are so honored to be joined by Colonel Halvorsen, 92 years old -- the original “candy bomber。” We could not be prouder of him. (Applause。) I hope I look that good, by the way, when I'm 92. (Laughter。)
During that time, a Marshall Plan seeded a miracle, and a North Atlantic Alliance protected our people. And those in the neighborhoods and nations to the East drew strength from the knowledge that freedom was possible here, in Berlin -- that the waves of crackdowns and suppressions might therefore someday be overcome。
Today, 60 years after they rose up against oppression, we remember the East German heroes of June 17th. When the wall finally came down, it was their dreams that were fulfilled. Their strength and their passion, their enduring example remind us that for all the power of militaries, for all the authority of governments, it is citizens who choose whether to be defined by a wall, or whether to tear it down. (Applause。)
And we're now surrounded by the symbols of a Germany reborn. A rebuilt Reichstag and its glistening glass dome. An American embassy back at its historic home on Pariser Platz. (Applause。) And this square itself, once a desolate no man's land, is now open to all. So while I am not the first American President to come to this gate, I am proud to stand on its Eastern side to pay tribute to the past. (Applause。)
For throughout all this history, the fate of this city came down to a simple question: Will we live free or in chains? Under governments that uphold our universal rights, or regimes that suppress them? In open societies that respect the sanctity of the individual and our free will, or in closed societies that suffocate the soul?
As free peoples, we stated our convictions long ago. As Americans, we believe that “all men are created equal” with the right to life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And as Germans, you declared in your Basic Law that “the dignity of man is inviolable。” (Applause。) Around the world, nations have pledged themselves to a Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which recognizes the inherent dignity and rights of all members of our human family。
看了“"名人演讲:奥巴马勃兰登堡门演讲"”
浏览量:3
下载量:0
时间:
2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
2009年10月9日,挪威诺贝尔委员会将2009年诺贝尔和平奖授予贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马,以表彰他为加强“国际外交和人民之间合作”所作出的努力。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇奥巴马首次访华的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
诸位下午好。我感到很荣幸能够有机会到上海跟你们交谈,我要感谢复旦大学的杨校长,感谢他的款待和热情的欢迎。我还想感谢我们出色的大使洪博培,他是我们两国间?深厚的纽带。我不知道他刚才说什么,但是希望他说得很好。
我今天准备这样,先做一个开场白,我真正希望做的是回答在座的问题,不但回答在座的学生问题,同时还可以从网上得到一些问题,由在座的一些学生和洪博培大使代为?提问。很抱歉,我的中文远不如你们的英文,所以我期待和你们的对话。这是我首次访问中国,我看到你们博大的国家,感到很兴奋。在上海这里,我们看到了瞩目的增长?,高耸的塔楼,繁忙的街道,还有企业家的精神。这些都是中国步入21世纪的迹象,让我感到赞叹。同时我也急切的要看到向我们展现中国古老的古迹,明天和后天我要?到北京去看雄伟壮丽的故宫和令人叹为观止的长城,这个国度既有丰富的历史,又有对未来憧憬的信念。
而我们两国的关系也是如此,上海在美中关系的历史中是个具有意义的重大城市,在30年前,《上海公报》打开了我们两国政府和两国人民接触交往的新的篇章。
不过美国与这个国家的纽带可以追溯更久远的过去,追溯到美国独立的初期,乔治?华盛顿组织了皇后号的下水仪式,这个船成功前往大清王朝,华盛顿希望看到这艘船前?往各地,与中国结成新的纽带。希望中国开辟新的地平线,建立新的伙伴关系。在其后的两个世纪中,历史洪流使我们两国关系向许多不同的方向发展,而即使在最动荡的?方向中,我们的两国人民打造深的,甚至有戏剧性的纽带,比如美国人永远不会忘记,在二战期间,美国飞行员在中国上空被击落后,当地人民对他们的款待,中国公民冒?着失去一切的危险罩着他们。
而参加二战的老兵仍然欢迎故地重游的美国老兵,他们在那里参战。40年前,我们两国间开启了又一种联系,两国关系开始解冻,通过乒乓球的比赛解冻关系。我们两国?之间有着分歧,但是我们也有着共同的人性及有着共同的好奇,就像一位乒乓球人员一样,那的国家就是一样,但是这个小小的开头带来了《上海公报》的问世,最终还带?来了美中在1979年建交。在其后的30年我们又取得了长足的进展,1979年美中贸易只有50亿美元,现在已经超过了4000亿美元。
贸易在许多方面影响人民的生活,比如美国电脑中许多部件,还有穿的衣服都是从中国进口的,我们向中国出口中国工业要使用的机器,这种贸易可以在太平洋两岸创造更?多的就业机会,让我们的人民过上质量更高的生活。
在需求趋于平衡的过程中,这种贸易可以是更广阔的贸易。如今我们有着积极合作和全面的关系,为我们在当前重大的全球问题上建立伙伴关系打开了大门,这些问题包括?经济复苏、洁净能源的开发、制止核武器扩散以及应对气候变化。还有在亚洲及全球各地促进和平和稳定,所有这些问题我明天与胡锦涛同志会谈时都会谈到。一九七九年的时?候,我们两国人民的联系十分有限,如今当年乒乓球运动员的好奇可以在许多领域建立的联系中都可以看到,在美国数量最多的留学生都来自中国。而在美国的学生中,学?中文的人数增加了50%。我们两国有近200个友好城市,美中科学家在许多新的研究领域和发现领域进行合作,而我们两国人民都热爱篮球,姚明就是个例子。不过,?此行中我不能观看上海鲨鱼队的比赛,有点遗憾。
那么我们两国之间的这种关系给我们带来了积极的变化,这并不是偶然的,中国使得亿万人民脱贫,而这种成就是人类历史上史无前例的。而中国在全球问题中也发挥更大?的作用,美国也目睹了我们经济的成长。中国有句古言,温故而知新。当然,我们过去三十年中也遇到了挫折和挑战,我们的关系并不是没有困难的,没有分歧的。但是我?们必须一定是对手这种想法不应该是一成不变的。由于我们两国的合作,美中两国都变得更加繁荣、更加安全。我们基于相互的利益、相互的尊重就能有成就。
不过,这种接触的成功要取决于我们要彼此了解,要能够进行开诚布公的对话,彼此进行了解。就像当年美国乒乓球运动员所说的,我们作为人有着共同的向往,但是我们?两国又不同。我认为我们两国每个国家都应该勾画出自己要走的路,中国是一个文明古国,它有着博大精深的文化。相对而言,美国是一个年轻的国家,它的文化受到来自?许多不同国家移民的影响,而指导我们民主制度文件的影响,我有一个非常简单的向往,代表了一些核心的原则,就是所有的人生来平等,都有着基本的权利,而政府应当?反映人们的意志,贸易应该是开放的,信息流通应当是自由的,而法律要保证这个公平。
当然,我们的国家历史也不是没有过困难的地方,从很多方面来讲,很多年以来,我们是通过斗争来促进这些原则或者是所有的人民能够享受到,为了缔造一个更完美的联?合,我们也打过一个很痛苦的内战,把一部分我们被奴役的人口释放出来,经过一段时间才能使妇女有投票权,劳工有组织权,包括来自各地的移民能够全部不接受。即使?他们被解放以后,非洲与美国人也和美国人经过一些分开的、不平等的条件,经过一段时间才争取到全面的平等权利,所有这些是不容易的。但是我们对这些核心原则的信?念我们取得的进展,在最黑暗的风暴当中是作为我们的指南针。
这是为什么林肯在内战期间站起来说过,任何一个国家以自由、以所有人类平等的原则能够长久的存在,也就是为什么金博士在林肯纪念馆的前台站起来,说我们国家要必?须真正的实现我们的信念。也就是为什么来自中国或者肯尼亚的移民能够到我们的家,也是为什么一个不到五十年前以前在某些地方连投票都遇到困难的人,现在就能够做?到那个国家的总统。
这就是为什么美国永远为了全世界各地的核心原则说话,我们不寻求把任何政治体制强制给任何国家,但是我们也不认为我们所支持的这些原则是我们国家所独有的,这些?表达自由、宗教崇拜自由、接触信息的机会、政治的参与,我们认为这些是普世的权利,应该是所有人民能够享受到,包括少数民族和宗教的族群,不管是在中国、美国和?任何国家,对于普遍权利的尊敬,作为美国对其他国家的开放态度的指导原则,我们对其他文化的尊重,我们对国际法的承诺和对未来的信念的原则。
所有这些都是你们知道关于美国得一些情况,我们有很多要从中国学习。我们看看这个伟大城市的各地,也看看这个房间,我就相信我们两国有很重要的共同点,也就是对?未来的信念,不管是美国还是中国,对现在的成就不能感到自满。虽然中国是一个古老的国家,你们也是充满信心展望未来,致力于下一代能够比这一代做的更好,除了你?们不断增长的经济之外,我们很配合中国在科学和研究方面所投入的力量,包括建设的基础设施和使用的技术,中国是世界上使用互联网技术最多的国家,这就是我们很高?兴互联网是今天活动的一部分,这个国家也拥有最大的机动电话网络,对新的投资保持继续增长,和应对气候变化方面有新的投资,我也希望两国加强这方面的合作。
但是更重要是看到年轻人你们的才能、你们的献身精神、你们的梦想在21世纪实现方面会发挥很大的作用。我说过很多次,我认为世界是互相连接的,我们所做的工作,?我们所建立的繁荣,我们所保护的环境,我们所追求的安全,所有这些都是共同的,而且是互相连接的,所以21世纪的实力不在零和游戏,一个国家成功不应该以另外一?个国家的牺牲作为代价。这就是我们为什么不寻求遏制中国的崛起。相反,我们欢迎中国作为一个国际社会的强的、繁荣的、成功的成员。
再回到刚才的谚语,我们应该考虑过去。在大的国家合作的时候,就比互相碰撞会取得更多得好处,这就是人类在历史上不断吸取的教训。我认为我们合作应该是超越政府?间的合作,应该是以人民为基础,我们所研究的内容,我们所从事的生意,我们送获得的知识,我们所进行的体育比赛,所有这些桥梁必须是年轻人共同合作建立起来,这?就是我为什么非常高兴我们要大大的宣布我们到中国学习的留学生人数,要增加到十万人。这样交流就会表现出我们是愿意致力于加强两国人民的联系,而且我是绝对有?信心。对美国来说,最好的大使、最好的使者就是年轻人,他们和你们一样,很有才能,充满活力,对未来的历史还是很乐观的,这是我们合作的下一步,惠及两国和全世?界。
今天可以吸收的一个最重要的内容就是我们不断的向前推进。非常感谢。
看了“"美国总统奥巴马首次访华演讲"”
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
奥巴马是美国第44任总统,也是美国历史上第一个黑人总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇奥巴马总统连任竞选的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
今晚,是在一个曾经的殖民地在赢得自己主权200多年之后,我们来到这里,不断前行,这主要是因为我们坚信这个国家能够实现永恒的希望,实现移民的梦想。每一个人都可以独立的争取自己的未来,我们将会作为一个国家共同起落。
今晚,在选举的过程当中,你们——美国的人民,让我们记得我们的道路是非常艰辛的,我们的道路是漫长的,我们重新站了起来,我们也从内心知道,美国还没有迎来最好的时代。
我想要感谢每一个参与选举的美国人。无论你们是第一次投票,还是(排队)等了很长的时间才投上一票——顺便说一下我会解决这个问题。无论你是自己去投票站投的票,还是打电话投的票;无论你是投给奥巴马的人,还是投给罗姆尼的人,你都是为我们国家带来转变的力量。
我刚刚同罗姆尼通过电话,我祝贺他们这次竞选所取得的成绩。我们的选战也许非常激烈,但这正是因为我们深爱着这个国家,并且我们十分在意它的未来。罗姆尼整个家庭,孙子辈,孩子辈,整个家庭都献给了美国,这种精神我们将永远铭记。几周之后我将会同罗姆尼坐在一起,讨论我们怎么样推动国家未来的发展。
我也感谢在过去四年辛苦奉献的搭档,也是美国最好的副总统,拜登先生。
我之所以成为现在的我,必须要感谢20年前与我结婚的女人。我想公开地表达:米歇尔,我从来没有像现在这样爱你!我为你感到非常非常的骄傲,我相信我们的国家也非常爱你,你是我们非常热爱的美国第一夫人。
萨莎和玛莉亚,我挚爱的女儿,你们两个是非常坚强也非常聪明的女性,就像你们的母亲一样,我对你们感到非常的骄傲,但是目前我觉得给你们养一条宠物狗就够了。
我还要感谢我的竞选团队和志愿者,他们是最好的,最棒的,而且是史上最棒的。有些人是第一次来听我的演说,有些人四年前就听了我的获胜演说,但是每个人对我来讲都是我的一分子,不管你做了什么,不管你去了哪里,你一定会记得我们今天晚上所创的历史,你会一生都感激今晚这个时刻,而且你们会一直记得有一个心怀感激的总统,谢谢你们一路以来对我的信任,我要感谢你们所做的每一件事情。正是因为有了你们,我才会一路坚持下来。我对此将永远感谢,不管你做的什么,你们所做的一切我都心怀感激,并且永远鸣谢。
我知道这些政治竞选,可能有时候看起来非常愚蠢,而且我们也听到很多人跟我们讲政治有的时候十分愚蠢,可能他只是利益的追求和冲突,但是如果你们真的有机会去和竞选活动上和人们谈论一些问题,或者你看到一些竞选团队,非常辛勤工作的志愿者们,你们的印象会有所改观,因为你能够看到他们有多大的决心。
一名大学生竞选活动组织者,他付出艰辛努力读完大学,而现在希望每一个孩子都能享有和他一样的机会。一名志愿者,言辞中藏不住骄傲,她挨家挨户助选拉票,只因哥哥终于找到工作,附近的汽车厂增加了班次给了他机会。一名军人的妻子在谈话中洋溢着爱国之情,她为助选打电话直到深夜,只是为了确保那些曾经为国家抛头颅洒热血的军人回家之后,无需再为一份工作、一个住处,再次走上战场。
这就是我们现在所做的一切,这就是政治的真谛,这才是大选如此重要的原因。这并不是小事情,而是大事情,是至关重要的事情。我们这个拥有3亿人口的国家,民主的情绪可能十分复杂,可能十分混乱,每个人可能都有自己的观点,每个人都有自己深深的信仰,在我们经历艰难时刻,做出艰难抉择时,我们很自然会有冲突,会有情感的表达,但是我认为它不应当影响我们今晚的表现。这些争论正是我们自由的基础,我们永远不会忘记我们说话的时候,许多国家的人民仍然在冒着风险,希望能够找到解决问题的方法,希望能够争取投票的权利。
尽管我们有很多的分歧,大多数人都对美国有共同的希望,我们都希望我们的孩子能够上最好的学校,有最好的老师;我们的国家成为技术以及创新方面的领袖,并且创造更多的就业岗位和更多的企业。我希望我们的孩子不是负债累累,不会受到恐怖力量的威胁。我们也希望我们的国家是安全的,在全球受到尊重和羡慕,并且拥有全世界最强大、最优秀的军队。同时我们的国家也应该是充满信心的国家,结束战争,重塑人类的和平。
与此同时我们也希望自己的国家,有信心,并且能够不断推动每个人的自由、繁荣和发展,我们相信美国的慷慨和包容,美国的自由和开放,我们将伸开双手迎接那些移民的子女来到美国。我们相信在芝加哥任何一个孩子都可以看到他的希望,在北卡州那些想要成为科学家和医生的学生,想要成为工程师,甚至是总统的学生,这是我们共同要争取的未来,这是我们共同分享的愿景,这也是我们前进的方向。
我们有的时候会对于怎么样向前进有非常强烈的分歧,200年来,大家知道我们的进步一直不是直线的,也不是一帆风顺,我们伴随着很多分歧和不同。我们意识到我们有着共同的梦想,将会使我们结束僵局,努力的促成问题的解决。我们需要妥协,需要使我们国家的继续向前进,这样一种团结的力量是我们现在出发的基础。我们的经济正处于复苏期间,我们十年的战争也已经结束,我们的竞选也已经将告尾声,无论我是否赢得了你们的选票,我都倾听了你们的声音,我都从你们那里学到了很多东西,你们将会使我成为更好的总统。我将会记得你们的故事,你们的抗争,我将会更坚定的入主白宫,并且更坚定的完成未来的工作。
今晚,大家是为行动而不是为政治而投票,希望我们能够更关注你们的工作,而不是我的工作。在今后的几周,我将会与两党领袖会面应对我们的挑战,我们只能够共同应对挑战,减少我们的赤字,改善我们的移民体系,减少对外国石油的依赖,我们有很多工作要做。但是这不意味着你们的工作就结束了,在民主社会当中公民的作用并不因为投票而结束,你们一定要问问自己,不是美国能为你们做什么,而是我能为美国做什么,我们要进行自我治理,自我约束,这是我们的原则,也是我们建国的理念。
我们这个国家是世界上最富有的国家,但并不是我们每个人富有,虽然我们的军队十分强大,但我们个人并不强大,我们的大学、我们的文化,虽然是全球最优秀的,但是却并不是说我们就是全球最优秀的。因为我们是一个多民族的国家,多样性的国家,但是在这样多样性的国家当中,我们有共同的愿景和共识。如果我们推卸责任,不为子孙后代负责,我们将不会是一个能够前进的国家。我们要承担我们的责任,热爱我们的国家,这也是使美国强大的原因。
我今天晚上充满了希望,因为我看到美国劳动人民的精神,还看到了那些商业人士所做的工作,提供了很多工作机会,而且我还看到那些失业的人民得到了帮助,我还看到战士们仍然守卫着我们的国家,因为他们也知道我们在支持着他们。我还看到新泽西纽约每个政党的领导人,都开始抛开他们的歧见,来探讨怎么从桑迪风暴中重建我们的家园。
我们还看到,几天前,俄亥俄州一个父亲说他有一个八岁的女儿,女孩的白血病使他的家庭一贫如洗,他们之前并没有得到医疗保障,后来他们受利于几个月前刚刚通过的医改方案,使他们能够支付起医疗费。我和这位父亲,还有他的女儿都见面了,当他说的时候,在场所有的父母都落泪了,因为我们知道,他的女儿也可能是我们的女儿,我们都希望自己的孩子未来充满光芒,这是每个父母的希望,这是我身为总统引以为豪的。
今晚,尽管我们经历了这么多的困难,尽管我们经历了这么多的挫折,我对未来格外充满信心,我对美国格外充满希望,我希望大家延续这种希望,我这里讲的并不是盲目的乐观,指的是我们对未来的挑战,我也没有说天真或者理想化的乐观情绪,我真正的希望,不管我们遇到多少的挫折,多少的困难,只有我们有勇气保持不断努力、不断斗争,不断勇往直前。
我相信我们能在取得成就的基础上取得新的机会,为美国的中产阶级提供新的希望,我相信我们能够继续延续我们建国者的承诺,不管你来自哪里,不管你的肤色是什么,不管你是黑人、白人、亚裔人,任何种族,不管你是贫困的,还是富裕的,你都可以来到美国实现你的梦想。
我相信,我们可以共同迎来这样的未来,因为我们对未来是充满了希望,我们有雄心壮志,我们赢得的不仅仅是这一个选举,而且是一个未来,是美国的未来。我们将会作为一个整体,是美利坚合众国,而不是分成蓝色或者是红色,上帝会引导我们走向这条道路。并且我们相信,我们会成为世界上最伟大的国家,谢谢你们,上帝保佑美国。
看了“"名人演讲:奥巴马总统连任竞选精彩演讲"”
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文经典演讲文章,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Dr. Conant, members of the Board of Overseers, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am
overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position. But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of Europe and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.
In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the German war machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.
There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery, as I have said, is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.
Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So, the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from America -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character.
The remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the people of Europe in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to question.
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States. It is already evident that before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.
I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions. But, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Thank you very much.
浏览量:3
下载量:0
时间:
奥巴马是美国历史上第44任总统,是唯一一个黑人总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些奥巴马英语演讲中的手势图集,希望对大家有所帮助。
看了“"奥巴马演讲中的手势图集"”
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
华盛顿当地时间1月20日晚9时(北京时间21日上午10时),美国总统奥巴马身着标志性黑色西装,准时现身国会开始进行年国情咨文演讲,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇20马国情咨文的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:
议长先生,副总统先生,国会议员们,美国同胞们:
We are 15 years into this new century. Fifteen years that dawned with terror touching our shores; that unfolded with a new generation fighting two long and costly wars; that saw a vicious recession spread across our nation and the world. It has been, and still is, a hard time for many。
我们跨入新世纪已经15年了。新世纪一开始,我们就遭受了恐怖袭击,新一代人就投入了两场旷日持久而又代价昂贵的战争,后来又发生了席卷全国乃至全球的恶性衰退。对很多人来说,那时候是,现在也仍然是一段艰难的时期。
But tonight, we turn the page. Tonight, after a breakthrough year for America, our economy is growing and creating jobs at the fastest pace since 1999. Our unemployment rate is now lower than it was before the financial crisis. More of our kids are graduating than ever before. More of our people are insured than ever before. And we are as free from the grip of foreign oil as we've been in almost 30 years。
但是今天晚上,我们将翻开新的一页。今晚,在美国取得了突破性进展的一年后,我们的经济在增长,新的就业机会在以1999年以来最快的速度增加。我们现在的失业率甚至低于金融危机之前。从学校毕业的孩子人数比以往任何时候都多,得到医疗保障的民众也超过以往,我们还打破了过去近30年一直依赖外国石油的状态。
Tonight, for the first time since 9/11, our combat mission in Afghanistan is over. Six years ago, nearly 180,000 American troops served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, fewer than 15,000 remain. And we salute the courage and sacrifice of every man and woman in this 9/11 Generation who has served to keep us safe. We are humbled and grateful for your service。
今晚,我们自9·11恐怖袭击以来首次结束了在阿富汗的战斗任务。6年前,将近18万美国军人在阿富汗或是伊拉克服役,今天,留守那里的只有不到15000人。我们向9·11之后一代服役的男女军人所付出的牺牲和所展示的勇气表示敬意,因为他们的守护,我们得以安全。我们对你们的服务充满敬意和感激。
America, for all that we have endured; for all the grit and hard work required to come back; for all the tasks that lie ahead, know this: The shadow of crisis has passed, and the State of the union is strong。
美国同胞,为了我们所承受的一切,为了重振所需要的努力和辛苦工作,为了面前的任务,我们应该明白:危机的阴影已过去,我们的国家现在很强大。
At this moment -- with a growing economy, shrinking deficits, bustling industry, booming energy production -- we have risen from recession freer to write our own future than any other nation on Earth. It's now up to us to choose who we want to be over the next 15 years and for decades to come。
此时此刻,随着我们经济的发展、财政赤字的缩减、工业的兴旺发展、以及能源生产的蒸蒸日上,我们摆脱了经济衰退,比地球上任何其他国家都更加自由地书写我们的未来。现在我们可以自主选择我们未来十五年、乃至未来的几十年要成为什么样子。
Will we accept an economy where only a few of us do spectacularly well? Or will we commit ourselves to an economy that generates rising incomes and chances for everyone who makes the effort?
我们要接受一种只有极个别人能大发横财的经济?还是应该致力于发展使每一个努力的人都能够增加收入、得到机会的经济?
Will we approach the world fearful and reactive, dragged into costly conflicts that strain our military and set back our standing? Or will we lead wisely, using all elements of our power to defeat new threats and protect our planet?
我们是否要以一种恐惧和被动的姿态来应对这个世界,被卷入昂贵的冲突,消耗我们的军力,并削弱我们的地位?还是要以一种明智的姿态来引导,尽我们的所能,击败这些新的威胁并保护我们的星球?
Will we allow ourselves to be sorted into factions and turned against one another? Or will we recapture the sense of common purpose that has always propelled America forward?
我们是否要允许自己卷入派别纷争,互相打击?还是我们要重新找到让美国前行的共同目标?
In two weeks, I will send this Congress a budget filled with ideas that are practical, not partisan. And in the months ahead, I'll crisscross the country making a case for those ideas. So tonight, I want to focus less on a checklist of proposals, and focus more on the values at stake in the choices before us。
再过两个星期,我就要向国会递交预算。这个预算里都是现实的想法,并无党派之见。接下来的几个月,我会遍访全国为这些想法争取支持。今天晚上,我不想花太多时间列出这些议题,而是着重谈谈摆在我们面前的选择当中涉及的价值观。
It begins with our economy. Seven years ago, Rebekah and Ben Erler of Minneapolis were newlyweds. She waited tables. He worked construction. Their first child, Jack, was on the way. They were young and in love in America. And it doesn't get much better than that. "If only we had known," Rebekah wrote to me last spring, "what was about to happen to the housing and construction market."
首先让我们谈谈经济。七年前,明尼阿波利斯的瑞贝卡和本•艾勒是一对新婚夫妇。瑞贝卡是饭店服务员,艾勒在建筑工地上班,他们当时即将迎来第一个孩子杰克。他们很年轻,在美国相爱,没有什么比这更好的了。瑞贝卡去年春天写信给我称:“如果我们当时知道住房和建筑市场将发生什么就好了。”
As the crisis worsened, Ben's business dried up, so he took what jobs he could find, even if they kept him on the road for long stretches of time. Rebekah took out student loans and enrolled in community college, and retrained for a new career. They sacrificed for each other. And slowly, it paid off. They bought their first home. They had a second son, Henry. Rebekah got a better job and then a raise. Ben is back in construction -- and home for dinner every night。
随着危机恶化,本的生意越来越少,他只能做他能找到的工作,即便这些工作让他花漫长的时间在路上。瑞贝卡办理了学生贷款,在社区大学上学,为一份新的职业生涯培训。他们为彼此牺牲。慢慢地,他们的努力得到了回报,他们买了首套房子,他们有了第二个儿子亨利。瑞贝卡找到了一份更好的工作,还加了薪。本也重返建筑业,每天晚上能回家吃晚餐。
"It is amazing," Rebekah wrote, "what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times."
瑞贝卡写道:“这是令人惊奇的,你在被迫的情况下东山再起,我们是一个强有力的、关系密切的家庭,我们一起熬过了一段非常非常艰难的时刻。”
America, Rebekah and Ben's story is our story. They represent the millions who have worked hard and scrimped, and sacrificed and retooled. You are the reason that I ran for this office. You are the people I was thinking of six years ago today, in the darkest months of the crisis, when I stood on the steps of this Capitol and promised we would rebuild our economy on a new foundation. And it has been your resilience, your effort that has made it possible for our country to emerge stronger。
美国同胞们,瑞贝卡和本的故事就是我们的故事,他们代表着那些努力工作,精打细算,作出牺牲,重新培训的数百万人。你们是我竞选总统职位的原因。在那个危机最黑暗的岁月里,你们是我六年前的那一天所想到的人,那天当我站在国会山的台阶上,承诺我们将在一个新的基石上重建我们的经济。你们的努力和坚韧,使美国在危机过后变得更加强大成为可能。
We believed we could reverse the tide of outsourcing and draw new jobs to our shores. And over the past five years, our businesses have created more than 11 million new jobs。
我们相信,我们能够扭转劳务外包的势头,将新就业机会带回国内。在过去五年期间,我国企业创造了1100多万个新就业机会。
We believed we could reduce our dependence on foreign oil and protect our planet. And today, America is number one in oil and gas. America is number one in wind power. Every three weeks, we bring online as much solar power as we did in all of 2008. And thanks to lower gas prices and higher fuel standards, the typical family this year should save about $750 at the pump。
我们相信,我们能够降低对外国石油的依赖,并保护我们的地球。如今,美国的石油和天然气产量位居世界第一。美国的风力发电量位居世界首位。我国每三个星期产出的太阳能,就相当于2008年的总量。由于石油价格下跌和燃料标准提高,一个典型的美国家庭今年会节省750美元油费。
We believed we could prepare our kids for a more competitive world. And today, our younger students have earned the highest math and reading scores on record. Our high school graduation rate has hit an all-time high. More Americans finish college than ever before。
我们相信,我们能够使我们的孩子们为面对一个更具有竞争性的世界做好准备。现在,我国年轻学生们的数学和阅读分数都达到了前所未有的水平。我国的高中生毕业率也达到历史新高。完成大学学业的人数超过了以往任何一个时期。
We believed that sensible regulations could prevent another crisis, shield families from ruin, and encourage fair competition. Today, we have new tools to stop taxpayer-funded bailouts, and a new consumer watchdog to protect us from predatory lending and abusive credit card practices. And in the past year alone, about 10 million uninsured Americans finally gained the security of health coverage。
我们相信,明智的规章能够避免另一场危机,使家庭免于被毁,并鼓励公平竞争。如今,我们拥有新手段,不再使用纳税人的钱来救助企业;我们拥有新的消费者监管机构,保护我们免受掠夺性借贷和信用卡违规行为之害。仅在去年一年,就有大约一千万没有医保的美国人终于得到医疗保险。
At every step, we were told our goals were misguided or too ambitious; that we would crush jobs and explode deficits. Instead, we've seen the fastest economic growth in over a decade, our deficits cut by two-thirds, a stock market that has doubled, and health care inflation at its lowest rate in 50 years. This is good news, people。
在我们采取每个步骤时,我们曾被警告:我们的目标被误导,或者过于雄心壮志,我们将破坏就业或使赤字大幅增长。但与这些观点相反的是,我们看到了过去十年最快的经济增长,我们的赤字减少了三分之二,股市市值翻了一倍,医疗通货膨胀率是过去50年来最低的。这是个好消息,同胞们。
So the verdict is clear. Middle-class economics works. Expanding opportunity works. And these policies will continue to work as long as politics don't get in the way. We can't slow down businesses or put our economy at risk with government shutdowns or fiscal showdowns. We can't put the security of families at risk by taking away their health insurance, or unraveling the new rules on Wall Street, or refighting past battles on immigration when we've got to fix a broken system. And if a bill comes to my desk that tries to do any of these things, I will veto it. It will have earned my veto。
因此,结论是明确的。中产阶级经济行之有效。扩大机会行之有效。只要政治权术不予掣肘,这些政策就将继续行之有效。我们不能允许政府机构关闭或财政关门迫使企业活动放缓,或使我国经济面临危险。我们不能让家庭安全面临危险,所以我们不能剥夺家庭的医保,不能取消针对华尔街的新规则,不能在我们需要休整一个破败不堪的机制时,再为移民[微博]问题争执不休。如果哪个议案想做以上任何一件事,一旦送交到我办工桌上,我将予以否决。它必将获得我的否决票。
Today, thanks to a growing economy, the recovery is touching more and more lives. Wages are finally starting to rise again. We know that more small business owners plan to raise their employees' pay than at any time since 2007. But here's the thing: Those of us here tonight, we need to set our sights higher than just making sure government doesn't screw things up; that government doesn't halt the progress we're making. We need to do more than just do no harm. Tonight, together, let's do more to restore the link between hard work and growing opportunity for every American。
现在,由于经济不断增长,越来越多的人受到经济振兴的影响。工资水平终于开始再次上升。我们知道,自2007年以来,从未有任何一个时期比现在有更多的小企业主计划提高雇员的工资。但需要注意一点,今晚在座诸位需要把眼光放得更远,不能仅仅是确保政府不去阻碍我们正在取得的进步。我们需要做得更多,而不仅是不造成损害。今晚,让我们共同采取更多措施,重建努力工作与每个美国人获得更多机会之间的纽带。
Because families like Rebekah's still need our help. She and Ben are working as hard as ever, but they've had to forego vacations and a new car so that they can pay off student loans and save for retirement. Friday night pizza, that's a big splurge. Basic childcare for Jack and Henry costs more than their mortgage, and almost as much as a year at the University of Minnesota. Like millions of hardworking Americans, Rebekah isn't asking for a handout, but she is asking that we look for more ways to help families get ahead。
因为,像瑞贝卡这样的家庭仍需要我们的帮助。她和本比任何时候都要努力工作,但不得不放弃休假和购买新车,以支付贷款和为退休存钱。杰克和亨利的基本儿童护理费用超出了房贷费用,几乎相当于明尼苏达州立大学一年的学费。与数百万努力工作的美国人一样,瑞贝卡并不是在讨要施舍,但她在要求我们找到更多帮助改善家庭生活的方法。
And in fact, at every moment of economic change throughout our history, this country has taken bold action to adapt to new circumstances and to make sure everyone gets a fair shot. We set up worker protections, Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid to protect ourselves from the harshest adversity. We gave our citizens schools and colleges, infrastructure and the Internet -- tools they needed to go as far as their effort and their dreams will take them。
实际上,在我国历史上的每个经济变化时刻,美国都采取果敢行动以适应新环境,确保每个人都得到公平的机会。我们采取了工人保护、社保、医保以及医疗救助等措施,保护我们免于陷入最困难的处境。我们为我国公民提供了基础教育和高等教育、基础设施和互联网,他们需要这些手段使自己的努力获得最大成果。
That's what middle-class economics is -- the idea that this country does best when everyone gets their fair shot, everyone does their fair share, everyone plays by the same set of rules. We don't just want everyone to share in America's success, we want everyone to contribute to our success。
这就是中产阶级经济,只要每个人获得公平的机会,每个人做出公平的贡献,每个人遵循同样的规则,美国就能发展得最好。我们不仅希望每个人共享美国的成功,也希望每个人都为美国的成功做出贡献。
So what does middle-class economics require in our time?
那么,如今中产阶级经济需要的是什么呢?
First, middle-class economics means helping working families feel more secure in a world of constant change. That means helping folks afford childcare, college, health care, a home, retirement. And my budget will address each of these issues, lowering the taxes of working families and putting thousands of dollars back into their pockets each year。
首先,中产阶级经济意味着帮助劳工家庭在一个不断变化的世界中感到更安全。这意味着帮助他们支付育儿费、大学学费、医保、住宅和退休费用——我的预算案将分别应对这些问题,削减劳工家庭的税收以及每年把数千美元放回他们的口袋。
Here's one example. During World War II, when men like my grandfather went off to war, having women like my grandmother in the workforce was a national security priority -- so this country provided universal childcare. In today's economy, when having both parents in the workforce is an economic necessity for many families, we need affordable, high-quality childcare more than ever。
举一个例子。在二战时期,像我祖父一样的男子们奔赴战场,在这种情况下,让像我祖母一样的女子们去工作,就成为维护国家安全的优先选择,因此,美国实行了普遍托儿制度。在今天的经济状况下,对很多家庭而言,父母都有工作在经济上是必需的,我们比以往任何时候都更需要能够负担得起的高质量托儿服务。
It's not a nice-to-have -- it's a must-have. So it's time we stop treating childcare as a side issue, or as a women's issue, and treat it like the national economic priority that it is for all of us. And that's why my plan will make quality childcare more available and more affordable for every middle-class and low-income family with young children in America -- by creating more slots and a new tax cut of up to $3,000 per child, per year。
这不是为了好看而做,而是必须要做。现在,我们应当停止把托儿服务看做一个枝节问题或妇女问题,应当把这个问题看做人人有责的国家经济当务之急。这就是为什么我计划创造更多机会,并且每年再为每个孩子提供最多3千美元免税额度,为每个有小孩的美国中产阶级家庭和低收入家庭提供更容易得到、更容易负担的高质量托儿服务。
Here's another example. Today, we are the only advanced country on Earth that doesn't guarantee paid sick leave or paid maternity leave to our workers. Forty-three million workers have no paid sick leave -- 43 million. Think about that. And that forces too many parents to make the gut-wrenching choice between a paycheck and a sick kid at home. So I'll be taking new action to help states adopt paid leave laws of their own. And since paid sick leave won where it was on the ballot last November, let's put it to a vote right here in Washington. Send me a bill that gives every worker in America the opportunity to earn seven days of paid sick leave. It's the right thing to do. It's the right thing to do。
我再举一个例子,今天,美国是唯一一个不向我们员工保证带薪病假或产假的发达国家。4300万员工不能享受带薪病假。4300万人!想想吧,这迫使太多父母在工资和生病的孩子之间作出艰难选择。所以我将采取新措施,以帮助各州通过各自的带薪病假法案。带薪病假去年11月在数州的投票中获得通过,让我们在华盛顿就此进行投票。向我提交一份让美国的所有员工获得7天带薪病假的提案吧,这是一件正确的事情。
Of course, nothing helps families make ends meet like higher wages. That's why this Congress still needs to pass a law that makes sure a woman is paid the same as a man for doing the same work. It's . (Laughter。) It's time. We still need to make sure employees get the overtime they've earned. And to everyone in this Congress who still refuses to raise the minimum wage, I say this: If you truly believe you could work full-time and support a family on less than $15,000 a year, try it. If not, vote to give millions of the hardest-working people in America a raise。
当然,最能帮助家庭维持生计的就是提高工资。这就是为什么本届国会仍需通过一项法律,以确保男女同工同酬。的确,现在是年了。是时候了。我们仍需确保雇员能得到加班费。对本届国会中那些仍然拒绝提高最低工资的人,我要说:如果你真的相信你能全职工作,同时在年收入低于一万五千美元的情况下支撑一个家庭,那么就请试一试。如果你做不到,就请投票赞成提高工作最辛苦的大量美国人的工资。
Now, these ideas won't make everybody rich, won't relieve every hardship. That's not the job of government. To give working families a fair shot, we still need more employers to see beyond next quarter's earnings and recognize that investing in their workforce is in their company's long-term interest. We still need laws that strengthen rather than weaken union s, and give American workers a voice。
当然,这些想法不会使所有人富有,或者缓解所有困难,这不是政府的工作。为了给工薪家庭一个公平的机会,我们需要更多的雇主不要只看到下个季度的收入报表,他们应当意识到投资于自己的员工符合美国的长远利益。我们仍需要强化而非弱化工会的法律,给美国工人发言权。
But you know, things like childcare and sick leave and equal pay; things like lower mortgage premiums and a higher minimum wage -- these ideas will make a meaningful difference in the lives of millions of families. That's a fact. And that's what all of us, Republicans and Democrats alike, were sent here to do。
托儿、带薪病假、同工同酬、降低房贷、更高的最低工资,这些想法将使数百万家庭发生有意义的变化。这是一个事实。这是人们将我们所有人,共和党人和民主党人送到华盛顿来的目的。
Second, to make sure folks keep earning higher wages down the road, we have to do more to help Americans upgrade their skills. America thrived in the 20th century because we made high school free, sent a generation of GIs to college, trained the best workforce in the world. We were ahead of the curve. But other countries caught on. And in a 21st century economy that rewards knowledge like never before, we need to up our game. We need to do more。
第二,为了确保美国人能够在未来不断提高工资,我们需要进一步帮助美国人提高技能。20世纪是美国腾飞的世纪,因为我们取消了高中学费,将一代士兵送入大学,并培养了世界上最优秀的劳动力。但在21世纪,在这个比以往更加重视知识的世纪,我们需要更加努力。
By the end of this decade, two in three job openings will require some higher education -- two in three. And yet, we still live in a country where too many bright, striving Americans are priced out of the education they need. It's not fair to them, and it's sure not smart for our future. That's why I'm sending this Congress a bold new plan to lower the cost of community college -- to zero。
到这个年代末,三分之二的工作都要求一些高等教育。三分之二。而现在,在我们的国家,仍然有太多聪明的、努力奋斗的美国人无钱支付他们所需的教育。这对他们太不公平,对我们的未来也不利。正因为如此,我向国会提交了一份大胆的议案,将社区学校的学费全部减免。
Keep in mind 40 percent of our college students choose community college. Some are young and starting out. Some are older and looking for a better job. Some are veterans and single parents trying to transition back into the job market. Whoever you are, this plan is your chance to graduate ready for the new economy without a load of debt. Understand, you've got to earn it. You've got to keep your grades up and graduate on time。
我们40%的大学生选择社区大学,一些学生是年轻人,刚刚起步,一些人年纪大一些,想寻找一份更好的工作。一些人是退伍士兵,一些人是试图重新过渡至就业市场的单亲父母。不管你是谁,我们的计划是让你可以在没有大量负债的情况下毕业,为新经济作好准备。请明白,你要努力争取这种待遇,你必须保持好的成绩,准时毕业。
Tennessee, a state with Republican leadership, and Chicago, a city with Democratic leadership, are showing that free community college is possible. I want to spread that idea all across America, so that two years of college becomes as free and universal in America as high school is today. Let's stay ahead of the curve. And I want to work with this Congress to make sure those already burdened with student loans can reduce their monthly payments so that student debt doesn't derail anyone's dreams。
由共和党人领导的田纳西州,由民主党人领导的芝加哥市的经验都表明,免费社区大学是可能的。我想在美国各地传播这样的想法,在美国,两年制社区大学将像美国今天的中学那样是免费和普遍的。我想与本届国会合作,以确保那些承受着学生贷款负担的美国人可以降低他们月度支付额,以确保学生债务不会阻碍任何人的梦想。
Thanks to Vice President Biden's great work to update our job training system, we're connecting community colleges with local employers to train workers to fill high-paying jobs like coding, and nursing, and robotics. Tonight, I'm also asking more businesses to follow the lead of companies like CVS and UPS, and offer more educational benefits and paid apprenticeships -- opportunities that give workers the chance to earn higher-paying jobs even if they don't have a higher education。
感谢副总统拜登为改善我们国家职业培训系统做的努力,现在社区学院与当地雇主合作,培训能够胜任像编程、护士和机器人技术等方面的高薪工作。今晚,我还想呼吁更多的公司能够像CVS公司和UPS公司那样,提供更多的教育福利和有薪实习,给那些没有高文凭的劳动者提供机会来获取高薪工作。
And as a new generation of veterans comes home, we owe them every opportunity to live the American Dream they helped defend. Already, we've made strides towards ensuring that every veteran has access to the highest quality care. We're slashing the backlog that had too many veterans waiting years to get the benefits they need. And we're making it easier for vets to translate their training and experience into civilian jobs. And Joining Forces, the national campaign launched by Michelle and Jill Biden -- thank you, Michelle; thank you, Jill -- has helped nearly 700,000 veterans and military spouses get a new job. So to every CEO in America, let me repeat: If you want somebody who's going to get the job done and done right, hire a veteran。
而对于那些终于回家的老兵来说,我们欠他们一个实现他们曾努力保护的美国梦的机会。 我们已经对老兵医疗福利进行大刀阔斧的改革,确保每一位退伍军人能够得到最好的医疗保健。我们处理了大量积压多年的老兵申请福利的案件,使他们更容易把自己受过的训练和经验用于就业。米歇尔和吉尔•拜登发起的“联合力量”项目已经帮助了近70万老兵和军属获得新工作。所以美国的CEO们,让我再重申一次:如果你想雇用一名能够完成工作的人,那就雇一名老兵吧。
Finally, as we better train our workers, we need the new economy to keep churning out high-wage jobs for our workers to fill. Since 2010, America has put more people back to work than Europe, Japan, and all advanced economies combined。
最后,在培养更称职的劳动力的同时,我们需要新经济为劳动力提供高薪职位。自2010年起,美国经济让很多的失业者重回工作岗位,这个人数比欧洲、日本和所有发达经济体的总和还多。
Our manufacturers have added almost 800,000 new jobs. Some of our bedrock sectors, like our auto industry, are booming. But there are also millions of Americans who work in jobs that didn't even exist 10 or 20 years ago -- jobs at companies like Google, and eBay, and Tesla。
我们的制造业增加了近80万个新职位。包括汽车业在内的基础领域正在蓬勃发展。还有数百万美国人在10年前或20年前根本不存在的行业工作,比如谷歌,eBay和特斯拉的工作。
So no one knows for certain which industries will generate the jobs of the future. But we do know we want them here in America. We know that. And that's why the third part of middle-class economics is all about building the most competitive economy anywhere, the place where businesses want to locate and hire。
所以,没有人知道哪个行业会在未来提供就业机会,但是我们知道,我们要把这些机会留在美国。因此,中产阶级经济学的第三个要素就是要建立最有竞争力的经济,这样才能留住商家并提供就业。
Twenty-first century businesses need 21st century infrastructure -- modern ports, and stronger bridges, faster trains and the fastest Internet. Democrats and Republicans used to agree on this. So let's set our sights higher than a single oil pipeline. Let's pass a bipartisan infrastructure plan that could create more than 30 times as many jobs per year, and make this country stronger for decades to come. Let's do it. Let's get it done。
21世纪的商业需要21世纪的基础设施,现代港口、更坚固的桥梁、更快的火车和最快的互联网。民主共和两党曾经在这方面看法一致。所以,让我们的目光超越一条输油管道,让两党通过一项基础设施议案,来创造每年30倍于现在的工作机会,使我们的国家在未来几十年变得更加强大。
Twenty-first century businesses, including small businesses, need to sell more American products overseas. Today, our businesses export more than ever, and exporters tend to pay their workers higher wages. But as we speak, China wants to write the rules for the world's fastest-growing region. That would put our workers and our businesses at a disadvantage. Why would we let that happen? We should write those rules. We should level the playing field. That's why I'm asking both parties to give me trade promotion authority to protect American workers, with strong new trade deals from Asia to Europe that aren't just free, but are also fair. It's the right thing to do。
21世纪的企业,包括小企业在内,都需要将美国产品畅销海外。今天,我们的经济出口超过以往,出口商往往能够支付更高的工资。但同时,中国希望为目前世界发展最快的地区制定游戏规则。这将陷我们的工人和企业于不利之地。我们怎么能让事情这样发展?这些规则应当由我们来定。我们应当创造公平的竞争环境。这就是为什么我要求两党赋予我促进贸易的权力,来保护美国工人,与从亚洲到欧洲的国家签订新的贸易协定,不仅仅是自由贸易,而且是公平贸易。
Look, I'm the first one to admit that past trade deals haven't always lived up to the hype, and that's why we've gone after countries that break the rules at our expense. But 95 percent of the world's customers live outside our borders. We can't close ourselves off from those opportunities. More than half of manufacturing executives have said they're actively looking to bring jobs back from China. So let's give them one more reason to get it done。
我是第一个承认以往的贸易协定并非都像宣传得那么美好的人,所以,我们打击那些破坏规则给我们造成损失的国家。可是,世界上95%的顾客居住在我们的国界之外,我们不能把自己隔绝在这些机会之外。超过一半的制造业主管都表示,他们正积极考虑将工作机会从中国转移回来。让我们再给他们一条这样做的理由。
Twenty-first century businesses will rely on American science and technology, research and development. I want the country that eliminated polio and mapped the human genome to lead a new era of medicine -- one that delivers the right treatment at the right time。
21世纪的企业倚赖美国的科学、技术、研究和开发。我希望这个消灭了小儿麻痹症并且绘制出人类基因图谱的国家来引领医学的新时代,在正确的时间给予正确的治疗。
In some patients with cystic fibrosis, this approach has reversed a disease once thought unstoppable. So tonight, I'm launching a new Precision Medicine Initiative to bring us closer to curing diseases like cancer and diabetes, and to give all of us access to the personalized information we need to keep ourselves and our families healthier. We can do this。
对一些患有囊肿性纤维化疾病的病人来说,这一方式战胜了曾经被认为无法治愈的疾病。今晚,我要发起一个新的“精确医疗倡议”,让我们朝着治愈癌症和糖尿病等疾病的目标迈进一步,也让我们能够获得保持自己和家庭成员健康所需的个体化信息。
I intend to protect a free and open Internet, extend its reach to every classroom, and every community -- and help folks build the fastest networks so that the next generation of digital innovators and entrepreneurs have the platform to keep reshaping our world。
我计划要保护自由开放的互联网,让每一个教室、每一个社区都能使用,我要帮助打造最快的网络,使下一代的数字革新者和企业家就能拥有一个平台,继续改变我们的世界。
I want Americans to win the race for the kinds of discoveries that unleash new jobs -- converting sunlight into liquid fuel; creating revolutionary prosthetics, so that a veteran who gave his arms for his country can play catch with his kids again. Pushing out into the solar system not just to visit, but to stay. Last month, we launched a new spacecraft as part of a reenergized space program that will send American astronauts to Mars. And in two months, to prepare us for those missions, Scott Kelly will begin a year-long stay in space. So good luck, Captain. Make sure to Instagram it. We're proud of you。
我希望美国人民能够在带来新工作的科学探索竞争中获胜,例如把太阳光转化为液态燃料;制作出具有创新性的假肢,使为国出征失去手臂的退伍老兵还能和他的孩子玩接球;走进太阳系,不是为了拜访,而是为了居住。上个月,我们发射了一艘新的宇宙飞船,是我们正在振兴的航天计划的一部分,这个计划将把美国宇航员送上火星。两个月后,斯科特-凯利将在空间站开始为期一年的驻留,帮助我们为那些太空飞行做准备。祝你好运,船长,记得要拍照与我们分享。我们为你而感到骄傲。
Now, the truth is, when it comes to issues like infrastructure and basic research, I know there's bipartisan support in this chamber. Members of both parties have told me so. Where we too often run onto the rocks is how to pay for these investments. As Americans, we don't mind paying our fair share of taxes as long as everybody else does, too. But for far too long, lobbyists have rigged the tax code with loopholes that let some corporations pay nothing while others pay full freight. They've riddled it with giveaways that the super-rich don't need, while denying a break to middle-class families who do。
事实上,我知道在座两党对于基础设施和基础研究的问题都是支持的。两党的成员都曾对我这样表示过。我们经常在如何支付投资这个问题上碰壁。作为美国人,我们不介意支付公平份额的税收,只要每个人都是如此。但长时间以来,说客们利用税法中的许多漏洞,让一些公司分文不付,而让其他公司全部买单。他们给予富人以根本不需要的实惠,却不肯给予真正有需要的中产阶级家庭以任何减免。
This year, we have an opportunity to change that. Let's close loopholes so we stop rewarding companies that keep profits abroad, and reward those that invest here in America. (Applause。) Let's use those savings to rebuild our infrastructure and to make it more attractive for companies to bring jobs home. Let's simplify the system and let a small business owner file based on her actual bank statement, instead of the number of accountants she can afford. (Applause。) And let's close the loopholes that lead to inequality by allowing the top one percent to avoid paying taxes on their accumulated wealth. We can use that money to help more families pay for childcare and send their kids to college. We need a tax code that truly helps working Americans trying to get a leg up in the new economy, and we can achieve that together. (Applause。) We can achieve it together。
今年,我们有了改变这一切的机会。让我们填补这些漏洞,不再奖励那些将利润留在国外的公司,而是奖励那些投资美国的公司。让我们利用这些资金来重建我们的基础设施,使其对企业更具吸引力,从而把工作机会带回国内。让我们简化税收制度,使小业主能够使用实际银行报表来报税,而不是根据其雇用的会计师数目。让我们清除那些导致不公平的漏洞,让那1%的富人为他们积累的财富付税。我们可以用这些钱来帮助更多的家庭负担照顾小孩和支撑孩子读大学的费用。我们需要一部真正能够帮助工作的美国人在新经济中向前迈进的税法,我们能够携手达到这个目标。
Helping hardworking families make ends meet. Giving them the tools they need for good-paying jobs in this new economy. Maintaining the conditions of growth and competitiveness. This is where America needs to go. I believe it's where the American people want to go. It will make our economy stronger a year from now, 15 years from now, and deep into the century ahead。
要帮助努力工作的家庭达到收支平衡。要给他们提供他们所需的工具,让他们在新经济中找到薪水优渥的工作。要为增长和竞争力保持好的环境。这是美国要前进的方向。我相信这也是美国人民想要前进的方向。这会让我们的经济在一年以后、15年以后,甚至百年以后更加强大。
Of course, if there's one thing this new century has taught us, it's that we cannot separate our work here at home from challenges beyond our shores。
当然,如果说新的世纪教会了我们什么的话,那就是,我们不能将国内事务和国外的挑战孤立开来。
My first duty as Commander-in-Chief is to defend the United States of America. In doing so, the question is not whether America leads in the world, but how. When we make rash decisions, reacting to the headlines instead of using our heads; when the first response to a challenge is to send in our military -- then we risk getting drawn into unnecessary conflicts, and neglect the broader strategy we need for a safer, more prosperous world. That's what our enemies want us to do。
作为总司令,我的首要任务是保卫美利坚合众国。这样做,问题不在于美国是否领导世界,而是如何领导。当我们做出轻率的决定,只是对媒体报道作出反应而没有用脑思考时,当我们对于某个挑战的第一回应是出兵时,我们便会冒险卷入不必要冲突,而忽略维护更安全、更繁荣的世界所需要的整体战略。而这正是我们的敌人希望我们做的。
I believe in a smarter kind of American leadership. We lead best when we combine military power with strong diplomacy; when we leverage our power with coalition building; when we don't let our fears blind us to the opportunities that this new century presents. That's exactly what we're doing right now. And around the globe, it is making a difference。
我对智慧型美国领导方式深信不疑。当我们把军事力量和有力的外交结合起来时,当我们利用我们的力量建立同盟时;当我们不被恐惧蒙蔽而能看到新世纪带来的机遇时,我们便能发挥最好的领导作用。我们现在正是这样做的,我们更将其运用到全世界:我们正在改变世界。
在伊拉克和叙利亚,美国的领导作用,包括我们的军事力量,正在阻止着伊斯兰国的扩张。我们没有在中东卷入另一场地面战争,而是统领着一个包括阿拉伯国家在内的广泛联盟,来削弱并最终摧毁这个恐怖组织。我们在叙利亚支持能够帮助我们做到这一点的温和反对派,支持世界各地对抗暴力极端主义这种破产意识形态的人们。
Now, this effort will take time. It will require focus. But we will succeed. And tonight, I call on this Congress to show the world that we are united in this mission by passing a resolution to authorize the use of force against ISIL. We need that authority. (Applause。)
这些努力需要时间,也需要专注,但是我们会成功。今晚,我吁请国会通过决议,批准对伊斯兰国使用武力,以此向全世界展示我们在这一使命中的团结一致。
Second, we're demonstrating the power of American strength and diplomacy. We're upholding the principle that bigger nations can't bully the small -- by opposing Russian aggression, and supporting Ukraine's democracy, and reassuring our NATO allies。
其次,我们将彰显美国的实力与外交。我们秉持大国不能欺凌小国的原则,反对俄罗斯侵略,支持乌克兰民主,并让我们的北约盟国放心。
Last year, as we were doing the hard work of imposing sanctions along with our allies, as we were reinforcing our presence with frontline states, Mr. Putin's aggression it was suggested was a masterful display of strategy and strength. That's what I heard from some folks. Well, today, it is America that stands strong and united with our allies, while Russia is isolated with its economy in tatters. That's how America leads -- not with bluster, but with persistent, steady resolve。
去年,当我们与盟国一起对俄罗斯实施制裁时,一些人说,普京先生的侵略是战略和实力的巧妙展现。可是今天是美国坚定地与盟国团结在一起,而俄罗斯处于孤立,它的经济风雨飘摇。这就是美国领导的方式,不是通过虚声恫吓,而是通过持之以恒、坚定不移的决心。
In Cuba, we are ending a policy that was long past its expiration date. When what you're doing doesn't work for 50 years, it's time to try something new. And our shift in Cuba policy has the potential to end a legacy of mistrust in our hemisphere. It removes a phony excuse for restrictions in Cuba. It stands up for democratic values, and extends the hand of friendship to the Cuban people. And this year, Congress should begin the work of ending the embargo。
在古巴方面,我们结束了早已过时失效的政策。当你做了50年的事不再奏效之日,就是将要改弦更张之时。我们在古巴政策上的转变能够结束两国间的长期不信任,能够消除古巴限制的虚假借口,能够代表民主价值观,能够向古巴人民伸出友谊之手。今年,国会应该开始相关工作,结束贸易禁运。
As His Holiness, Pope Francis, has said, diplomacy is the work of "small steps." These small steps have added up to new hope for the future in Cuba. And after years in prison, we are overjoyed that Alan Gross is back where he belongs. Welcome home, Alan. We're glad you're here。
正如罗马教宗方济各所言,外交是积小步而成的。这些小步累积在一起,就成为了古巴未来新的希望。阿兰·格罗斯在被监禁多年后,回到了属于他的地方,我们为此感到万分欣喜。阿兰,欢迎回家。
Our diplomacy is at work with respect to Iran, where, for the first time in a decade, we've halted the progress of its nuclear program and reduced its stockpile of nuclear material. Between now and this spring, we have a chance to negotiate a comprehensive agreement that prevents a nuclear-armed Iran, secures America and our allies -- including Israel, while avoiding yet another Middle East conflict. There are no guarantees that negotiations will succeed, and I keep all options on the table to prevent a nuclear Iran。
我们与伊朗的外交也取得成效。十多年来第一次,我们使伊朗核计划的进程暂停,使伊朗核材料的储备降低。到今年春天之前,我们有机会就一项全面协议进行谈判,这项协议将防止伊朗拥有核武器,保障美国及其包括以色列在内的盟国的安全,同时还能避免再次发生中东冲突。虽然不能保证谈判能成功,但为防止出现核伊朗,我不排除任何选项。
But new sanctions passed by this Congress, at this moment in time, will all but guarantee that diplomacy fails -- alienating America from its allies; making it harder to maintain sanctions; and ensuring that Iran starts up its nuclear program again. It doesn't make sense. And that's why I will veto any new sanctions bill that threatens to undo this progress. The American people expect us only to go to war as a last resort, and I intend to stay true to that wisdom。
但是国会此时此刻通过的新制裁,几乎就是宣告了外交失败——让美国与盟国疏离,让伊朗重新开始核计划。这没有道理。因此我会否决任何可能抵消这一努力的新制裁议案。美国人民希望我们只在最后才会诉诸于战争,我想实践这一明智的理念。
Third, we're looking beyond the issues that have consumed us in the past to shape the coming century. No foreign nation, no hacker, should be able to shut down our networks, steal our trade secrets, or invade the privacy of American families, especially our kids. So we're making sure our government integrates intelligence to combat cyber threats, just as we have done to combat terrorism。
最后,我们要关注那些在过去困扰我们,并将影响下个世纪的问题。任何外国势力,任何黑客,都不应该能够破坏我们的网络,盗取我们的商业机密,或者侵犯美国家庭的隐私,特别是孩子们的隐私。我们要确保政府会整合一切情报来打击网络威胁,就像我们打击恐怖主义一样。
And tonight, I urge this Congress to finally pass the legislation we need to better meet the evolving threat of cyber attacks, combat identity theft, and protect our children's information. That should be a bipartisan effort。
今晚,我敦促国会通过这项议案,我们需要这项议案来更好地应对与日俱增的网络袭击威胁,抗击身份盗窃,保护孩子们的信息。两党应齐心协力为之努力。
If we don't act, we'll leave our nation and our economy vulnerable. If we do, we can continue to protect the technologies that have unleashed untold opportunities for people around the globe。
如果我们不采取行动,我们的国家和经济将容易遭受破坏。但如果通过这项议案,我们就能继续保护这些能够为全人类释放出无限机会的技术。
In West Africa, our troops, our scientists, our doctors, our nurses, our health care workers are rolling back Ebola -- saving countless lives and stopping the spread of disease. I could not be prouder of them, and I thank this Congress for your bipartisan support of their efforts. But the job is not yet done, and the world needs to use this lesson to build a more effective global effort to prevent the spread of future pandemics, invest in smart development, and eradicate extreme poverty。
在西非,我们的部队、科学家、医生、护士和医护工作者正在对抗埃博拉——挽救无数人的生命并遏制疫情扩散。我为他们感到无比自豪,我也感谢国会两党的支持。但这项工作还没有完成——世界需要从中吸取教训,从而得以在全球范围更有效地防止未来流行病的蔓延,投资智能开发领域,以及消除极端贫困。
In the Asia Pacific, we are modernizing alliances while making sure that other nations play by the rules -- in how they trade, how they resolve maritime disputes, how they participate in meeting common international challenges like nonproliferation and disaster relief. And no challenge -- no challenge -- poses a greater threat to future generations than climate change。
在亚太地区,我们正在与盟国建立现代化的同盟关系,同时确保其它国家在一些领域按规则行事,比如贸易、解决海洋争端以及参与核不扩散和救灾等国际共同面临的挑战等各个领域。没有任何挑战——没有任何挑战——会比气候变化对后代构成更大的威胁。
2014 was the planet's warmest year on record. Now, one year doesn't make a trend, but this does: 14 of the 15 warmest years on record have all fallen in the first 15 years of this century。
2014年是地球有气象记录以来最温暖的一年。一个年份不会形成趋势,但这个年份显示了趋势——记录上15个最温暖年份中的14个都发生在本世纪的前15年。
I've heard some folks try to dodge the evidence by saying they're not scientists; that we don't have enough information to act. Well, I'm not a scientist, either. But you know what, I know a lot of really good scientists at NASA, and at NOAA, and at our major universities. And the best scientists in the world are all telling us that our activities are changing the climate, and if we don't act forcefully, we'll continue to see rising oceans, longer, hotter heat waves, dangerous droughts and floods, and massive disruptions that can trigger greater migration and conflict and hunger around the globe. The Pentagon says that climate change poses immediate risks to our national security. We should act like it. (Applause。)
我听说一些人无视证据地说,他们不是科学家,我们没有足够的资料依据来采取行动。我也不是科学家,但是你知道吗?我认识很多来自美国航空航天局、美国国家海洋和大气管理局,以及主要大学的优秀科学家,世界上最杰出的科学家都在告诉我们,我们的行为正在改变气候,如果不采取有力行动,我们将目睹海平面上升,热浪温度更高、更持久,干旱和洪水更险恶等重大灾难,导致全球更大规模的迁徙、冲突和饥荒。五角大楼说,气候变化给国家安全带来直接威胁,我们应该相应采取行动。
And that's why, over the past six years, we've done more than ever to combat climate change, from the way we produce energy to the way we use it. That's why we've set aside more public lands and waters than any administration in history. And that's why I will not let this Congress endanger the health of our children by turning back the clock on our efforts. I am determined to make sure that American leadership drives international action. (Applause。)
正因为如此,过去6年来,为了应对气候变化,我们从生产能源的方式到使用方式,都付出了前所未有的努力。正因为如此,我们比历史上任何一届政府拨出的公用土地和水源都多。正因为如此,我们不允许本届国会开历史倒车,威胁我们下一代孩子的健康。我决心要确保美国政府推动国际行动。
In Beijing, we made a historic announcement: The United States will double the pace at which we cut carbon pollution. And China committed, for the first time, to limiting their emissions. And because the world's two largest economies came together, other nations are now stepping up, and offering hope that this year the world will finally reach an agreement to protect the one planet we've got。
我们在北京做出了一项历史性声明——美国将减排幅度加倍,中国也第一次承诺减排。正因为世界上两个最大的经济提合作,其他国家也正在加快步伐,为全球今年最终就保护我们唯一的地球达成协议提供了希望。
And there's one last pillar of our leadership, and that's the example of our values。
最后,我们领导力量的支柱——那就是我们价值观。
As Americans, we respect human dignity, even when we're threatened, which is why I have prohibited torture, and worked to make sure our use of new technology like drones is properly constrained. (Applause。) It's why we speak out against the deplorable anti-Semitism that has resurfaced in certain parts of the world. (Applause。) It's why we continue to reject offensive stereotypes of Muslims, the vast majority of whom share our commitment to peace. That's why we defend free speech, and advocate for political prisoners, and condemn the persecution of women, or religious minorities, or people who are lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender. We do these things not only because they are the right things to do, but because ultimately they will make us safer. (Applause。)
作为美国人,即使在我们自身受到威胁的时候,我们也要尊重人的尊严。由于这个原因,我们禁止酷刑,并且确保我们对无人机之类的新技术的使用受到适当的限制。由于这个原因,我们公开反对在世界某些地区重新抬头的可悲的反犹太主义。由于这个原因,我们继续反对攻击穆斯林而进行的刻板归类,他们中的极大多数人和我们一样致力于和平。由于这个原因,我们保护言论自由,维护政治犯权益,谴责迫害女性、少数宗教教徒、男女同性恋者、双性人和变性人。我们采取这些行动不仅因为它们是正确的,而是因为会使我们更安全。
As Americans, we have a profound commitment to justice. So it makes no sense to spend $3 million per prisoner to keep open a prison that the world condemns and terrorists use to recruit. (Applause。) Since I've been President, we've worked responsibly to cut the population of Gitmo in half. Now it is time to finish the job. And I will not relent in my determination to shut it down. It is not who we are. It's time to close Gitmo. (Applause。)
作为美国人,我们对正义有深刻的承诺——因此没必要在每个囚犯身上花300万美元来维持一所监狱。这所监狱不仅遭到全世界谴责,而且被恐怖份子作为招募理由。自从我出任总统以来,我们负责任地把关塔纳摩湾拘留营中的人数减少了一半,现在是完成这项工作的时候了,我将毫不迟疑地关闭这个拘留营,因为这不符合我们的原则。
As Americans, we cherish our civil liberties, and we need to uphold that commitment if we want maximum cooperation from other countries and industry in our fight against terrorist networks. So while some have moved on from the debates over our surveillance programs, I have not. As promised, our intelligence agencies have worked hard, with the recommendations of privacy advocates, to increase transparency and build more safeguards against potential abuse. And next month, we'll issue a report on how we're keeping our promise to keep our country safe while strengthening privacy。
作为美国人,我们珍视民权。如果我们想在打击恐怖网络的战争中得到其他国家和行业最大限度的合作,我们就必须坚持这一承诺。因此,虽然有些人已经结束了有关我们情报项目的争论,可是我还没有。正如我们所承诺的那样,我们的情报机构努力工作,根据民间机构的建议增加了透明度,建立了更多的防止滥用权力的保障机制,下个月,我们将发布一项报告,介绍我们如何在保持对国家安全承诺的同时保障个人隐私。
Looking to the future instead of the past. Making sure we match our power with diplomacy, and use force wisely. Building coalitions to meet new challenges and opportunities. Leading -- always -- with the example of our values. That's what makes us exceptional. That's what keeps us strong. That's why we have to keep striving to hold ourselves to the highest of standards -- our own。
我们要向前看,而不是往后看;要结合运用实力与外交,明智地使用武力;要建立联盟来迎接新的挑战和机遇,永远以我们榜样的价值观发挥领导作用。我们因此而与众不同,我们因此而强大。因此,我们必须努力坚持最高的标准——我们自己的标准。
You know, just over a decade ago, I gave a speech in Boston where I said there wasn't a liberal America or a conservative America; a black America or a white America -- but a United States of America. I said this because I had seen it in my own life, in a nation that gave someone like me a chance; because I grew up in Hawaii, a melting pot of races and customs; because I made Illinois my home -- a state of small towns, rich farmland, one of the world's great cities; a microcosm of the country where Democrats and Republicans and Independents, good people of every ethnicity and every faith, share certain bedrock values。
大家知道,仅仅是在十年之前,我在波士顿发表了一篇讲演,我在讲演中称不存在自由派美国或者保守派美国,黑人的美国或者白人的美国,只有一个美国。我说这样的话是因为我在自己的生活中看到这一点,在这样一个给了像我这样的人一个机会的国家,因为我在夏威夷长大,那是种族和风俗的熔炉。因为我在伊利诺斯州安家,那是一个由小型城镇、富有的农场、世界最伟大城市之一组成的州。它是民主党人、共和党人、独立派人士、各种民族和信仰的好人共享的一些坚定价值观的微观世界。
Over the past six years, the pundits have pointed out more than once that my presidency hasn't delivered on this vision. How ironic, they say, that our politics seems more divided than ever. It's held up as proof not just of my own flaws -- of which there are many -- but also as proof that the vision itself is misguided, na?ve, that there are too many people in this town who actually benefit from partisanship and gridlock for us to ever do anything about it。
在过去六年,所谓的智者不止一次指出,我的总统任期并没能实现那一愿景。他们称,我们的政治看上去更加分裂,这是多么具有讽刺性。它还被当作不仅仅是我个人缺点的一个证据,我有许多缺点,还被当作这样的愿景本身是被误导的、天真的证据,华盛顿有太多人事实上从两党之争和僵局中获利,而非为之做些什么。
I know how tempting such cynicism may be. But I still think the cynics are wrong. I still believe that we are one people. I still believe that together, we can do great things, even when the odds are long. (Applause。)
我知道这样的愤世嫉俗主义是多么诱人,但我认为这些愤世嫉俗者是错的。我仍相信我们是一个民族,我仍相信,我们一起可以做伟大的事情,即便机会很渺茫。
I believe this because over and over in my six years in office, I have seen America at its best. I've seen the hopeful faces of young graduates from New York to California, and our newest officers at West Point, Annapolis, Colorado Springs, New London. I've mourned with grieving families in Tucson and Newtown, in Boston, in West Texas, and West Virginia. I've watched Americans beat back adversity from the Gulf Coast to the Great Plains, from Midwest assembly lines to the Mid-Atlantic seaboard. I've seen something like gay marriage go from a wedge issue used to drive us apart to a story of freedom across our country, a civil right now legal in states that seven in 10 Americans call home. (Applause。)
我相信这一点,因为我在任的六年里,我多次看到美国最好的时刻。我看到了从纽约至加州的年轻毕业生充满希望的脸,我们在西点军校、安纳波利斯、科多拉多州斯伯林斯、新伦敦新军官充满希望的脸。我在图桑市、纽顿镇、波士顿、威斯特西弗吉尼州等地和悲痛的家人们一起哀悼。我看到美国人从墨西哥海湾至北美大平原,从中西部的组装线到中大西洋海床击退灾难。我看到像同性恋婚姻这样原先使我们分裂的议题转变成我们国家各地自由的故事,同性恋者现在已能够在十分之七的美国各州合法结婚。
So I know the good, and optimistic, and big-hearted generosity of the American people who every day live the idea that we are our brother's keeper and our sister's keeper. And I know they expect those of us who serve here to set a better example。
所以,我深知美国人民的善良、乐观和慷慨,他们每天都以我们是我们兄弟姐妹的守护者的观念生活。我知道,他们希望在这里服务的我们能够树立一个更好的榜样。
So the question for those of us here tonight is how we, all of us, can better reflect America's hopes. I've served in Congress with many of you. I know many of you well. There are a lot of good people here, on both sides of the aisle. And many of you have told me that this isn't what you signed up for -- arguing past each other on cable shows, the constant fundraising, always looking over your shoulder at how the base will react to every decision。
所以,今晚在这里的人们的问题是,我们,我们所有人如何更好地反映美国的希望,我曾与你们中的许多人一起在国会服务。我熟悉你们中的许多人,民主和共和两党议员中都有许多好人。你们中的许多人曾告诉我,这不是你所竞选时所想要的东西,在有线电视节目上争吵,不停地筹款,总是小心翼翼地观察基础选民对每个决定所作的反应。
Imagine if we broke out of these tired old patterns. Imagine if we did something different. Understand, a better politics isn't one where Democrats abandon their agenda or Republicans simply embrace mine. A better politics is one where we appeal to each other's basic decency instead of our basest fears. A better politics is one where we debate without demonizing each other; where we talk issues and values, and principles and facts, rather than "gotcha" moments, or trivial gaffes, or fake controversies that have nothing to do with people's daily lives. (Applause。)
想像一个如果我们打破这些老旧的模式,想像一下我们做一些截然不同的事情。请明白,一个更好的政治不是民主党人放弃他们的议事日程,或者仅仅是共和党来支持我的议事日程。一个更好的政治是在不妖魔化的对方的情况下进行辩论,我们谈论议题、价值观、原则、事实,而不是“我抓住你的弱点了”的时刻或者微不足道的口误或者与人们日常生活毫无关系的虚假争议。
A politics -- a better politics is one where we spend less time drowning in dark money for ads that pull us into the gutter, and spend more time lifting young people up with a sense of purpose and possibility, asking them to join in the great mission of building America。
一个更好的政治是我们花更多时间带着目标和可行性来提升年轻人,请求他们投身建设美国的伟大使命,花更少时间沉溺于攻击广告所需的黑钱之中。
If we're going to have arguments, let's have arguments, but let's make them debates worthy of this body and worthy of this country. We still may not agree on a woman's right to choose, but surely we can agree it's a good thing that teen pregnancies and abortions are nearing all-time lows, and that every woman should have access to the health care that she needs. (Applause。)
如果我们有争论的话,让我们进行争论,但让它们成为与配得上国会和美国的辩论。我们可能仍无法就女性的选择权达成共识,但是我们肯定都认为少女怀孕和堕胎率接近历史最低,所有女性可以得到她所需要的医疗护理是一件好事。
Yes, passions still fly on immigration, but surely we can all see something of ourselves in the striving young student, and agree that no one benefits when a hardworking mom is snatched from her child, and that it's possible to shape a law that upholds our tradition as a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants. I've talked to Republicans and Democrats about that. That's something that we can share. 是的,人们在讨论移民[微博]议题非常激动,但我们肯定可以从奋斗的年轻学生身上看到我们自身的影子,我们都认为当一个努力工作的母亲被迫与她的孩子分离时,没有人从中受益,塑造一个维持我们作为法制国家和移民国家传统的法律是可能的。
We may go at it in campaign season, but surely we can agree that the right to vote is sacred; that it's being denied to too many -- (applause) -- and that on this 50th anniversary of the great march from Selma to Montgomery and the passage of the Voting Rights Act, we can come together, Democrats and Republicans, to make voting easier for every single American. (Applause。)
我们可能在竞选季节时谈到它,但可以肯定的说,我们都认为选举权是神圣的,但太多的人被剥夺了这种权利,在赛尔马至蒙戈马利大游行和投票权利法案五十周年之际,我们可以团结起来,民主党人和共和党人,使每个美国人的投票变得更容易。
We may have different takes on the events of Ferguson and New York. But surely we can understand a father who fears his son can't walk home without being harassed. And surely we can understand the wife who won't rest until the police officer she married walks through the front door at the end of his shift. (Applause。) And surely we can agree that it's a good thing that for the first time in 40 years, the crime rate and the incarceration rate have come down together, and use that as a starting point for Democrats and Republicans, community leaders and law enforcement, to reform America's criminal justice system so that it protects and serves all of us. (Applause。)
我们可能对弗格森和纽约发生的事件有不同看法,但我们肯定可以理解一位担心他的儿子在回家时遭到骚扰的父亲。我们肯定可以理解无法入睡直到她的警官丈夫值完班走进家门的妻子。可以肯定,我们都认为犯罪率和关押率四十年来首次一起下降是一件好事,这开以是民主党人、共和党人、社区领导人、执法部门来改革美国刑事司法制度的起点,以更好地保护和服务我们所有人。
That's a better politics. That's how we start rebuilding trust. That's how we move this country forward. That's what the American people want. And that's what they deserve。
这就是更好的政治,这是我们如何开始重建信任,这是我们如何使这个国家前行,这是美国人想要的,这是他们应当获得的。
I have no more campaigns to run. (Applause。) My only agenda -- (laughter) -- I know because I won both of them. (Applause。) My only agenda for the next two years is the same as the one I've had since the day I swore an oath on the steps of this Capitol -- to do what I believe is best for America. If you share the broad vision I outlined tonight, I ask you to join me in the work at hand. If you disagree with parts of it, I hope you'll at least work with me where you do agree. And I commit to every Republican here tonight that I will not only seek out your ideas, I will seek to work with you to make this country stronger. (Applause。)
我已没有更多的竞选活动要参加。我在未来两年的唯一日程表和我自从在国会山上宣誓就任起是一样的,那就是做我认为对于美国是最好的事情。如果你认同我今晚所描述的广泛愿景,请加入我一起处理手头的工作,如果你对其中的部分持不同意见,我希望你至少可以在你认同的部分上与我共事。我向今晚出席的所有共和党人保证,我不仅将征求你们的想法,我还将努力与你们共事,以使这个国家更加强大。
Because I want this chamber, I want this city to reflect the truth -- that for all our blind spots and shortcomings, we are a people with the strength and generosity of spirit to bridge divides, to unite in common effort, to help our neighbors, whether down the street or on the other side of the world。
因为我想让国会,这个城市来反映真相,尽管我们有各种盲点和缺点,但我们是有力量和慷慨精神的民族,可以弥补分裂,在共同努力方面团结一致,帮助我们的邻居,不管是在街边或者是在世界另一端。
I want our actions to tell every child in every neighborhood, your life matters, and we are committed to improving your life chances as committed as we are to working on behalf of our own kids. (Applause。) I want future generations to know that we are a people who see our differences as a great gift, that we're a people who value the dignity and worth of every citizen -- man and woman, young and old, black and white, Latino, Asian, immigrant, Native American, gay, straight, Americans with mental illness or physical disability. Everybody matters. I want them to grow up in a country that shows the world what we still know to be true: that we are still more than a collection of red states and blue states; that we are the United States of America。
我想让我们的行动告诉所有社区的每个孩子:你们的生命是重要的,我们将致力于像改善我们自己孩子生命机遇那样改善你们的。我想让后代知道,我们是视我们的差异是伟大礼物的民族,我们是珍视每个公民尊严和价值的民族,无论男人和女人,年轻人和老人,黑人和白人,拉丁裔和亚裔,移民和印第安人,同性恋者和异性恋者、身体还是精神残疾的美国人。我想让他们在这样一个国家长[微博]大,这个国家向世界表明,我们仍知道梦想:我们不止是一些红色州和蓝色州的集合,我们是美利坚合众国。
I want them to grow up in a country where a young mom can sit down and write a letter to her President with a story that sums up these past six years: "It's amazing what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a strong, tight-knit family who's made it through some very, very hard times."
我想让他们在这样一个国家长大,像瑞贝卡这样年轻的母亲可以致信给她的总统,用一个故事来总结过去的六年:“这是惊奇的,你在不得已的情况下东山再起的程度,我们是一个强有力的、关系密切的家庭,我们一起熬过了一些非常非常艰难的时刻。”
My fellow Americans, we, too, are a strong, tight-knit family. We, too, have made it through some hard times. Fifteen years into this new century, we have picked ourselves up, dusted ourselves off, and begun again the work of remaking America. We have laid a new foundation. A brighter future is ours to write. Let's begin this new chapter together -- and let's start the work right now。
我的美国同胞们,我们也是一个强大的、密切联系的家庭。我们也熬过了一些艰难的时光。在进入新世纪十五年之际,我们已重振精神,掸掉身上的灰尘,再次开始重塑美国的工作。我们已打下了一个新的基础。一个更明亮的未来正等待我们书写,让我们一起开始这一新篇章吧,让我们现在就开始为之而奋斗吧。
Thank you. God bless you. God bless this country we love. Thank you。
谢谢,上帝保佑你,上帝保佑这个我们热爱的国家。
看了“"奥巴马国情咨文演讲"”
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间:
美国911事件之后服役的三分之一退伍军人认为伊拉克和阿富汗战争不值得打,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战英文演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
And I tried hard to be proud of my service but all I could feel was shame.
The racism could no longer mask the reality of the occupation. These were people, these were human beings. I’ve since been claimed by guilt anytime I see an elderly man like the one who couldn’t walk and we rolled out on a stretcher and told the Iraqi police to take him away.
I feel guilt anytime I see a mother with her children like the one who cried hysterically and screamed that we were worst than Saddam as we forced her from her home.
I feel guilt anytime I see a young girl, like the one I grabbed by the arm, and dragged into the street. We are told we are fighting terrorists; the real terrorist was me and the real terrorism is this occupation. Racism within the military has long been an important tool to justify the destruction and occupation of another country.
It’s long been used to justify the killing, subjugation and torture of another people. Racism is a vital weapon employed by this government. It’s a more important weapon than a rifle, a tank, a bomber or a battleship. It’s more destructive than an artillery shell or a bunker buster, or a Tomahawk missile.
While those weapons are created and owned by this government, they are harmless without people willing to use them. Those who send us to war do not have to pull a trigger or lob a mortar round. They do not have to fight the war, they merely have to sell the war.
They need a public who is willing to send their soldiers into harm’s way. They need soldiers who are willing to kill and be killed without question. They can spend millions on a single bomb, but that bomb only becomes a weapon when the ranks in the military are willing to follow orders to use it. They can send every last soldier anywhere on Earth, but there’ll only be a war, if soldiers are willing to fight.
And the ruling class, the billionaires who profit from human suffering care only about expending their wealth, controlling the world economy. Understand that their power lies only in their ability to convince us that war, oppression and exploitation is in our interest. They understand that their wealth is dependent on their ability to convince the working class to die to control the market of another country.
And, convincing us to kill and die is based on their ability to make us think that we are somehow superior. Soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen, have nothing to gain from this occupation. The vast majority of people living in the U.S. have nothing to gain from this occupation.
In fact, not only do we have nothing to gain, but we suffer more because of it. We lose limbs, endure trauma and give our lives. Our families have to watch flag draped coffins roll into the earth. Millions in this country without health care, jobs or access to education, just watch as this government squander over 450 million dollars a day on this occupation.
Poor and working people in this country are sent to kill poor and working people in other country to make the rich richer. Without racism soldiers would realize that they have more in common with the Iraqi people than they do with the billionaires who send us to war.
I threw families onto the street in Iraq only to come home and find families thrown onto the street in this country and this tragic, tragic and unnecessary foreclosure crisis. We need to wake up and realize that our real enemies are not in some distant land and not people whose names we don’t know and cultures we don’t understand. The enemy is people we know very well and people we can identify.
The enemy is a system that wages war when it’s profitable. The enemy is the CEOs who lay us off our jobs when it’s profitable, is the insurance companies who deny us health care when it’s profitable, is the banks who take away our homes when it’s profitable.
Our enemy is not five thousands miles away, they are right here at home. If we organize and fight with our sisters and brothers we can stop this war, we can stop this government and we can create a better world.
“If tyranny and oppression come to this land, it will be in the guise of fighting a foreign enemy… The loss of Liberty at home is to be charged to the provisions against danger real or imagined from abroad…”
看了“"美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战演讲稿英文"”
浏览量:3
下载量:0
时间:
马丁·路德·金是著名的美国民权运动领袖,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇马丁路德金在临死前一天的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. It's always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. And Ralph Abernathy is the best friend that I have in the world. I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.
Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world. And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, "Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?" I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there.
I would move on by Greece and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon. And I would watch them around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even go by the way that the man for whom I am named had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of Wittenberg. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating President by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but "fear itself." But I wouldn't stop there.
Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, "If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, I will be happy."
Now that's a strange statement to make, because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble is in the land; confusion all around. That's a strange statement. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough can you see the stars. And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men, in some strange way, are responding.
Something is happening in our world. The masses of people are rising up. And wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in Johannesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya; Accra, Ghana; New York City; Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or Memphis, Tennessee -- the cry is always the same: "We want to be free."
And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period is that we have been forced to a point where we are going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but the demands didn't force them to do it. Survival demands that we grapple with them. Men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. But now, no longer can they just talk about it. It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in this world; it's nonviolence or nonexistence. That is where we are today.
And also in the human rights revolution, if something isn't done, and done in a hurry, to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt and neglect, the whole world is doomed. Now, I'm just happy that God has allowed me to live in this period to see what is unfolding. And I'm happy that He's allowed me to be in Memphis.
I can remember -- I can remember when Negroes were just going around as Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean business now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world.
And that's all this whole thing is about. We aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any negative arguments with anybody. We are saying that we are determined to be men. We are determined to be people. We are saying -- We are saying that we are God's children. And that we are God's children, we don't have to live like we are forced to live.
Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It means that we've got to stay together. We've got to stay together and maintain unity. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together, that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity.
Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice. The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've got to keep attention on that. That's always the problem with a little violence. You know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only with the window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers are on strike, and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of a doctor. They didn't get around to that.
Now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order to put the issue where it is supposed to be -- and force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out. That's the issue. And we've got to say to the nation: We know how it's coming out. For when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point short of victory.
We aren't going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our nonviolent movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do. I've seen them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we were in that majestic struggle there, we would move out of the 16th Street Baptist Church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. And Bull Connor would tell them to send the dogs forth, and they did come; but we just went before the dogs singing, "Ain't gonna let nobody turn me around."
Bull Connor next would say, "Turn the fire hoses on." And as I said to you the other night, Bull Connor didn't know history. He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses; we had known water. If we were Baptist or some other denominations, we had been immersed. If we were Methodist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew water. That couldn't stop us.
And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we'd just go on singing "Over my head I see freedom in the air." And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. And they would throw us in, and old Bull would say, "Take 'em off," and they did; and we would just go in the paddy wagon singing, "We Shall Overcome." And every now and then we'd get in jail, and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham. Now we've got to go on in Memphis just like that. I call upon you to be with us when we go out Monday.
Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. All we say to America is, "Be true to what you said on paper." If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could understand some of these illegal injunctions. Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Somewhere I read of the freedom of press. Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as I say, we aren't going to let dogs or water hoses turn us around, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on.
We need all of you. And you know what's beautiful to me is to see all of these ministers of the Gospel. It's a marvelous picture. Who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones. And whenever injustice is around he tell it. Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and saith, "When God speaks who can but prophesy?" Again with Amos, "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." Somehow the preacher must say with Jesus, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me," and he's anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor."
And I want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's been to jail for struggling; he's been kicked out of Vanderbilt University for this struggle, but he's still going on, fighting for the rights of his people. Reverend Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just go right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank all of them. And I want you to thank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves. And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.
It's all right to talk about "long white robes over yonder," in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here! It's all right to talk about "streets flowing with milk and honey," but God has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. It's all right to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God's preacher must talk about the new New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. This is what we have to do.
Now the other thing we'll have to do is this: Always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor people. Individually, we are poor when you compare us with white society in America. We are poor. Never stop and forget that collectively -- that means all of us together -- collectively we are richer than all the nations in the world, with the exception of nine. Did you ever think about that? After you leave the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, West Germany, France, and I could name the others, the American Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. We have an annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the United States, and more than the national budget of Canada. Did you know that? That's power right there, if we know how to pool it.
We don't have to argue with anybody. We don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words. We don't need any bricks and bottles. We don't need any Molotov cocktails. We just need to go around to these stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, "God sent us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right. And we've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda fair treatment, where God's children are concerned. Now, if you are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you."
And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy -- what is the other bread? -- Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? Tell them not to buy Hart's bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. We are choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on town -- downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right.
But not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions. I call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in Tri-State Bank. We want a "bank-in" movement in Memphis. Go by the savings and loan association. I'm not asking you something that we don't do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We are telling you to follow what we are doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven black insurance companies here in the city of Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an "insurance-in."
Now these are some practical things that we can do. We begin the process of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.
Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point in Memphis. We've got to see it through. And when we have our march, you need to be there. If it means leaving work, if it means leaving school -- be there. Be concerned about your brother. You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together.
Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came to Jesus, and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters of life. At points he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew a little more than Jesus knew and throw him off base....
Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho. And he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. But he got down with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the "I" into the "thou," and to be concerned about his brother.
Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop. At times we say they were busy going to a church meeting, an ecclesiastical gathering, and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that "One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony." And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem -- or down to Jericho, rather to organize a "Jericho Road Improvement Association." That's a possibility. Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effect.
But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible that those men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that road, I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable." It's a winding, meandering road. It's really conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles -- or rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level. That's a dangerous road. In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the "Bloody Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the priest asked -- the first question that the Levite asked was, "If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" But then the Good Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: "If I do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?"
That's the question before you tonight. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to my job. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" The question is not, "If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?" The question is, "If I do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?" That's the question.
Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God, once more, for allowing me to be here with you.
You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing books, a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from her was, "Are you Martin Luther King?" And I was looking down writing, and I said, "Yes." And the next minute I felt something beating on my chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman. I was rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark Saturday afternoon. And that blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. And once that's punctured, your drowned in your own blood -- that's the end of you.
It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had merely sneezed, I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital. They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states and the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of them I will never forget. I had received one from the President and the Vice-President. I've forgotten what those telegrams said. I'd received a visit and a letter from the Governor of New York, but I've forgotten what that letter said. But there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High School. And I looked at that letter, and I'll never forget it. It said simply,
Dear Dr. King,
I am a ninth-grade student at the White Plains High School."
And she said,
While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I'm a white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering. And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And I'm simply writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze.
And I want to say tonight -- I want to say tonight that I too am happy that I didn't sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1960, when students all over the South started sitting-in at lunch counters. And I knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for the best in the American dream, and taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1961, when we decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in inter-state travel.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent.
If I had sneezed -- If I had sneezed I wouldn't have been here in 1963, when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in August, to try to tell America about a dream that I had had.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been down in Selma, Alabama, to see the great Movement there.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see a community rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering.
I'm so happy that I didn't sneeze.
And they were telling me --. Now, it doesn't matter, now. It really doesn't matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us. The pilot said over the public address system, "We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded all night."
And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?
Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn't matter with me now, because I've been to the mountaintop.
And I don't mind.
Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the Promised Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land!
mlkmountaintop3.JPG
And so I'm happy, tonight.
I'm not worried about anything.
I'm not fearing any man!
Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!
看了“"马丁·路德·金英文演讲:我已达至峰顶"”
浏览量:2
下载量:0
时间: