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大学生活中即兴演讲是一种常见的活动方式,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些大学生即兴演讲的英文题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1. Now in the age of the Internet, reading books does not seem as important as it once was. Do you think people can learn as much on the Internet as they can by reading books? Which method do you prefer?
2. It's been said that technology creates more problems than it solves and may threaten or damage the quality of life. Is this statement reasonable? What problems does technology bring us? Use specific examples in your answer, please.
3. Literature is a significant part of human culture and some say it can help form aesthetic taste. However, is it necessary for everyone to read poetry, novels, and other types of imaginative literature?
4. Many people know how to attain success, but few know how to make the best use of it when it comes. So how do you define success and how would you make the best use of it?
5. Do you agree that the people who make important contributions to society are generally not those who develop their own new ideas, but those who are most gifted at perceiving and coordinating the talents and skills of others And please give examples to illustrate your views.
6. Most people agree that buildings represent a valuable record of the past for any society, but
controversy arises when old buildings stand on ground which modern planners feel could be better used for modern purposes. In such situations, should modern development be given precedence over the preservation of historic buildings so that contemporary needs can be served?
7. It is often asserted that the purpose of education is to free the mind and the spirit. However, formal education tends to restrain our minds and spirits rather than set them free. Do you think university education should be more open-minded and free? And what aspect of your university life should be improved?
8. In today's technological society, we're becoming busier and busier. But the primary goal of technological advancement is to increase people's efficiency so that everyone has more leisure time. How do you evaluate this situation? How can we improve it?
9. Strict laws are important for the security of our society, but there are many cases of injustice based on rigid laws. Should laws be fixed or flexible? Please explain your vies with examples.
10.One typical feature of the young generation is overconfidence. As a result, they lack the patience to do a basic job, dreaming that they can accomplish great things is misleading and/or potentially harmful?
11.which qualities do you look for in a boyfriend/girlfriend?
12.What would be your major consideration in choosing a job and why?
13.what is more important in your career, to make money or to be satisfied with your work?
14.Which is more important for you: knowledge from books or personal experience:
15.If you could live in a different time and place, what time and place would you choose?
16.What is your view on public displays of affection such as kissing on campus?
17.If we don't want to give money to individual beggars, what charities would you recommend that we support in China:
18.Do you think married couples have a better life without children?
19.why do you think Valentine's Day has become so popular in China?
20.Could you please tell us, in your opinion, what makes life worthwhile?
21.Are we allowing the Internet to intrude too far into our private lives?
22.Do we need so many television channels?
23.Is it time to scrap the May and October golden week holidays?
24.Is marking western holidays a sign of a modern China or of traditions sacrificed to commercial interests?
25.Should linguistic diversity be preserved, even at the expense of effective communication?
26.Are we becoming too susceptible to advertising?
27.Do you think people today are any closer to achieving a peaceful and harmonious future or harmonious world than Confucius, who lived 2000 years ago?
28.Should bargaining be outlawed and traders be required to advertise a fixed price for what they sell?
29.Should it be left to university students to balance their private lives and their studies?
30.Can the sacrifice of modesty in the interests of achieving success be justified
31.What do you think is more important for a child, a happy childhood or top marks at school?
32.Who should be the focus of investment in sport, the general population or potential Olympic champions?
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美国911事件之后服役的三分之一退伍军人认为伊拉克和阿富汗战争不值得打,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战英文演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
And I tried hard to be proud of my service but all I could feel was shame.
The racism could no longer mask the reality of the occupation. These were people, these were human beings. I’ve since been claimed by guilt anytime I see an elderly man like the one who couldn’t walk and we rolled out on a stretcher and told the Iraqi police to take him away.
I feel guilt anytime I see a mother with her children like the one who cried hysterically and screamed that we were worst than Saddam as we forced her from her home.
I feel guilt anytime I see a young girl, like the one I grabbed by the arm, and dragged into the street. We are told we are fighting terrorists; the real terrorist was me and the real terrorism is this occupation. Racism within the military has long been an important tool to justify the destruction and occupation of another country.
It’s long been used to justify the killing, subjugation and torture of another people. Racism is a vital weapon employed by this government. It’s a more important weapon than a rifle, a tank, a bomber or a battleship. It’s more destructive than an artillery shell or a bunker buster, or a Tomahawk missile.
While those weapons are created and owned by this government, they are harmless without people willing to use them. Those who send us to war do not have to pull a trigger or lob a mortar round. They do not have to fight the war, they merely have to sell the war.
They need a public who is willing to send their soldiers into harm’s way. They need soldiers who are willing to kill and be killed without question. They can spend millions on a single bomb, but that bomb only becomes a weapon when the ranks in the military are willing to follow orders to use it. They can send every last soldier anywhere on Earth, but there’ll only be a war, if soldiers are willing to fight.
And the ruling class, the billionaires who profit from human suffering care only about expending their wealth, controlling the world economy. Understand that their power lies only in their ability to convince us that war, oppression and exploitation is in our interest. They understand that their wealth is dependent on their ability to convince the working class to die to control the market of another country.
And, convincing us to kill and die is based on their ability to make us think that we are somehow superior. Soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen, have nothing to gain from this occupation. The vast majority of people living in the U.S. have nothing to gain from this occupation.
In fact, not only do we have nothing to gain, but we suffer more because of it. We lose limbs, endure trauma and give our lives. Our families have to watch flag draped coffins roll into the earth. Millions in this country without health care, jobs or access to education, just watch as this government squander over 450 million dollars a day on this occupation.
Poor and working people in this country are sent to kill poor and working people in other country to make the rich richer. Without racism soldiers would realize that they have more in common with the Iraqi people than they do with the billionaires who send us to war.
I threw families onto the street in Iraq only to come home and find families thrown onto the street in this country and this tragic, tragic and unnecessary foreclosure crisis. We need to wake up and realize that our real enemies are not in some distant land and not people whose names we don’t know and cultures we don’t understand. The enemy is people we know very well and people we can identify.
The enemy is a system that wages war when it’s profitable. The enemy is the CEOs who lay us off our jobs when it’s profitable, is the insurance companies who deny us health care when it’s profitable, is the banks who take away our homes when it’s profitable.
Our enemy is not five thousands miles away, they are right here at home. If we organize and fight with our sisters and brothers we can stop this war, we can stop this government and we can create a better world.
“If tyranny and oppression come to this land, it will be in the guise of fighting a foreign enemy… The loss of Liberty at home is to be charged to the provisions against danger real or imagined from abroad…”
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马丁·路德·金是著名的美国民权运动领袖,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇马丁路德金在临死前一天的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. It's always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. And Ralph Abernathy is the best friend that I have in the world. I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.
Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world. And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, "Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?" I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there.
I would move on by Greece and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon. And I would watch them around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even go by the way that the man for whom I am named had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of Wittenberg. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating President by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but "fear itself." But I wouldn't stop there.
Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, "If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, I will be happy."
Now that's a strange statement to make, because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble is in the land; confusion all around. That's a strange statement. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough can you see the stars. And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men, in some strange way, are responding.
Something is happening in our world. The masses of people are rising up. And wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in Johannesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya; Accra, Ghana; New York City; Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or Memphis, Tennessee -- the cry is always the same: "We want to be free."
And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period is that we have been forced to a point where we are going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but the demands didn't force them to do it. Survival demands that we grapple with them. Men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. But now, no longer can they just talk about it. It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in this world; it's nonviolence or nonexistence. That is where we are today.
And also in the human rights revolution, if something isn't done, and done in a hurry, to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt and neglect, the whole world is doomed. Now, I'm just happy that God has allowed me to live in this period to see what is unfolding. And I'm happy that He's allowed me to be in Memphis.
I can remember -- I can remember when Negroes were just going around as Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean business now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world.
And that's all this whole thing is about. We aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any negative arguments with anybody. We are saying that we are determined to be men. We are determined to be people. We are saying -- We are saying that we are God's children. And that we are God's children, we don't have to live like we are forced to live.
Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It means that we've got to stay together. We've got to stay together and maintain unity. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together, that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity.
Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice. The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've got to keep attention on that. That's always the problem with a little violence. You know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only with the window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers are on strike, and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of a doctor. They didn't get around to that.
Now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order to put the issue where it is supposed to be -- and force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out. That's the issue. And we've got to say to the nation: We know how it's coming out. For when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point short of victory.
We aren't going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our nonviolent movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do. I've seen them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we were in that majestic struggle there, we would move out of the 16th Street Baptist Church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. And Bull Connor would tell them to send the dogs forth, and they did come; but we just went before the dogs singing, "Ain't gonna let nobody turn me around."
Bull Connor next would say, "Turn the fire hoses on." And as I said to you the other night, Bull Connor didn't know history. He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses; we had known water. If we were Baptist or some other denominations, we had been immersed. If we were Methodist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew water. That couldn't stop us.
And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we'd just go on singing "Over my head I see freedom in the air." And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. And they would throw us in, and old Bull would say, "Take 'em off," and they did; and we would just go in the paddy wagon singing, "We Shall Overcome." And every now and then we'd get in jail, and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham. Now we've got to go on in Memphis just like that. I call upon you to be with us when we go out Monday.
Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. All we say to America is, "Be true to what you said on paper." If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could understand some of these illegal injunctions. Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Somewhere I read of the freedom of press. Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as I say, we aren't going to let dogs or water hoses turn us around, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on.
We need all of you. And you know what's beautiful to me is to see all of these ministers of the Gospel. It's a marvelous picture. Who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones. And whenever injustice is around he tell it. Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and saith, "When God speaks who can but prophesy?" Again with Amos, "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." Somehow the preacher must say with Jesus, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me," and he's anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor."
And I want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's been to jail for struggling; he's been kicked out of Vanderbilt University for this struggle, but he's still going on, fighting for the rights of his people. Reverend Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just go right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank all of them. And I want you to thank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves. And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.
It's all right to talk about "long white robes over yonder," in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here! It's all right to talk about "streets flowing with milk and honey," but God has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. It's all right to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God's preacher must talk about the new New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. This is what we have to do.
Now the other thing we'll have to do is this: Always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor people. Individually, we are poor when you compare us with white society in America. We are poor. Never stop and forget that collectively -- that means all of us together -- collectively we are richer than all the nations in the world, with the exception of nine. Did you ever think about that? After you leave the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, West Germany, France, and I could name the others, the American Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. We have an annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the United States, and more than the national budget of Canada. Did you know that? That's power right there, if we know how to pool it.
We don't have to argue with anybody. We don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words. We don't need any bricks and bottles. We don't need any Molotov cocktails. We just need to go around to these stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, "God sent us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right. And we've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda fair treatment, where God's children are concerned. Now, if you are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you."
And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy -- what is the other bread? -- Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? Tell them not to buy Hart's bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. We are choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on town -- downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right.
But not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions. I call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in Tri-State Bank. We want a "bank-in" movement in Memphis. Go by the savings and loan association. I'm not asking you something that we don't do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We are telling you to follow what we are doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven black insurance companies here in the city of Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an "insurance-in."
Now these are some practical things that we can do. We begin the process of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.
Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point in Memphis. We've got to see it through. And when we have our march, you need to be there. If it means leaving work, if it means leaving school -- be there. Be concerned about your brother. You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together.
Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came to Jesus, and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters of life. At points he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew a little more than Jesus knew and throw him off base....
Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho. And he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. But he got down with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the "I" into the "thou," and to be concerned about his brother.
Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop. At times we say they were busy going to a church meeting, an ecclesiastical gathering, and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that "One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony." And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem -- or down to Jericho, rather to organize a "Jericho Road Improvement Association." That's a possibility. Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effect.
But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible that those men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that road, I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable." It's a winding, meandering road. It's really conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles -- or rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level. That's a dangerous road. In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the "Bloody Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the priest asked -- the first question that the Levite asked was, "If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" But then the Good Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: "If I do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?"
That's the question before you tonight. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to my job. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" The question is not, "If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?" The question is, "If I do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?" That's the question.
Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God, once more, for allowing me to be here with you.
You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing books, a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from her was, "Are you Martin Luther King?" And I was looking down writing, and I said, "Yes." And the next minute I felt something beating on my chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman. I was rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark Saturday afternoon. And that blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. And once that's punctured, your drowned in your own blood -- that's the end of you.
It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had merely sneezed, I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital. They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states and the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of them I will never forget. I had received one from the President and the Vice-President. I've forgotten what those telegrams said. I'd received a visit and a letter from the Governor of New York, but I've forgotten what that letter said. But there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High School. And I looked at that letter, and I'll never forget it. It said simply,
Dear Dr. King,
I am a ninth-grade student at the White Plains High School."
And she said,
While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I'm a white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering. And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And I'm simply writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze.
And I want to say tonight -- I want to say tonight that I too am happy that I didn't sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1960, when students all over the South started sitting-in at lunch counters. And I knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for the best in the American dream, and taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1961, when we decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in inter-state travel.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent.
If I had sneezed -- If I had sneezed I wouldn't have been here in 1963, when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in August, to try to tell America about a dream that I had had.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been down in Selma, Alabama, to see the great Movement there.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see a community rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering.
I'm so happy that I didn't sneeze.
And they were telling me --. Now, it doesn't matter, now. It really doesn't matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us. The pilot said over the public address system, "We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded all night."
And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?
Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn't matter with me now, because I've been to the mountaintop.
And I don't mind.
Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the Promised Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land!
mlkmountaintop3.JPG
And so I'm happy, tonight.
I'm not worried about anything.
I'm not fearing any man!
Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!
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英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英语演讲比赛中即兴演讲题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1. Now in the age of the Internet, reading books does not seem as important as it once was. Do you think people can learn as much on the Internet as they can by reading books? Which method do you prefer?
2. It's been said that technology creates more problems than it solves and may threaten or damage the quality of life. Is this statement reasonable? What problems does technology bring us? Use specific examples in your answer, please.
3. Literature is a significant part of human culture and some say it can help form aesthetic taste. However, is it necessary for everyone to read poetry, novels, and other types of imaginative literature?
4. Many people know how to attain success, but few know how to make the best use of it when it comes. So how do you define success and how would you make the best use of it?
5. Do you agree that the people who make important contributions to society are generally not those who develop their own new ideas, but those who are most gifted at perceiving and coordinating the talents and skills of others And please give examples to illustrate your views.
6. Most people agree that buildings represent a valuable record of the past for any society, but controversy arises when old buildings stand on ground which modern planners feel could be better used for modern purposes. In such situations, should modern development be given precedence over the preservation of historic buildings so that contemporary needs can be served?
7. It is often asserted that the purpose of education is to free the mind and the spirit. However, formal education tends to restrain our minds and spirits rather than set them free. Do you think university education should be more open-minded and free? And what aspect of your university life should be improved?
8. In today's technological society, we're becoming busier and busier. But the primary goal of technological advancement is to increase people's efficiency so that everyone has more leisure time. How do you evaluate this situation? How can we improve it?
9. Strict laws are important for the security of our society, but there are many cases of injustice based on rigid laws. Should laws be fixed or flexible? Please explain your vies with examples.
10. One typical feature of the young generation is overconfidence. As a result, they lack the patience to do a basic job, dreaming that they can accomplish great things is misleading and/or potentially harmful?
11. which qualities do you look for in a boyfriend/girlfriend?
12. What would be your major consideration in choosing a job and why?
13. what is more important in your career, to make money or to be satisfied with your work?
14. Which is more important for you: knowledge from books or personal experience:
15. If you could live in a different time and place, what time and place would you choose?
16. What is your view on public displays of affection such as kissing on campus?
17. If we don't want to give money to individual beggars, what charities would you recommend that we support in China:
18. Do you think married couples have a better life without children?
19. why do you think Valentine's Day has become so popular in China?
20. Could you please tell us, in your opinion, what makes life worthwhile?
21. Are we allowing the Internet to intrude too far into our private lives?
22. Do we need so many television channels?
23. Is it time to scrap the May and October golden week holidays? 24. Is marking western holidays a sign of a modern China or of traditions sacrificed to commercial interests?
25. Should linguistic diversity be preserved, even at the expense of effective communication?
26. Are we becoming too susceptible to advertising?
27. Do you think people today are any closer to achieving a peaceful and harmonious future or harmonious world than Confucius, who lived 2000 years ago?
28. Should bargaining be outlawed and traders be required to advertise a fixed price for what they sell?
29. Should it be left to university students to balance their private lives and their studies?
30. Can the sacrifice of modesty in the interests of achieving success be justified
31. What do you think is more important for a child, a happy childhood or top marks at school?
32. Who should be the focus of investment in sport, the general population or potential Olympic champions?
33. Are boarding schools a good idea or are students better off at home?
34. Should Peking Opera remain true to its roots or change with the times?
35. Does modern society place too much emphasis on physical beauty?
36. Should Beijing's historic main avenue be open to all, big cars and small cars?
37. Is it right for major cities to lift the ban on firecrackers?
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英语即兴演讲开眼的是演讲者的英语知识和口语表达能力以及反应的能力,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些2010年英语演讲比赛即兴环节题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1. Government officials should reveal their property information to the public.
2. Teacher’s pay should be based on his/her students’ performance.
3. China should continue to adopt real-name system for railway transportation.
4. Museums should be made free.
5. Zoos should be banned.
6. The divorce procedure should be made more complicated.
7. Fines should be made relative to wealth.
8. The preferential policy for students from ethnic minority groups in college
entrance examination should be abolished.
9. Advertising aiming at children should be restricted.
10. Violent sports should be banned.
11. Condom vending machines should be allowed on university campus.
12. We should not protect a dying language.
13. Image of children should be prohibited in advertisement.
14. Cyber manhunt (人肉搜索) should be made illegal.
15. China should ban the production and sales of tobacco.
16. International Working Women’s Day should be cancelled.
17. Cultural relics should be returned to their countries of origin.
18. Gambling should be legalized in areas afflicted by economic recession.
19. Who need more care in our society, men or women?
20. Men and women should retire at the same age.
21. Universities should abolish the practice of cutting off electricity at dormitory at night.
22. P.E. class should be made elective in universities.
23. English Band 4 and Band 8 Tests should be abolished.
24. High school students should be allowed to choose their major after entering universities.
25. The enrollment quotas of college entrance examination should be based on the population of each province.
26. Celebrities don’t have rights of privacy.
27. Chinese calligraphy should be made a compulsory course to all primary school students.
28. Classical Chinese should be made a compulsory course to all university students.
29. Advertisement degrades people’s quality of life.
30. Junk food should be taxed.
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企业面试中面试官也会给面试者一个题目,企业面试的即兴演讲是面试者的反映和语言组织能力的体现,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些企业面试即兴演讲题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1、请根据“没有比人更高的山”这句话,自定主题,即兴演讲。
2、请围绕“青春”这一主题,即兴演讲。
3、请以“人生处处是考场”为话题进行演讲。
4、人生的道路上,处处可能遇上不可磨灭的创伤。有句话却说:“每一种创伤,都是一种成熟。”说说你的看法。
5、现在我们所看的每场晚会都经历过了精心的彩排。然而人生却没有彩排,每天都是现场直播。请说说你对这句话的理解。
6、生活里人们往往力求改变,以让人生向自己的目标更加靠近。“大多数人想要改变这个世界,但罕见有人想改造自己。”请谈谈你的看法。
7、但丁说:走自己的路,让别人说去吧。但现实中也存在着很多需要察纳雅言,虚心接受别人意见的时候。请说说你的看法。
8、请以“时间的重量”为话题演讲。
9、真正出众的人或事物,一定都是“誉满天下,谤满天下”。谈谈你的看法。
10、描述一位你心中的英雄,并诠释你心中英雄的定义。
11、人生应该守望执着还是随机应变?谈谈你的看法。
12、请以永不放弃为话题演讲。
13、第一个青春是靠上帝给的,第二个青春是靠自己努力的。你是怎么理解这句话的?
14、你心中对“朋友”的定义是什么?具体说说朋友对你生活的影响。
15、谈谈网络对我们的影响。
16、你怎样看待名人出书这种事情?
17、说一部你最喜欢的电影,并说明原因。
18、说一下你最喜欢的季节,并说明原因。
19、谈一谈你向往的大学生活是什么样子的?
20、你认为你参加汉语播音的面试你的优势是什么?
21、你选择广播站的理由是什么?
22、你觉得你是一个能处理好人际关系的人吗?
23、刚刚经历了军训,你怎么评价你的教官?
24、广播站的工作很多,你能处理好你的学习时间和工作时间吗?
25、如果你报的几个社团组织开会时间冲突了,你会怎么处理?
26、你是怎样看待播音部、技术部和编辑部之间的工作关系的?
27、你对这几年的春晚如何评价?如果导演让你出一个节目,你会出什么类型的节目?为什么?
28、可以给我们介绍一下你的家乡吗?
29、你关注社会热点吗?说说最近有什么热点新闻。
30、当你的意见和别人的不一致时,你会怎么处理?会放弃自己的观点?
31、如果让董卿、毕福剑、李咏其中一位加盟《快乐大本营》主持,你觉得谁合适?为什么?
32、上大学已经一个多月了,总结以下你对大学的认识,你对大学的印象。
33、现在有两份工作,一份是很保险的固定工资的工作,另外一份是风险很大的工作但如果做好了对自己很有发展前途,你会选择哪一个?为什么?
34、你进入广播站后会怎么做?
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“希望之星”英语风采大赛(大赛)是中央电视台社教节目中心主办的面向全国观众的大型电视英语比赛,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些希望之星英语风采大赛初中组即兴演讲题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1. The country I’d most like to visit
2. My Favourite kinds of foreign food
3. What computer games might be like in 20 years
4. My grandparents
5. Computer games
6. What age should you be allowed to use the internet
7. Why it’s important to spend time outdoors
8. Does technology make our lives easier?
9. The most embarrassing day of my life
10. Will there be a World War 3 in my lifetime
11. I do/don’t believe in aliens because ……
12. The worst kind of natural disasters
13. What I think will happen in 2012
14. My favourite festival
15. What I think of space travel
16. The differences between Chinese and western schools
17. Should Chinese health care be free?
18. The disadvantages of being rich
19. Which is more important: attractiveness or personality?
20. What motivates me to work hard
21. I would/wouldn’t like more independence from my parents because…
22. The strangest dream I’ve had
23. The scariest dream I’ve had
24. The best dream I’ve had
25. Fashion is/isn’t important to me because….
26. Why a good sense of humour is important.
27. My ideal weekend
28. What makes a good friend
29. What I would do if I was rich
30. Should old people be allowed to drive?
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英语即兴演讲是为了训练人们英语口头表达能力和语言的组织能力,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些初中英语即兴演讲题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1.Your super hero你的超级英雄
2.A happy weekend一个愉快的周末
3.A special gift 特别的礼物
4.Your best friend你最好的朋友
5.One of your hobbies 你的一个兴趣爱好
6.An impressive place that you have been to一个你去过的超级棒的地方
7.Your favourite subject你最喜欢的科目
8.A time when you did something to help others你帮助别人的经历
9.A person who you think is a good leader 一个你认为好的领导人
10.The ways to stay healthy.保持健康的方法
11.My Dream 我的梦
12.The first of my Career Experience 职场第一课
13.what kind of a person I hope to be 我想做一个这样的人
14.What kind of Success I Hope to Achieve 我的成功观
15.My opinion on Team Spirit关于团队合作
16.Competition and Cooperation
17.The fun in English Learning 学英语的乐趣
18.On public speaking (How to communicate with people) 与人交流
19.My opinion on Creativity创造力从哪里来
20.The most valuable Investment 最有价值的投资
21.The Earth village is becoming smaller 地球村在变小
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大学是进入社会前的一个模拟社会的环境,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些大学即兴演讲题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1、请您以“人生处处是考场”为话题进行演讲。
2、 寻找幸福的人,有两类。
一类像在登山,他们以为人生最大的幸福在山顶,于是气喘吁吁、穷尽一生去攀登。另一类也像在 登山,但他们并不刻意登到哪里。一路上走走停停,看看山岚、赏赏虹霓、吹吹清风,心灵在放松中得到某种满足。尽管不得大愉悦,然而,这些琐碎而细微的小自 在,萦绕于心扉,一样芬芳身心、恬静自我。
请以“站在烦恼里仰望幸福”为话题演讲。
3、 有位哲人说:“真正让我疲惫的,不是遥远的路途;而是鞋子里的一颗沙。”体会其中的深意,并以此为话题演讲。
4、 张爱玲女士曾经说过这样一句话:“对于三十岁以后的人来说,十年八年不过是指缝间的事;而对于年轻人而言,三年五年就可以是一生一世。”(选自《十八春》)请以此为话题进行演讲。
5、 人生的道路上,处处可能遇上不可磨灭的创伤。有句话却说:“每一种创伤,都是一种成熟。您同意这种说法么?说说你的看法。
6、 “不凡是瞬间的风景,平凡是永恒的罗兰。”谈谈你对这句话的理解,若要你选择,你会选择瞬间的风景还是永恒的罗兰?
7、 曾经有这样一首小诗,饶有趣味: 你不可以左右天气,但你可以改变心情; 你不可以事事顺利,但你可以事事尽力; 你不可以改变不公,但你可以展现笑容; 你不可以与之明天,但你可以把握今天。 细心品味这首诗,然后针对此诗谈谈你的看法。
8、 现在我们所看的每场晚会都经历过了精心的彩排。然而人生却没有彩排,每天都是现场直播。请说说你对这句话的理解。
9、 请谈一谈对“没有比人更高的山”这句话的理解。
10、 常有人说:单独思考往往会创造奇迹。请针对“智慧总是在孤独中生根”这句话, 谈谈你的见解。
11、 “幸福,不是长生不老,不是大鱼大肉,不是权倾朝野。幸福是每一个微小的生活愿望达成。当你想吃的时候有得吃,想被爱的时候有人来爱你。”请以此为话题演讲。
12、 人生中处处可以遇到值得我们感恩的人。里根在婚礼上的发言说了这样一句话:“上帝把南希赐予我,就足以让我毕生感激。”请以“感恩”为话题,以一个或多个具体的例子,阐述你对感恩的看法。
13、 请以“生命中的空白”为话题演讲。
14、 生活里人们往往力求改变,以让人生向自己的目标更加靠近。“大多数人想要改变这个世界,但罕见有人想改造自己。”请以此为话题演讲。
15、 但丁说:走自己的路,让别人说去吧。但现实中也存在着很多需要察纳雅言,虚心接受别人意见的时候。请说说你的看法。
16、 有人认为:青春像一座山背负一路感伤;郭敬明也曾说:青春是道明媚的忧伤。你眼中的青春是什么样的?请具体说说你对“青春”的看法。
17、 当清晨的第一缕阳光照耀在非洲的大草原上,羚羊会对自己说:快跑!否则你会被狮子吃掉!狮子会对自己说:快跑!否则你会饿死在这里!请以这个小故事进行三分钟的演讲。
18、 阐述你如何理解:“免费是世界上最昂贵的东西”这句话的?
19、 有这样一首佛语:“菩提本非木,明镜亦非台;本自无一物,何处惹尘埃。”细心体会这首诗的哲理,自然原本的流露是否是世间至美至真的表现。说说你的看法。
20、 “一个人之所以能,是因为相信能。”你同意这个观点么?请以此为话题演讲。
21、 请以“时间的重量”为话题演讲。
22、 可爱的刀刀狗曾经有这样一句话:“对于不会飞的蛤蟆来说,我们飞得越高,它看我们就越渺小。”你怎么看待这句刀刀的哲理的?
23、 男人两行泪,一行泪江山;一行泪美人。你同意这种观点么?请以此为话题演讲。
24、 心相印的纸巾外包装上有一句很有意思的话:“有时候一分钟很长,有时候又很短。体会其中的深意,并以此为话题演讲。
25、 JAY的《彩虹》里有一句歌词这样写到:“也许时间是一种解药;也是我现在正服下的毒药。”请对这句话谈谈你的看法(看法可以与歌词表达的原意无关。)
26、 《和平年代》里有这么一句话:当幻想和现实面对的时候,总是很痛苦。要么你被痛苦击倒;要么你把痛苦踩在脚下。说说你的看法。
27、 请以“人在旅程”为话题演讲。
28、 时间真正出众的人或事物,一定都是“誉满天下,谤满天下”。你同意这种观点么?请以此为话题演讲。
29、 描述一位你心中的英雄,并诠释你心中英雄的定义。
30、 人生应该守望执着还是随机应变?谈谈你的看法。
31、 “贪婪是最真实的贫穷,满足是最真实的财富”,到底什么是“贫”,什么是“富”?说说你的看法。
32、 很多人说:80后的一代和90后的一代有很大差别。作为一名90后,你怎么看待这种说法?或者,身为90后这一届一员,你怎么看待身边的90后?
33、 无数人看见苹果掉下来,但只有牛顿问了个为什么。请试着谈谈你对这句话的理解。
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文经典演讲文章,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Dr. Conant, members of the Board of Overseers, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am
overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position. But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of Europe and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.
In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the German war machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.
There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery, as I have said, is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.
Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So, the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from America -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character.
The remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the people of Europe in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to question.
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States. It is already evident that before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.
I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions. But, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Thank you very much.
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题目是指诗歌或文章的主题、意旨,书籍的标目;提出来要求解答的问题;借口,名义;评论,品题,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些第四届全国大学生英语演讲赛题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1.How to behave when applying for a job?
2.I am proud of being Chinese
3.Happy is he who is content
4.How to make our campus life more meaningful?
5.No imagination,no invention
6.What is happiness?
7.Knowledge is power
8.The importance of being creative
9.All roads lead to Rome
10.Knowledge and ability
11.Loyalty
12.My views on chatting on the Internet
13.The importance of reading intensively
14.Failure is the mother of success
15.The positive effects of computers
16.Quantity and quality
17.Be the master of your own fate
18.The negative effects of computers
19.Opportunity is never lost
20.One is never too old to learn
21.Help to protect the environment
22.Never say that you can't
23.How to carry out the quality education?
24.What the world will look like in ten years?
25.How can you achieve pure friendship?
Vigor vigour glamour 27.Is world peace possible?
28.How can we preserve our traditional culture?
29.In face of success
30.How can we protect wildlife?
31.What will WTO bring us?
32.How can we overcome the gap between the rich and the poor?
33.Rome was not built in a day
34.United we stand,divided we fall
35.Money can not buy everything
36.Actions speak louder than words
37.What would you do with three wishes?
38.Experience is the best teacher
39.English as a global language
40.A friend in need is a friend indeed
41.Is the spoken English test necessary?
42.Health and wealth
43.Where there's a will there is a way
44.No Pains,no gains 45.Haste makes waste
46.Practice makes perfect
47.Responsibilities college students should undertake
48.What do I study for?
49.The value of moral education
50.The importance of reading extensively
看了“"第四届全国大学生英语演讲赛题目"”
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即兴演讲是突然发生的,没有很长时间准备的,比较考验别人的口才和思维能力,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些2017年即兴演讲题目,希望对大家有所帮助。
1、曾经有这样一首小诗,饶有趣味:
你不可以左右天气,但你可以改变心情;
你不可以事事顺利,但你可以事事尽力;
你不可以改变不公,但你可以展现笑容;
你不可以预知明天,但你可以把握今天。
细心品味这首诗,然后针对此诗,自定主题,即兴演讲。
2、请根据“没有比人更高的山”这句话,自定主题,即兴演讲。
3. 你心中对“朋友”的定义是什么?请围绕朋友这一主题即兴演讲。
4、有人认为:青春像一座山背负一路感伤;郭敬明也曾说:青春是道明媚的忧伤。请围绕“青春”这一主题,即兴演讲。
5、清晨—微风—草坪(展校园一景:柳条依依,绿草青青)
注:(1)以上给出的词为即兴演讲的主题关键词;(2)括号内给出的是参考演讲方向,便于各位选手更好理解主题关键词,并非要求。
6、责任—义务—自豪感(使命感,主人翁精神)
7、请您以“人生处处是考潮为话题进行演讲。
8、寻找幸福的人,有两类。
一类像在登山,他们以为人生最大的幸福在山顶,于是气喘吁吁、穷尽一生去攀登。另一类也像在登山,但他们并不刻意登到哪里。一路上走走停停,看看山岚、赏赏虹霓、吹吹清风,心灵在放松中得到某种满足。尽管不得大愉悦,然而,这些琐碎而细微的小自在,萦绕于心扉,一样芬芳身心、恬静自我。
请以“站在烦恼里仰望幸福”为话题演讲。
8、有位哲人说:“真正让我疲惫的,不是遥远的路途;而是鞋子里的一颗沙。”体会其中的深意,并以此为话题演讲。
9、张爱玲女士曾经说过这样一句话:“对于三十岁以后的人来说,十年八年不过是指缝间的事;而对于年轻人而言,三年五年就可以是一生一世。”(选自《十八春》)请以此为话题进行演讲。
9、人生的道路上,处处可能遇上不可磨灭的创伤。有句话却说:“每一种创伤,都是一种成熟。”您同意这种说法么?说说你的看法。
10、“不凡是瞬间的风景,平凡是永恒的罗兰。”谈谈你对这句话的理解,若要你选择,你会选择瞬间的风景还是永恒的罗兰?
11、曾经有这样一首小诗,饶有趣味:
你不可以左右天气,但你可以改变心情;
你不可以事事顺利,但你可以事事尽力;
你不可以改变不公,但你可以展现笑容;
你不可以与之明天,但你可以把握今天。
细心品味这首诗,然后针对此诗谈谈你的看法。
12、现在我们所看的每场晚会都经历过了精心的彩排。然而人生却没有彩排,每天都是现场直播。请说说你对这句话的理解。
13、请谈一谈对“没有比人更高的山”这句话的理解。
14、常有人说:单独思考往往会创造奇迹。请针对“智慧总是在孤独中生根”这句话,谈谈你的见解。
15、“幸福,不是长生不老,不是大鱼大肉,不是权倾朝野。幸福是每一个微小的生活愿望达成。当你想吃的时候有得吃,想被爱的时候有人来爱你。”请以此为话题演讲。
16、人生中处处可以遇到值得我们感恩的人。里根在婚礼上的发言说了这样一句话:“上帝把南希赐予我,就足以让我毕生感激。”请以“感恩”为话题,以一个或多个具体的例子,阐述你对感恩的看法。
17、请以“生命中的空白”为话题演讲。
18、生活里人们往往力求改变,以让人生向自己的目标更加靠近。“大多数人想要改变这个世界,但罕见有人想改造自己。”请以此为话题演讲。
19、但丁说:走自己的路,让别人说去吧。但现实中也存在着很多需要察纳雅言,虚心接受别人意见的时候。请说说你的看法。
20、有人认为:青春像一座山背负一路感伤;郭敬明也曾说:青春是道明媚的忧伤。你眼中的青春是什么样的?请具体说说你对“青春”的看法。
21、当清晨的第一缕阳光照耀在非洲的大草原上,羚羊会对自己说:快跑!否则你会被狮子吃掉!狮子会对自己说:快跑!否则你会饿死在这里!请以这个小故事进行三分钟的演讲。
22、阐述你如何理解:“免费是世界上最昂贵的东西”这句话的?
23、有这样一首佛语:“菩提本非木,明镜亦非台;本自无一物,何处惹尘埃。”细心体会这首诗的哲理,自然原本的流露是否是世间至美至真的表现。说说你的看法。
24、“一个人之所以能,是因为相信能。”你同意这个观点么?请以此为话题演讲。
25、请以“时间的重量”为话题演讲。
26、可爱的刀刀狗曾经有这样一句话:“对于不会飞的蛤-蟆来说,我们飞得越高,它看我们就越渺校”你怎么看待这句刀刀的哲理的?
27、男人两行泪,一行泪江山;一行泪美人。你同意这种观点么?请以此为话题演讲。
28、心相印的纸巾外包装上有一句很有意思的话:“有时候一分钟很长,有时候又很短。体会其中的深意,并以此为话题演讲。
29、 JAY的《彩虹》里有一句歌词这样写到:“也许时间是一种解药;也转载自百分网http://www.oh100.com,请保留此标记是我现在正服下的毒药。”请对这句话谈谈你的看法(看法可以与歌词表达的原意无关。)
30、《和平年代》里有这么一句话:当幻想和现实面对的时候,总是很痛苦。要么你被痛苦击倒;要么你把痛苦踩在脚下。说说你的看法。
31、请以“人在旅程”为话题演讲。
32、时间真正出众的人或事物,一定都是“誉满天下,谤满天下”。你同意这种观点么?请以此为话题演讲。
33、描述一位你心中的英雄,并诠释你心中英雄的定义。
34、人生应该守望执着还是随机应变?谈谈你的看法。
35、“贪婪是最真实的贫穷,满足是最真实的财富”,说说你的看法。
36、很多人说:80后的一代和90后的一代有很大差别。作为一名90后,你怎么看待这种说法?或者,身为90后这一届一员,你怎么看待身边的90后?
37、无数人看见苹果掉下来,但只有牛顿问了个为什么。请试着谈谈你对这句话的理解。
38、请以“岔路口”为话题演讲。
39、生气是拿别人的错误惩罚自己。请以此为话题演讲。
40、请以“不必要完美”为话题演讲。
41、有一句话这样来评价一个人的精彩一生:生如夏花般灿烂;死如秋叶之静美。请说说你的观点。
42、谈父母。
43、请以永不放弃为话题演讲。
44、“厄运——如果你总是期待最坏的,你永远不会失望。”生活中,很多时候,我们都要“做最好的准备,并做最坏的打算。”谈谈你的观点。
45、(我就喜欢!【麦当劳广告】,结合你生活中的具体事例说说对这句话的看法)。
46、欲速则不达。
47、(靠近你的朋友,更要靠近你的敌人——《教父》)。
48、(我们最大的荣耀不是用不跌倒,而是跌倒了以后勇敢地爬起来。——拿破仑)。
49、 第一个青春是靠上帝给的,第二个青春是靠自己努力的。你是怎么理解这句话的?
50、你心中对“朋友”的定义是什么?具体说说朋友对你生活的影响。
看了“2017年即兴演讲题目50个”
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演讲稿在选择题目时要选择与自己所从事的工作性质、专业、知识面接近的题目,因为自己熟悉的东西容易讲深讲透,容易收到好效果,选择一个好题目并非一件容易的事,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些演讲稿题目的选择方法,希望对大家有所帮助。
即要选择那些光明、美好、有建设性的题目,使听众一听就有无限希望。如《自学可以成才》这样的题目,就可鼓舞听众充满信心地走自学之路。
英国一位演讲家曾讲过,一个好的题目是属于“怎样?”“是什么?”“为什么?”三方面,如:《学校怎样开设演讲课》,这属于“怎样”的,是解决疑难的题目;《为培养新人而努力》,是属于“是什么”的,是指出目的和办法的题目;,指出目的,初学者选题时按这个要求去检查,题目就容易有吸引力和积极意义。
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英文演讲作为一种教学手段,是英语学习过程中经常用到的一种非常有效的方式,同时英文演讲也能增强你的口语表达呢里,下面读文网小编整理了做好英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
具备演讲的知识和技巧,演讲稿的完成只是演讲的序幕,要进行成功的演讲则要进行严格的训练。训练时,分析演讲要领,训练演讲技巧和姿势语,观看cctv杯和爱立信杯等英语演讲的录像,了解并按照比赛评分标准进行严格的模拟训练,观察演讲过程是否具备以下特点:主题鲜明,表达完整(演讲内容);思维清晰,逻辑性强(文章组织结构);感情充沛,富有表现力(演讲气势);发音正确,语音语调标准(英语语音);反应敏捷,回答准确(心理素质);着装整洁,仪态大方等等。
除此之外,还要有良好的心理素质。多进行模拟演讲,有良好的心理素质,才能更好地表现自己,取得演讲的良好效果。有的同学能讲一口地道的美式英语,但由于缺乏良好的心理素质而怯场,甚至在比赛中紧张得说不出话来或有一些不良的举止而被淘汰出局。
有了充分的准备,进行演讲就不太难了。在演讲的整个过程中还要注意一些演讲的要领与技巧,如演讲者与听众目光的接触(eye contact),声音的抑扬顿挫(vocal variety),和肢体语言的配合(hand gestures and body language)等等,但要恰当,不要太多,否则会喧宾夺主,影响演讲效果。
掌握了这些要领,有了充分的知识储备,再加上良好的心理素质,一定会成功的 .
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英国首相卡梅伦宣布将辞职,卡梅伦为什么辞职?卡梅伦在辞职是讲了什么内容?下面读文网小编在整理了英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲:我尽力了,供你阅读。
6月24日,引发全球关注的英国“脱欧”公投结果出炉,“脱欧”阵营赢得超过半数的民众支持,这意味着英国在加入欧盟43年之后将正式与这个大家庭说“再见”。这一历史性的投票将重塑英国的世界地位,同时可能触发多米诺效应、导致更多国家脱离欧盟。此外,英国首相卡梅伦或许会辞职。
公投结果显示,投票民众中52%支持脱离欧盟,48%支持留在欧盟。其中,伦敦和苏格兰地区的“留欧”意愿非常强烈,但最终没能敌过英格兰北部人数众多的“脱欧”派支持者。公投的投票率为71.8%,相当于有超过3000万民众前往投票站投票,这是英国自1992年以来最高的投票记录。
对于英国的公投结果,全球金融市场反应迅速且剧烈,英镑兑美元汇率闪电崩盘,跌幅超过1000个基点,触及1985年以来的最低水平。英国工党影子内阁大臣约翰·麦克唐纳表示,英国中央银行可能会介入市场,采取措施支撑英镑。
***“独立日”
过去20年间,英国独立党领导人奈杰尔·法拉奇一直四处奔走、游说英国脱离欧盟。如今夙愿得偿,法拉奇不禁向“脱欧”派支持者高呼:“这是普罗大众的胜利!6月23日将被载入史册,成为英国的独立日!”他还呼吁首相卡梅伦“立即”辞职。英国“脱欧”公投虽由卡梅伦发起,但他强烈支持英国留在欧盟。
不过,多名“脱欧”派保守党人士,包括前伦敦市长鲍里斯·约翰逊和英国司法大臣迈克尔·戈夫在内,已经签署联名信劝说卡梅伦不论公投结果如何都请继续出任首相。
英国前欧洲事务大臣基思·瓦兹认为,公投结果表明英国民众是根据其“情绪”而非专家建议投票,欧盟应当召集一次紧急峰会来处理英国“脱欧”后续问题,“(英国脱离欧盟)将会对我们的国家、欧洲乃至世界其他地区产生灾难性的后果”。
德国外交部长弗兰克·沃尔特·施泰因迈尔称,对于欧盟和英国,公投结果出炉是个“悲伤的日子”。
***退出不易
英国将成为自欧盟成立以来第一个退出的国家,但这并不意味着公投结果公布后英国的欧盟成员国身份即刻终止。英国退出欧盟需要花费至少两年的时间,“脱欧”派建议英国应当直至2020年大选时才完成全部脱欧工作。
接下来,英国首相将决定何时触发欧盟《里斯本条约》第50条规定。根据这条规定,英国确认脱离欧盟后,需在两年的时间内与欧洲理事会谈判退出事宜,并且除非得到全体成员国的一致同意,退出国不得再加入欧盟。
与此同时,英国政府还将与欧盟举行谈判,协商二者之间未来的贸易关系,以及修订同非欧盟国家间的贸易协议。
***“多米诺效应”
美国《纽约时报》指出,英国公投决定退出欧盟,这一历史性决定将重塑英国的世界地位,同时让欧洲大陆陷入不安,并震动整个西方政治世界。
《华盛顿邮报》分析称,除了可能导致全球性经济衰退和西方联盟的破裂,英国脱欧或许还会致使苏格兰加速走向独立、欧盟进一步分裂以及卡梅伦政府的陷落。
有分析人士称,未来,希腊、葡萄牙、意大利、捷克、芬兰、斯洛伐克、拉脱维亚和比利时都可能会跟随英国的脚步脱离欧盟。
英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲相关
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相信很多人看了电影《国王的演讲》,也发现英国人做英文演讲,也很难!那么任何一个要想有所成就的人就一定要学一点演讲与口才!那么如何做好演讲呢?下面读文网小编整理了做英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
英语演讲应该简洁扼要,直截了当。除非特别需要,一般不要采用中文中的那种迂回曲折的表达形式。据有关专家统计,一般人的注意力一次只能集中约13分钟。所以,演讲长度以10~15分钟为宜。下面是美国总统林肯所作的著名的盖茨堡演说,虽然全文只有短短200多个词,却带有振奋人心、扭转乾坤般的力量。其中 of the people, by the people, for the people(民有,民治,民享)已成为不朽佳句。对于中学生来说,这篇演讲现在读起来一定会觉得很难,但要写好英语演讲,这确实是值得认真研读的经典之作。
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