为您找到与初中生英文演讲三分钟范文简单相关的共200个结果:
态度是个体对特定对象所持有的稳定的心理倾向。这种心理倾向蕴含着个体的主观评价以及由此产生的行为倾向性。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些关于态度决定一切英文三分钟演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
There is a well-known proverb,“Every horse thinks its own pack heaviest,” which means whether people feel optimistic or not lies in what attitudes they adopt. It is universally acknowledged that life is by no means perfect and a positive attitude makes life brighter. As the case stands, it is our attitude rather than the situation itself that determines how we feel.
On the one hand, a positive mind brings about an active life, because to be in a good mood or a bad mood is at one’ s own choice. On the other hand, looking at the bright side of the situation and remaining cheerful work out quite well when one is confronted with adversity.
In such a rat-race society, everyone is bound to encounter difficulties. In my opinion, we should keep an optimistic attitude to pull through any hardship, as we can say “attitude is everything” .
看了“"态度决定一切英文三分钟演讲稿三篇"”
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教师既是一种社会角色,也是角色的承担者,泛指传授知识、经验的人,狭义上指指受过专门教育和训练,并在教育(学校)中担任教育、教学工作的人。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些教师三分钟英文即兴演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Welcome to NBA.First, let me show a short video to you.
The First team I will talk about is Houston Rockets.In this team,there are two MAP candidates.One is T-Mac,the other one is Yao Ming.There are Bonzi Wells,Steve Francis,Mike James,Shane Battier and Rafer Alston also.I think it’s powerful enough.
Some experts even claim that they could win 60 games.But in fact,they have lost 7 games.I think maybe they can’t win the games as many as the experts said,but they must be a strong power in the western this season if the stars specially Tracy and Yao could keep health.
The second team is Dallas Mavericks.Last season,they won more than 60 games,but they were washed out in the playoff.And this team became the second team which won 60 or more games but lost the champion.
This season,most of the players there are in their golden age and I think they own the ability to create everything what even out of everyone’s expectation.
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我们在平时演讲中,最难的是即兴发言,没有任何准备,要求现场就要能讲,而且讲得言之有理,平时怎样训练三分钟即兴演讲?三分钟即兴演讲训练方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了三分钟即兴演讲训练方法,供你阅读参考。
四“思”:逆向思维、纵深思维、发散思维、综合思维
逆向思维:是指从相反方向思考问题,即一反传统看法,提出与之相对或相反的观点。这是一种反弹琵琶式的思维模式,它鲜明地表现为对传统的批判精神,但要注意观点必须持之有据,能够自圆其说。我之前列举了很多逆向思维的案例,比如,我们学口才就要做到“目中无人”——只有目中无人,心中有人才能放得开,才能解除紧张恐惧状态等等。
纵深思维:从一般人认为不值一谈的小事,或无须作进一步探讨的定论中,发现更深一层的被现象掩盖着的事物本质。即“透过现象看本质”。比如,我们从一叶可以知春秋,从一滴水可以知环保。由小见大即是此理。这是非常实用的思维技巧,可以让我们的讲话有深度有蕴含,充满智慧。
发散思维:是从同一问题中产生各种各样的为数众多的答案,在处理问题中寻找多种多样的正确途径。多端、灵活、精细、新颖是它的特点。比如,我们说如何才能学好口才,那发散思维就可以讲很多的方法和技巧:参加培训、朗读文章、与父母沟通、主动去假装面试、找陌生人问路、去讨价还价、去客串教学、去找人尝试对骂、去练小品、说相声、去模仿、去公交车上演讲、去找领导讲道理等等,你可以想太多太多的方法,也许有些方法无厘头,但是它可以打开我们的思路,让我们快速去构思内容。
综合思维训练:是前面三种思维的综合运用,事实上我们在思考问题时,一般情况都是将各种思维综合在一起使用的。
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怎样评判一个人的演讲能力?如果你可以用三分钟讲清楚别人花三个小时才能讲明白的主题,你就有这种能力。三分钟演讲训练方法有哪些?下面读文网小编整理了三分钟演讲训练方法,供你阅读参考。
身体姿势的运用是一个大学问,如果没有长期的有意识的练习,切不可听从某个砖家而随意地运用某些姿势,这会让你在演讲中显得机械做作。身体姿势的运用的总的原则就是:自然地展现原来的自己,配合演讲主题稍作修饰。
在生活中注意培养良好的身体姿势是演讲成功的关键,这是一个慢慢练习的过程,百度经验《如何运用身体姿势》能够帮助你,对比一下这两幅图感受一下不同的身体姿势所传达的信息,第一幅图给人拒绝和不自信的感觉,第二幅图让人感觉接纳和自信。
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面试自我介绍在面试环节中是相当重要的一个环节,读文网小编为大家整理了三分钟的面试介绍演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
大家好,我叫张一凡,首先我想衷心感谢各位领导冒着大雨从深圳赶到华工,给我们一次宝贵的面试机会。面试机会对于我们应届毕业生来说,绝对就像今天的天气,春雨贵如油;或者说,贵如石油!(点评:在自我介绍之前,利用当天的天气表示对招聘单位的感激之情,是非常高明的一个互动环节。)
我来自辽宁省锦州市,我的母亲也是一位石油工作者,她在锦州炼油六厂工作。由于我的父亲多年以前就下岗了,我家的生活和我的教育全部依赖母亲每个月两千多块钱的收入。所以,我对石油行业充满了感恩之情,没有她,我的大学教育很可能会缺失。(点评:通过“母亲的工作”把自己和用人单位巧妙地结合起来,又是一个高明的互动。由此可以看出,成功的自我介绍绝对不仅仅是介绍“自我”,而是时时刻刻把“自我”和“对方”结合起来。)
在华工,我所学的专业是工商管理,和刚才做自我介绍的张优和李秀同学相比,我非常遗憾地说,自己的学习成绩只是中等水平,原因主要有两方面,一是华工的确人才济济,二是我本人把相当一部分精力投入到了兼职工作中,因为我确实需要兼职的收入。我累计担任了八名中小学生的数学与英语家教,参加了二十多次校园促销,比如雅芳化妆品促销、卡西欧电子字典促销等等。销售工作锻炼了我的勇气和耐力,我相信这两种素质将会对我未来的工作很有帮助!(点评:第二部分,和其他同学相比,她的成绩中等甚至是下等是块硬伤,如果不自己把这块硬伤揭开,面试官会觉得如鲠在喉。主动暴露自己的弱点,则表现出一凡的勇敢与诚实,也巧妙地使面试官把注意力转移到她的兼职经验上,化弱势为优势!)
今天我来申请中海石油的“商务代表”一职,说实话,除了张经理刚刚介绍过的工作内容之外,我并不十分清楚具体的工作要求是什么。在此,我谨浅显地谈谈我个人的理解,我想,这个职位需要这样一个人:第一,她要了解并热爱石油行业;第二,她要形象端正,表达能力强,思维严谨;第三,作为应届毕业生,她必须具备良好的学习心态和踏踏实实的工作态度。对于这三点,我自信自己能够满足,我希望自己能够有机会进入下一轮面试,届时再详细地向您阐述。最后,再次表示我的感谢!(鞠躬)(点评:大学生对于就业岗位往往一知半解,如果不懂装懂反而引人反感。实话实说,为自己又赢一分!不过大家绝对不要盲目抄袭此答案,说自己不了解所申请的职位是相当危险的招数,用不好等于引火烧身。一凡并非真正不了解这个职位,一来她说自己上网做过调查,二来她的理解基本正确,她用的是以退为进的方法。)
看完“面试介绍三分钟演讲稿”的人还看:
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相信很多人看了电影《国王的演讲》,也发现英国人做英文演讲,也很难!那么任何一个要想有所成就的人就一定要学一点演讲与口才!那么如何做好演讲呢?下面读文网小编整理了做英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
英语演讲应该简洁扼要,直截了当。除非特别需要,一般不要采用中文中的那种迂回曲折的表达形式。据有关专家统计,一般人的注意力一次只能集中约13分钟。所以,演讲长度以10~15分钟为宜。下面是美国总统林肯所作的著名的盖茨堡演说,虽然全文只有短短200多个词,却带有振奋人心、扭转乾坤般的力量。其中 of the people, by the people, for the people(民有,民治,民享)已成为不朽佳句。对于中学生来说,这篇演讲现在读起来一定会觉得很难,但要写好英语演讲,这确实是值得认真研读的经典之作。
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怎样评判一个人的演讲能力?如果你可以用三分钟讲清楚别人花三个小时才能讲明白的主题,你就有这种能力。下面读文网小编整理了做好三分钟演讲稿的方法,供你阅读参考。
三分钟演讲的难点在于控制时间,时间耗费过多或者过少都会使演讲效果大打折扣。你能做的是通过平时的练习对“三分钟”有一个大概的概念,知道自己在三分钟时间里能说多少事情。在快接近时间结束,或者你感觉时间快要到的时候,就要做好结束的准备,有经验的演讲者在时间快结束的时候,他说说的每句话都可以作为结束语,这些话往往没有实质的意义,可以是对上文的变化形式后的重复(起呼应首尾作用),可以是对未来的展望,可以使一个意味深长的暗示。考虑一下这样的结尾:“这些所谓成功其本质都是获得观众,你们懂的”,这个结尾让人们去思考,如果演讲者发现时间还多,还可以说两句话,可以补充道:“如果你不懂,那么你也没有懂的必要了”。
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如何做好一次三分钟的演讲?演讲从即兴演讲练起,打破演讲的规则你才能走的更远。下面读文网小编整理了做好三分钟演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
服装 一定要大方得体,不要单纯追求漂亮帅气吸引眼球,因为审美的不同,你觉得可能大放异彩的衣服在别人看来很招人嫌。过于随意的服装也会显得不尊重听众,不要拿乔布斯举例,听众会理解乔布斯但一定不会理解你。
·标准的普通话会给人很大的好感,但若说不好,来不及纠正了也不要心虚。尽量吐字清楚,语调平稳。
· 我之前说内容的地位有时很低,但不代表可以乱说,听众也不是傻子。
·多看一些成功的演讲视频,找到适合自己的风格(记住是“适合”),反复练习
·镜子是个好帮手,多在镜子里看自己演讲时的表情、姿态和动作
·给周围的人先讲一讲,听听他们的感受。也可以录下来,把自己当听众的审一遍。
·和工作人员提前沟通。避免音乐灯光幻灯片出错。
·自己写演讲稿真的是不能更赞。既对内容熟悉,又解决了相信自己演讲内容的问题,还不用担心忘词。
·如果忘词,不要紧张,不要反复说上一句,听众最烦这个。这时候就靠自己对演讲内容的了解自己说。
最后再补充一点,即兴演讲舒缓紧张的方法---笑容和寻找笑容。面带微笑会让自己更加自信,你可以增加肢体语言,在空中比划,或者做些手势,或者拿一只笔在手上。
另外时刻关注听众的反应,不要当他们是大白菜,去寻找向你微笑的面孔,去与他们眼神交流,都会让你有一种自信和成就感。
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英国首相卡梅伦宣布将辞职,卡梅伦为什么辞职?卡梅伦在辞职是讲了什么内容?下面读文网小编在整理了英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲:我尽力了,供你阅读。
6月24日,引发全球关注的英国“脱欧”公投结果出炉,“脱欧”阵营赢得超过半数的民众支持,这意味着英国在加入欧盟43年之后将正式与这个大家庭说“再见”。这一历史性的投票将重塑英国的世界地位,同时可能触发多米诺效应、导致更多国家脱离欧盟。此外,英国首相卡梅伦或许会辞职。
公投结果显示,投票民众中52%支持脱离欧盟,48%支持留在欧盟。其中,伦敦和苏格兰地区的“留欧”意愿非常强烈,但最终没能敌过英格兰北部人数众多的“脱欧”派支持者。公投的投票率为71.8%,相当于有超过3000万民众前往投票站投票,这是英国自1992年以来最高的投票记录。
对于英国的公投结果,全球金融市场反应迅速且剧烈,英镑兑美元汇率闪电崩盘,跌幅超过1000个基点,触及1985年以来的最低水平。英国工党影子内阁大臣约翰·麦克唐纳表示,英国中央银行可能会介入市场,采取措施支撑英镑。
***“独立日”
过去20年间,英国独立党领导人奈杰尔·法拉奇一直四处奔走、游说英国脱离欧盟。如今夙愿得偿,法拉奇不禁向“脱欧”派支持者高呼:“这是普罗大众的胜利!6月23日将被载入史册,成为英国的独立日!”他还呼吁首相卡梅伦“立即”辞职。英国“脱欧”公投虽由卡梅伦发起,但他强烈支持英国留在欧盟。
不过,多名“脱欧”派保守党人士,包括前伦敦市长鲍里斯·约翰逊和英国司法大臣迈克尔·戈夫在内,已经签署联名信劝说卡梅伦不论公投结果如何都请继续出任首相。
英国前欧洲事务大臣基思·瓦兹认为,公投结果表明英国民众是根据其“情绪”而非专家建议投票,欧盟应当召集一次紧急峰会来处理英国“脱欧”后续问题,“(英国脱离欧盟)将会对我们的国家、欧洲乃至世界其他地区产生灾难性的后果”。
德国外交部长弗兰克·沃尔特·施泰因迈尔称,对于欧盟和英国,公投结果出炉是个“悲伤的日子”。
***退出不易
英国将成为自欧盟成立以来第一个退出的国家,但这并不意味着公投结果公布后英国的欧盟成员国身份即刻终止。英国退出欧盟需要花费至少两年的时间,“脱欧”派建议英国应当直至2020年大选时才完成全部脱欧工作。
接下来,英国首相将决定何时触发欧盟《里斯本条约》第50条规定。根据这条规定,英国确认脱离欧盟后,需在两年的时间内与欧洲理事会谈判退出事宜,并且除非得到全体成员国的一致同意,退出国不得再加入欧盟。
与此同时,英国政府还将与欧盟举行谈判,协商二者之间未来的贸易关系,以及修订同非欧盟国家间的贸易协议。
***“多米诺效应”
美国《纽约时报》指出,英国公投决定退出欧盟,这一历史性决定将重塑英国的世界地位,同时让欧洲大陆陷入不安,并震动整个西方政治世界。
《华盛顿邮报》分析称,除了可能导致全球性经济衰退和西方联盟的破裂,英国脱欧或许还会致使苏格兰加速走向独立、欧盟进一步分裂以及卡梅伦政府的陷落。
有分析人士称,未来,希腊、葡萄牙、意大利、捷克、芬兰、斯洛伐克、拉脱维亚和比利时都可能会跟随英国的脚步脱离欧盟。
英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲相关
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英文演讲作为一种教学手段,是英语学习过程中经常用到的一种非常有效的方式,同时英文演讲也能增强你的口语表达呢里,下面读文网小编整理了做好英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
具备演讲的知识和技巧,演讲稿的完成只是演讲的序幕,要进行成功的演讲则要进行严格的训练。训练时,分析演讲要领,训练演讲技巧和姿势语,观看cctv杯和爱立信杯等英语演讲的录像,了解并按照比赛评分标准进行严格的模拟训练,观察演讲过程是否具备以下特点:主题鲜明,表达完整(演讲内容);思维清晰,逻辑性强(文章组织结构);感情充沛,富有表现力(演讲气势);发音正确,语音语调标准(英语语音);反应敏捷,回答准确(心理素质);着装整洁,仪态大方等等。
除此之外,还要有良好的心理素质。多进行模拟演讲,有良好的心理素质,才能更好地表现自己,取得演讲的良好效果。有的同学能讲一口地道的美式英语,但由于缺乏良好的心理素质而怯场,甚至在比赛中紧张得说不出话来或有一些不良的举止而被淘汰出局。
有了充分的准备,进行演讲就不太难了。在演讲的整个过程中还要注意一些演讲的要领与技巧,如演讲者与听众目光的接触(eye contact),声音的抑扬顿挫(vocal variety),和肢体语言的配合(hand gestures and body language)等等,但要恰当,不要太多,否则会喧宾夺主,影响演讲效果。
掌握了这些要领,有了充分的知识储备,再加上良好的心理素质,一定会成功的 .
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准备是搞好演讲的前提。首先是要确立一个题目或一个话题。那么做好三分钟演讲的方法有哪些呢?下面读文网小编整理了做好三分钟演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
一:语速的把握
确定讲稿后,可根据内容以及自己的特性来确定语速。语速不仅有天生的因素,也可以通过后天的刻意训练来改变。一般来说,语速不要太快--因为会给人一种紧张的感觉,也不要太慢--显得迟钝沉闷,能找到自己说起来比较舒服,同时也适中的语速是最好的。本篇演讲的语速稍稍有些嫌快,若不是演讲者的幽默活跃了全场的气氛,还真有些显得太过急促。
二:事前准备
在战场上,知已知彼方能百战百胜;演讲也不例外。首先要客观地了解和评估点自己,选择适当的演讲题目;其次要根据主题搜集材料,并将这些材料按一定的顺序排列;最后设定讲稿框架,尤其是精心设置演讲的开头和结尾。与前面的演讲不同,比尔·盖茨的这篇演讲是一篇商业演讲,主要是为微软作宣传,通过对DNS系统未来的描述来记听众了解微软将在未来计算机领域所起的作用。他的选词造句的要求没有政治演讲的高,也没有复杂、深奥的词汇,但他的演讲脉络清晰,主题明确,看出是事前做好了充分准备的。
三:巧妙引用
明智地使用引语能给你的演讲增色不少,扩大权威性,增强说明力。在引用名家的话语或文章时,要注意遵循四条原则:1、引用材料尽量简短、选择与演讲主题相关的部分;2、使引用的材料有机地成为演讲的一部分;3、不要重复引用,除非特别强调;4、引用准确,不要断章取义。
四:语调的抑扬顿挫
演讲时的语调的起伏不仅能使演讲更生动,而且还能传达演讲者丰富的感情信息。试想如果总是用一种平板的语调,不仅演讲者本身显得无精打采,听众也会很快产生疲倦厌烦的心理。一般来说,升调传达着激昂的情绪,如兴奋、愤怒、谴责、疑问;降调则表达灰暗的情绪,如悔恨、伤心、失望和郁闷等。本篇演讲就是善于运用语调的变化的优秀范例,抑扬顿挫折,张弛结合,尤其是后半部分,通过语调的激越高亢以及反复的手段,将演讲推至最高潮。
五:作好即兴演讲
即兴演讲是演讲者在事先无准备的情况下,就眼前的场面、情境、事物和人物即席发表的演讲。由于事先没有准备讲是最能看出演讲者的综合素质,尤其是应变能力的时刻。即兴演讲要靠平时的积累一"台下刻意训练,台上听其自然"。另外,要弄清楚即兴演讲的主题,否则,开口就离题万里,说得再好也白搭。其次,在脑海里迅速拟一个大致的提纲,避免泛泛而谈。最后是不要急躁,不要慌张,保持镇定。
六:应对意外
一般来说,演讲时可能遇到三种倒霉事:1、结巴。不用掩饰,否则会更加失态。相反,停顿一下,笑一笑,把这个句子再说一次,再继续说下去。2、技术故障,如话筒出了问题等。等待人员修理,或者冷静发言。3、事实错误,如把珍珠港事件说成是1941年9月7日。在合适的地方停下来改正错误,不要急躁而导致精力分散,出现更多错误。
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成功演讲者演讲成功的原因很多,但失败的原因却只有一个——没有充分的准备。那么做成功的三分钟的演讲的方法有哪些呢?下面读文网小编整理了做三分钟演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
1.知己知彼,百战百胜
在演讲的进行之前,你首先要尽可能多的搜集听众的信息:他们的年龄,兴趣,性格等,以及他们从你的演讲中想得到什么?是开怀一笑,技巧经验,创意想法或是一些建议指导。他们在你演讲之前会做什么?他们会不耐烦以至于吃东西,喝饮料,亦或是左右交谈。你对观众的需求和态度越是了解,你的演讲才能越对他们的口味。
2.与演讲的组织者交流
如果你为某个组织或团体进行演讲,那么你必须弄清楚他们想通过这场演讲达到什么效应。他们的期望是什么?对于他们来说什么样的演讲才代表成功。
3.“地利”因素不可或缺
古人讲“天时、地利、人和”是赢得一场战役的关键因素。如果把一场演讲看做是一场战争,那么嵬浩不得不提地利的重要。把自己想象成FBI,你首先要调查一下演讲所处的地理环境,包括:房子的布局结构,是剧院一样的讲堂还是普通的教室等等。你是否需要讲台或者麦克风?向后勤要一些你需要的东西,比如说一个麦克风,扩音器,投影仪,甚至是一杯水。你要完全明白演讲的流程和你所拥有的时间。看看你还缺少什么,尽可能的做到准备充分。
4.适当的选择你的演讲主题与关键信息
你与听众交流的主要目的是什么?你在这场演讲中想要获得的最主要的东西是什么?这就是你需要关注的东西。对于听众来说,记住简短而清晰的内容比那些复杂的理论要容易得多。
5.搜集与演讲内容有关的不同材料
搜集不同的观点、故事、引例、笑话(可能的话)来丰富你的演讲内容。你可以把他们记在不同的纸上面或者写在powerpoint中,不过,最好记在脑子里。把它们联系起来并让它们为你的演讲主题服务。
6.建立一个大纲
你的演讲必须有一个简单而清晰的大纲结构。举个例子,你可以从一个问题开始,解释引起这个问题的原因和它的严重性。然后你可以提出你的解决方案。最后你可以进行一个总结并引起人们对这个问题的重视,唤醒人们付诸行动来解决这个问题。
7.加一些活跃气氛的元素
没有人愿意听一个沉闷的演讲,人们都喜欢轻松活跃的氛围。即使你将类似“马克思主义”之类的逻辑性很强的政治内容,也要在恰当的时候穿插一些事例。这些事例可以关于真人真事,甚至来自于你自己的故事。这样才能调动听众的积极性,活跃会场气氛,使演讲成功。
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文经典演讲文章,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Dr. Conant, members of the Board of Overseers, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am
overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position. But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of Europe and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.
In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the German war machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.
There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery, as I have said, is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.
Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So, the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from America -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character.
The remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the people of Europe in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to question.
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States. It is already evident that before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.
I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions. But, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Thank you very much.
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通过英语演讲能让我们突破自己的口语障碍,敢于通过英语将自己的思想说出去,达到灵活运用英语的目的,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些初中生英语即兴演讲范文,希望对大家有所帮助。
A man who lived in a block of apartments thought it was raining and put his head out the window to check. As he did so a glass eye fell into his hand.
He looked up to see where it came from in time to see a young woman looking down.
"Is this yours?" he asked.liuxue86.com
She said, "Yes, could you bring it up?" and the man agreed.
On arrival she was profuse in her thanks and offered the man a drink. As she was very attractive he agreed. Shortly afterwards she said, "I'm about to have dinner. There's plenty. Would you like to join me?"
He readily accepted her offer and both enjoyed a lovely meal. As the evening was drawing to a close the lady said, "I've had a marvelous evening. Would you like to stay the night?"
The man hesitated then said, "Do you act like this with every man you meet?"
"No," she replied, "Only those who catch my eye."
看了“"初中生英语即兴演讲范文三篇"”
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如果你可以用三分钟讲清楚别人花三个小时才能讲明白的主题,你就有这种演讲的优秀能力,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些三分钟演讲技巧,希望对大家有所帮助。
1.了解你的演讲主题
这一步骤至关重要,主题决定了你是要运用中心途径多一点还是要运用边缘途径多一点。如果是关于“爱国”“奉献”“社会丑恶”等感性内容,你最好才有边缘途径,比如在爱国主题演讲中,你应该着装传统一些,与你的主题相符,演讲的语调要带有感情色彩。如果是关于“成功”“方法”“诚信”等理性主题,你最好是采用中心途径,三分钟的演讲中要有明确的主线,逻辑清晰,语速偏慢。
2.知道你要对谁演讲
需要演讲的场合很多,比如面试、辩论中的独白、课上的总结,在演讲之前你要明白对谁演讲,熟悉他们的知识背景,你所列举的事例必须是他们所熟悉的,尤其是当你讽刺某些现象的时候要确保不要触碰观众的敏感神经。如果观众是你的领导、上级、学长,你应当运用较多的自我嘲讽,这能够带来一些幽默的同时还能确保你不被他们讨厌。知道观众是谁还要明白你和观众的关系,如果你和观众属于不同的群体,比如你是北大的学生而你演讲的对象是清华的学生,你最好不要拿他们开玩笑;如果你和观众是同一群体,你们都是北大的学生,你可以开玩笑说:今天食堂的菜真咸,食堂师傅肯定没洗手。你可以想象一下这个玩笑拿到前一种场景中会有什么效果?
3.撰稿与练习
如果有时间,可以写下你的演讲稿并反复练习。提前预演可以让你了解到你忽略的地方,这些地方往往是我们在撰写稿子的时候所忽略的。你还需要设想演讲过程可能出现的提问,这些提问是针对你演讲中出现的疏忽或者漏洞,所以,有些高明的演讲者会故意留下一些明显的漏洞,一旦有人问起这个问题,他就拿出已经准备很久的答案。
如果你没有时间准备,比如三分钟即兴演讲,你的准备时间只够列一个提纲,那么,确保你的演讲内容是你熟悉的,你的例子是反复列举过的。避免过度的追求新颖,而是要尽量展现平实的自己。
4.服装准备
利用边缘途径说服,不同的服装传达不同的信息,一般来讲黑色/深色传达庄重与权威,柔和的颜色代表亲和力,杂乱的颜色搭配代表创造性,而医生所穿的白大褂是专业的象征。总之着装的原则是使你的演讲更具有说服力。
5.演讲中穿插幽默
三分钟演讲如果还有幽默效果,这莫过于锦上添花。一个优秀的演讲者深知幽默的运行规则,弗洛伊德曾经研究过幽默,他认为幽默多与性有关,可以给观众一种发泄性欲的合理途径。不过,如果你并不想在严肃场合中穿插黄色故事,你可以尝试这样一种思路——讲一个故事,设置一种非常不合规的结尾。考虑一下这个冷幽默——两个孕妇在聊天:如果我们的孩子都是男孩我们就让他们搞基,如果都是女孩就百合,如果是一男一女就结成兄妹。(这个故事的前后逻辑出现偏差,造成幽默效果)
6.身体姿势的运用
身体姿势的运用是一个大学问,如果没有长期的有意识的练习,切不可听从某个砖家而随意地运用某些姿势,这会让你在演讲中显得机械做作。身体姿势的运用的总的原则就是:自然地展现原来的自己,配合演讲主题稍作修饰。
在生活中注意培养良好的身体姿势是演讲成功的关键,这是一个慢慢练习的过程。
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