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乔丹即迈克尔·乔丹是美国NBA前职业篮球运动员,2016年4月1日,乔丹名列2015年全球退役运动员的收入榜第1。今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇乔丹在名人堂的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Thank you! Thank you!
I told my friends I would come here to say “thank you” then walked off. I can’t, it’s no way. I get so many people I can thank. In all the videos, you never just saw me, also Scottie Pippen and the championship we won. I’ve got a lot of questions over the last four weeks. Anybody says “well, why do you pick David Thompson?” I know why, David knows why and maybe you guys don’t know. But as I grow up in North Carolina, I was eleven years old, 1974, I think, when David won the championship. I hated North Carolina, but I ended up in North Carolina. But I was in love with David Thompson, not just for the game basketball, but in terms of what he represented. You know, we all, as David says or said we go through trails and tribulations. And he did, and I was inspired by him. And when I called him and asked him to stand up for me, I know I shocked a shoot out of him. I know I did. But he is very kind to say, ”Yeath, I’ll do it.” That is not disrespect to the North Carolina guy; we all know I am true blue North Carolina guy to the heart. Coach Smith, Larry Brown, Sam Perkins, James Worthy, you know all of those guys.
I’d like to start to my parents. You guys see all the I-likes. What is about me that you guys don’t know? As I set up here and watch all the other guys give their history. So many things I didn’t know about Jerry Sloan. And we lived on the phone, but I didn’t know he was in a small class from the first grade to the eighth grade. Even David Robinson, I have known David for some time. You know, but I found some things, good things or bad things about him that I didn’t know. And Chipson, I’ve known Chipson for years. My father and my mother spent a lot time with Mike and found out good things about her, but what about me that you guys don’t know?
I got two brothers, James and Larry, five four and five five in height. They give me all I could ever ask for. As brothers, in terms of competition. My brother Larry is an ideal situation with small things coming with small packages. This do fall me every single day. To the extend that my mother used to come out and make us come in because we were fighting way too much. My older brother was always gone. He is served in the army for 31 years. And the competition didn’t stop there. My sister who is one year younger than me, never want to be alone by herself. She took classes, extra classes, graduated from high school with me, to go to university North Carolina with me, and to graduate fairer than me. And you guys wanna know where my competition nature comes from, it came from them, it came from my older sister and she is not here today. My father who is not here today, obviously he is with us, all of us. My competitive nature has gone a long way from the first time I picked up any sports, baseball, football, run-track, basketball, anything in this class I played.
They started to fire me; you know that fire started from my parents. As I moved on my career, people add wood to that fire. Coach Smith, what can I say about him? He is a legendary coach. Lerold Smith, now you guys think that’s a mistake. Lerold Smith was the guy when I got kicks he got picked in the team. He is here tonight. He is still the same six seven guy. He is not even bigger. His level is even about the same. But he started the whole process for me, because when he made the team and I didn’t, I wanted to prove, not just to Lerold Smith, not just to myself, but to the coach who actually picked Lerold over me. I want to make sure he understood you made a mistake, dude.
Buss Peterson, My roommate. When I first met Buss, all I heard about was that this kid from Ashville North Carolina was clearly unplayed against but he has never played against me then, so how do you come to be the player of the year? Is that some type of media, exposure, you know I came from Wilmington, you know, where two channel, channel ABC and channel NBC that I never saw NBA at all when I grow up. They didn’t have CBS receiver in North Carolina or Wilmington also. Buss Peterson became a dead on my board. When I get a chance to meet Peterson on the basketball court. But he is a great person. It isn’t the fault of his. It was just my competitive natures. I didn’t think he can beat me or is better than me as a basketball player. And he became my roommate. From that point on, he became my focal point not knowingly. He didn’t know it, but he did. And Coach Smith, the day when he was on the Sports Illustrated, he named four starters and he didn’t name me. That burned me up, because I got to be on that Sports Illustrate. He had his own vision about giving a freshman that exposure, I totally understand that but from a basketball sense I deserve to be on that Sports Illustrated, and he understands that.
And it didn’t stop there. My competitive natures went right into the pros, I get to the bulls which I am very proud. At the time Jerry Reinsdorf didn’t own the team. It was another organization Reinsdorf drafted me. Kevin Loughery was my first coach. Kevin used to take practice and put me in starting five. You know, he made a competitive thing where the losing team had to run. So now we are almost on the winning team, halfway on the game, halfway on the situation, he switched me to the losing team. So I took that as a competitive thing, but you were trying to test me and by nine times out of ten the second team would come back to win no matter what he did. So I appreciated Kevin to give me that challenge, providing that type of fire with me and he threw another log on that fire for me. Jerry Reinsdorf, I mean what else can I say. The next year when I came back I broke my foot; I was out of 65 games. And when I came back I wanna play. The doctor came with his old theory that you can play only seven minutes a game, but I am practicing two hours a day. I am saying, well, I don’t agree with that math. And back then, whoever has the worst record gets the most balls in Ping-Pang balls, you know you can decide what pick you can have, but I don’t care about that. I just wanted to win. I wanna made to playoffs. I wanna keep that energy going in Chicago. So I had to go into his office and sat down with him and say “Jerry, I actually think I should play more than 14 minutes and practice more than two hours. He said “We have to protect the long-term investment we’ve invested on you. I said “I really think I should be able to play.” He said “Let me ask you this, if you had a headache.” At that time, there was ten percent that I can hurt my ankle or my foot. He said “You had a headache and you got ten capsules, and one of them is coated with poison, would you take it?” I looked him and say “It depends on how bad is that headache. How bad is that headache” .Jerry looked me and say “You are OK, I guess you had a good answer, you can go back to play. You let me allow you to go back and play.” You know, Jerry provided a lot of difficult obstacles for me but at the same time the guy gave me a opportunity to perform at the highest level in terms of basketball. The bulls, the whole bulls organization, you know, they did great adjustments for me and all my teammates. Believe me I had a lot of teammates in all the 14 years I played for the bulls. I respect each one of them. I just want them to win. No matter how you looked at it. Doug Collins came the same time when I was trying to play at the summer time. He said “well, you are part of the organization and the organization said you can’t play at the summer time. I said “you read the things in my contract; in my contract I have the ‘love the game’ clause. That means I can play anytime I want, any place I want And Doug looked at me and said “you are right, you are right.” And that’s how we became a little closer. Jerry Krause is right there and Jerry is not here. Obviously I don’t know who’d invite him, I didn’t. But, I hope he understands it goes a long way. He is a very competitive person. I was a very competitive person. He said organizations win championships. I said “I didn’t see organizations playing with the flu in Utah. I didn’t see it playing with a bad ankle.” Granted, granted, I think organizations put together teams, but at the end of the day, team’s got to go out and play. I think the players win the championship, and the organization has something to do with it, don’t get me wrong. But don’t try to put the organization above players. Because player still got to go out of there and perform. You guys got to pay us, but I am still to out to play.
Obviously you’ve seen my kids Marcus and Jeffery. I love you guys. I think you guys represent a lot of me and a lot of different person as your mum, you represent them as well. You know, I think you guys have a heavy burden. I wouldn’t want to be you guys if I had to. You know, because all the expectations you have to deal with. I mean, look around you, they charge a thousand dollars ticket for this thing, for this holy event. It used to be 200 dollars, but I paid it. You know, I have no choice. I have a lot of families and a lot of friend I have to bring in. So thank all of you to raising ticket price. I love you guys, you guys have a host of people supporting you, family, friends, people that you don’t know, relatives coming our of the woodworks. You know, no matter how you look at it, but I think we taught you right. Your mum and I, hopefully you can make the right decisions when the time comes. My mum, what can I say about my mum, my mum never stays still. You think I am busy. She is always on the go. Without her, she is rough, she is unbelievable. Even right now, she takes over two jobs. She is unbelievable woman. As I experienced the failure each everyday, it is her. She classically keeps me focus on the good things about life. You know, how people perceive you, how you respect them, you know, what’s good for the kids, what’s good for you, you know, how you perceive public, take a second thoughts and pause to think about things you should do. These all came from my parents, you know, came from my mum. She is still like this these days, I am 46 years old, she is still parenting me today. That’s a good thing. I’ll love her to death. I’ll love her to death.
And I will thank a couple of people that you guys probably wouldn’t even think I will thank. Isaiah Thomas, Magic Johnson and George Gervin. They are the so-called freezing-out in my rookie season. I wouldn’t remember you guys gave me the motivation to say, you know what? Evidently I haven’t proved enough to these guys. I’ve got to prove these guys that I deserve what I got at this level. No matter what people have said, if it is rumor, I never took it is truth. But you guys never froze me up, because I was yet happy to be there no matter how you look at it. From that point forward, I wanted to prove to you, Magic, Larry, Gorge and everybody that I deserve to be on this level as much as anyone else. And hopefully over the whole period of career I have done that, without a doubt. Even in the Detroit, we’ve done that.
Pat Riley, you and I go way back. I still remember in Pat Riley, in Pat Riley. I was coming in there, got leaving; you decided to stay a couple of days. You were coming into my suite and told me to get out of my suite. You slid a note on the leak of my door, although you had to move, you didn’t move. You slid the note, saying” I enjoyed the competition, congratulation, but we will meet again. And I take the heart in that, because I think in all I can see you are competitive and even from a coach standing point. You challenge me every time I play the Nicks, the Heats, I don’t think you are with the Lakers, but every time I play against you, you have “Jordan Stoppers” on your team, you have John Starks who I love. You even had my friend Oakley says “We can’t go to the lunch, we can’t go to the dinner together, because this guy hit me harder than anybody else in the league. He was my best friend. Patrick Erving and I are the same age. We came up at the same time. But we can’t go to the lunch together. Why is this an issue? You think I play against Patrick any different than I play anybody else? No, no. They had your learned guy became the Nicks, coach after you, Jeff van gundy. He said I can’t be player fairly and I may dead on the basketball court. Where is it come from? I just happen to be a friendly guy. I get along with everybody, but at the same time when the light comes on, I am more competitive than anybody. So you guys, I must say thank you for giving me the motivation that I desperately needed.
Phil Jackson is, to me, is a professional Dean Smith. He challenged me mentally, not just physically. You know, he understood the game, along with Tex Wenter. They taught me a lot about the basketball game. Tex being the specialist, I can never please Tex. And I love Tex. Tex is not here. And I know he is here in spirit. I can remember a game coming after the basketball court; we were down five to ten points. And I go off about 25 points, we came back to win the game. As we walked out the floor and Tex looked me and said “you know, there is ‘I’ in ‘team’.” I said “there is not ‘I’ in ‘team’, but there is ‘I’ in ‘win’.” I think he got my message. I will do anything to win. You know, that means we play team format to win. That means I will do what I have to do. No matter how you look at it. Then you had all your media message “Scoring champion can’t win a NBA title”. You are not good as Magic Johnson, you are not good as Larry Bird. You are good, but you are not good as those guys. I have to listen to all this. And that put so much wood on that fire. It kept me each everyday trying to get better as a basketball player. I am not saying they were wrong. I may look at them from a different perspective. But at the same time as a basketball player, I am trying to become the best I can. You know, for someone like me who achieve a lot in this kind of career, you look for any kind of messages that people may say or do to get you motivated to play the game basketball to the highest level. Because that’s what I feel when I assail at my best.
And my last example and the last you guys probably have seen. I hate to do it to them. He is such a nice guy. When I first met Bryon Russell, John and Karl, I was in Chicago in 1994. I was working out for baseball and they all came down for workout and shooting around. I came over and say “Hello”, and at this time I had no thoughts of coming back and playing the game of basketball. Bryon Russell came over to me and said “why did you quit? why did you quit? You know I could guard you, if I ever see you in a pair of shorts”. Do you remember? John. When I did decide to come back in 1995 and we played Utah in 96, I’m at the center circle and Bryon Russell is standing next to me. I said “You remember the conversation you made in 1994 about ‘I think I can guard you, I can shut you down, I would love to play against you?’ Well, you are about to get your chance, and believe me ever since that day he got his chance, I don’t know how succeed he was. I think he got his chance. From this day forward, if he ever say me in shorts, I would come at him.
I know you guys got to go. I know I’ve been up here a lot longer than I told my friends I was gonna up here, I cried, I was supposed to get up , said “Thank you” and walked off and I am not able to do that. So I appreciate it. Thank you very much. I appreciate it. As I close, the game basketball has been everything to me, my refuge, a place I am always gone when I need to find comfort and peace. It’s been a source of intense pain and a source of most intense feelings of joy and satisfaction. The one that no one of you can imagine. It’s been a relationship of number of intersection. It gave me the great expects and love for the game. It provided me with a platform and shared my passions with millions in the way I neither expected nor could imagine in my career. I hope it’s given millions of people touch and optimism to achieve their goals through hard work, perspiration and positive attitude. Although I am recognized with this honor of being in the Hall of Fame, I don’t look this moment as final relationship between me and the basketball. It simply a continuation of something I started a long time ago. One day, you may look up a senior player at a game of 50.Oh, no. Don’t laugh. Don’t laugh. Never say never, because limits, like fear, are often just an illusion.
Thank you very much!
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英国首相卡梅伦宣布将辞职,卡梅伦为什么辞职?卡梅伦在辞职是讲了什么内容?下面读文网小编在整理了英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲:我尽力了,供你阅读。
6月24日,引发全球关注的英国“脱欧”公投结果出炉,“脱欧”阵营赢得超过半数的民众支持,这意味着英国在加入欧盟43年之后将正式与这个大家庭说“再见”。这一历史性的投票将重塑英国的世界地位,同时可能触发多米诺效应、导致更多国家脱离欧盟。此外,英国首相卡梅伦或许会辞职。
公投结果显示,投票民众中52%支持脱离欧盟,48%支持留在欧盟。其中,伦敦和苏格兰地区的“留欧”意愿非常强烈,但最终没能敌过英格兰北部人数众多的“脱欧”派支持者。公投的投票率为71.8%,相当于有超过3000万民众前往投票站投票,这是英国自1992年以来最高的投票记录。
对于英国的公投结果,全球金融市场反应迅速且剧烈,英镑兑美元汇率闪电崩盘,跌幅超过1000个基点,触及1985年以来的最低水平。英国工党影子内阁大臣约翰·麦克唐纳表示,英国中央银行可能会介入市场,采取措施支撑英镑。
***“独立日”
过去20年间,英国独立党领导人奈杰尔·法拉奇一直四处奔走、游说英国脱离欧盟。如今夙愿得偿,法拉奇不禁向“脱欧”派支持者高呼:“这是普罗大众的胜利!6月23日将被载入史册,成为英国的独立日!”他还呼吁首相卡梅伦“立即”辞职。英国“脱欧”公投虽由卡梅伦发起,但他强烈支持英国留在欧盟。
不过,多名“脱欧”派保守党人士,包括前伦敦市长鲍里斯·约翰逊和英国司法大臣迈克尔·戈夫在内,已经签署联名信劝说卡梅伦不论公投结果如何都请继续出任首相。
英国前欧洲事务大臣基思·瓦兹认为,公投结果表明英国民众是根据其“情绪”而非专家建议投票,欧盟应当召集一次紧急峰会来处理英国“脱欧”后续问题,“(英国脱离欧盟)将会对我们的国家、欧洲乃至世界其他地区产生灾难性的后果”。
德国外交部长弗兰克·沃尔特·施泰因迈尔称,对于欧盟和英国,公投结果出炉是个“悲伤的日子”。
***退出不易
英国将成为自欧盟成立以来第一个退出的国家,但这并不意味着公投结果公布后英国的欧盟成员国身份即刻终止。英国退出欧盟需要花费至少两年的时间,“脱欧”派建议英国应当直至2020年大选时才完成全部脱欧工作。
接下来,英国首相将决定何时触发欧盟《里斯本条约》第50条规定。根据这条规定,英国确认脱离欧盟后,需在两年的时间内与欧洲理事会谈判退出事宜,并且除非得到全体成员国的一致同意,退出国不得再加入欧盟。
与此同时,英国政府还将与欧盟举行谈判,协商二者之间未来的贸易关系,以及修订同非欧盟国家间的贸易协议。
***“多米诺效应”
美国《纽约时报》指出,英国公投决定退出欧盟,这一历史性决定将重塑英国的世界地位,同时让欧洲大陆陷入不安,并震动整个西方政治世界。
《华盛顿邮报》分析称,除了可能导致全球性经济衰退和西方联盟的破裂,英国脱欧或许还会致使苏格兰加速走向独立、欧盟进一步分裂以及卡梅伦政府的陷落。
有分析人士称,未来,希腊、葡萄牙、意大利、捷克、芬兰、斯洛伐克、拉脱维亚和比利时都可能会跟随英国的脚步脱离欧盟。
英国首相卡梅伦辞职演讲相关
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迈克尔·乔丹(Michael Jordan),1963年2月17日生于纽约布鲁克林,美国著名篮球运动员,司职得分后卫,历史上最伟大的篮球运动员。下面是读文网小编整理了乔丹名人堂励志演讲稿,欢迎阅读。
谢谢…….谢谢……我告诉过我的朋友,我会出现在领奖台上说完谢谢就转身离开。但是,我不能。我需要感谢很多人。我还要感谢今天的直播,你们不会只看到我,还会有许多熟悉的面孔。在过去的四周里,我收到了很多的问题。他们问:“你为什么会选择davidthompson?”我知道其中的原因,david也知道,可能你们都不知道。我从小在北卡罗来纳州长大,当我11岁的时候,大概是1974年,david夺得了nba总冠军。我是不支持北卡的,但是我被davidthompson所折服,不仅仅是因为篮球本身,而是因为他在其中表现出的(态度与意志),我们都经历了许多的考验与磨难,他做到了,这深深地激励了我。当我邀请他做我的主持人的时候,我知道我紧张透了,但是他非常高兴地答应了。
我内心深处一直是北卡的成员,他们都知道我是一名真正属于北卡蓝的人。smith教练,larrybrown,samperkins,jamesworthy,他们都知道。这一切都源自于我的父母。我的生涯集锦随处可见,还有什么关于我的事是你们不知道的?当我今天看到其他人发言的时候,当他们讲述他们的时候,我发现关于jerrysloan的很多事是我所不知道的。我们总是打电话,但是我从来不知道他小学一年级到八年级的故事。即便是davidrobinson,我认识他已经很久了,但是从他的演讲中我也知道了很多事,好的坏的都有。我也知道了关于chipson的事,我父母以前也经常谈论到他,但是有什么关于我的事是你们都不知道的?
我有两个兄弟,jamesandlarry,身高五尺四寸和五尺五寸半,他们给予了我所能要的一切。作为兄弟,我们从小就互相竞争。我的哥哥larry总是和我争小东西,而我每次都争不过他。我母亲这时候就会叫我们进屋,因为我们争斗的太激烈了。我大哥总是不在家,因为他当兵,一当就是31年。我体内的竞争意识的源泉还远远不止这些。我的妹妹,她比我小一岁,不喜欢一个人在家。她参加了许多额外的课程,最终和我同一年毕业。之后我们都去了北卡罗来纳大学,结果毕业的时候她还比我早一年。你们问我体内的竞争意识,竞争的本能源自何处,这就是答案。(还来自)我的姐姐,她今天没有出席,我的父亲,虽然他已经不在了,但是他的精神一直陪伴着我。我的竞争意识从我第一天从事体育运动就开始萌发,任何运动,棒球,橄榄球,篮球,你们所能列举过得运动我都参加过。他们点燃了我心中的火焰,从我的父母开始,随着我的职业生涯的发展,这股火焰更加旺盛。比如史密斯教练—我该对他说些什么呢?他是一个有着传奇色彩的教练。leroldsmiths,你们可能都不了解他,他就是当年我被踢掉的时候进校队的人。他今天也在现场,他还是六尺七寸那么高,一点也没长高,水平也和以前差不多。但就是他点起了我心中的火焰—为什么他可以进校队而我不能,我要证明—不仅仅是针对我自己或者他,我要向教练证明你做出了一个错误的选择现在我想谈谈robertpeterson,我的室友,当时我只知道他是北卡年度的最佳球员。但是他从来没和我比赛过。这样怎么可以成为最佳球员。我想可能是因为媒体的宣传和长期的曝光度。我们就像两个互不关联的频道—abc和nbc,从小到大我都没在那两个台看过nba比赛,在北卡没有cbs接收装置。于是peterson成为了我的目标,当我有机会在球场上见到peterson,好胜的天性使
我渴望打败他。当然他本人还是不错的,但是我不认为他可以打败我。后来,他成为了我的室友。从那一刻起,他就是我竞争的目标,当然这一切他都不知道,当然后来他知道了。史密斯教练,在选拔人员的那一天,他挑了4名先发,但是却没有我的名字,这使我火冒三丈。我认为我有资格成为先发。当然他有他的理由,他认为我是一个新人,没有什么经验,这一切我完全理解。但是从一名篮球运动员的角度看,我有资格成为先发。#p#副标题#e#
伴随着我的职业生涯,这种竞争的意识始终陪伴着我。我成为了公牛队的一员,这使我很自豪。kerry是我的第一个教练,他尝试将我排进了先发名单中,每次当我们战况一片大好的时候,他就会把我换下来。我把这个当做激励我的动力,我知道这是为了历练我,而往往10次里面有9次secondteam会取得胜利。我很感激kevin给与我的挑战,他点燃了我心中的火焰,并使这股火焰更加旺盛。第二年,我的腿骨折了,当我从伤病中恢复后,我渴望参加比赛。医生只允许我每天锻炼7分钟,而我每天打2个小时。无论如何,我只是想胜利,想进入季后赛。我想使公牛队保持那股干劲,所以我去了他的办公室,对他说:“jerry,我不同意每场比赛只打14分钟,每天我可是练习2个小时。他说:“我们对你是长期投资,在你身上我们倾注了很多心血”那时我的腿伤只有10%的可能性再次受伤。我说:我真的想参加比赛他说:“假如你头疼,有一个盒子里装了10个胶囊,只有一个是有效的,其他的都是毒药,你会怎么选择?”
“那头疼有多严重?”
jerry说我想你给出了一个好的答案,好吧你可以去参加比赛了
jerry对球队进行了很多改善,挑选了许多有潜力的球员,同时让我发挥出更高的水平。为了整个球队的平衡,他们针对我和我的队友做出了很多调整。对于我的队友,我和他们一起打了14年,不论他们是如何看我的,我只是为了追求胜利。当我在夏天训练的时候,他对我说你不应该在夏天练习,我对他说合同中有说我可以在任何地点任何时间只要我想打球,我就可以这么做。dougcollins说:好吧,你是对的”在这种过程中,我和他更加亲密。有一次jerry对我说:团队才可以赢得冠军
我说:团队不一定可以赢得冠军,团队是由个人组成的,所以在这个意义上来说球员才可以赢得冠军。
今天我的两个儿子marcus和jeffery也在现场,你们代表了我,也代表了整个家庭。我想你们身上有个很沉重的负担,如果我是你,我也不会愿意活在一个人的阴影下。你承载着别人的期待。但是你们要知道有很多人在背后支持着你们,你们需要自己做出选择当这一天来临的时候。我通常都很忙,所以我的母亲需要肩负整个家庭。她是我生命中的基石,即便是现在她仍然做着两份工作。她是一个伟大的女性。她教会了我很多东西。当我经历那些失败的夜晚,是她一直教导我积极正面地看待人生,关于人们是如何看待你,你如何对待别人,什么东西是对孩子有利的,什么是对你自己有利的,如何积极看待公众影响,如何慎重的思考,这一切都来自我的母亲,我现在46岁了,她依然在孜孜不倦地教导我。我还要感谢一些人,这些名字或许你们都没想到。IsiahThomas,Magic
johnson,georgegervin。在我的新秀赛季,我被你们完全冻结。是你们给我了前进的动力,每天我都需要进步,我要证明我所得到一切成就都问心无愧,无论人们是如何评论的,我从来不把谣言当做真相。你们从来没有把我吓怕,不论如何,我就是要向你们证明我有资格在这个场上打球,就跟你们一样。毫无疑问,在我整个职业生涯中我想我已经证明了这一切,即使是面对活塞,我做到了。patriley,我想起了以前我把你的球队横扫,第二天你给我的门上留了一个纸条:我很享受与你的比赛,恭喜你,但是我们还会再见的。我想你就和我一样,享受竞争的过程,乐于与我竞争,即便你是从一个教练的角度,无论是尼克斯还是热火,每次我与你比赛,你有所谓的乔丹终结者(无敌的讽刺),你有我所喜欢的johnstarks。你还不让我与oakley一起吃饭,因为我们是竞争对手,(charlesoakley)是我在联盟中强有力的对手,也是我最好的朋友,patrickerving和我一样大,我们也是同一年进联盟的(似乎帮主记错了尤因的时间),但是我却很少和他一起吃饭,这是什么原因?是因为我在场上将尼克斯打得落花流水?我还是一个很友善的人,我热爱与人交往。但是一旦进入球场,我就会全身心投入,争取每一场胜利。我感谢你们给与了我所极度渴望的动力
philjackson,对我来说他就是我职业联盟的deansmiths,他磨练了我的意志,强健了我的体魄。他对比赛有很深刻的理解,texwenter也对我做出了很多指导,他对我很严厉,我很少能使他满意。他今天没在现场。我记得有一场比赛,球队落后了5分或者10分,然后我拿了25分并且球队获胜,wenter:thereisnoiinteamjordan:butthereisiinwin#p#副标题#e#
我想他明白了我的话,为了胜利我可以付出一切,为了胜利,我们注重整体篮球(www.qqzf.cn)。我听到很多媒体的言论:你没有冠军戒指,你不如魔术师和大鸟一样出色,你很出色,但是你就是不如他们“这一切我都要接受,这一切使我斗志昂扬,这使我每天的篮球技术都上升到一个新的台阶。我没有说他们说的是错的,只是我从不同的角度来看他们的话。同时作为成为一个篮球运动员,我努力成为最好的自己。在我的职业生涯,我取得了无数的成就,你需要接受人们所说的一切,对你的评价,对你的指责,使你动力十足,努力使自己的篮球技术上升到一个新的高度。我想这就是我成功的原因
baronrussel,在1994年我打棒球的时候,他们在一边的篮球场上投篮,我跟他们打招呼,当时我想我没有动力再去追寻篮球的足迹。但是他们走过来问我:你为什么要退役,你知道我可以防住你,别让我看到你再穿上篮球裤,(原话其实语气没这么强烈ifeverseeyouinapairofshorts)所以当我1995年回归联盟,96年与犹他比赛的时候,russel坐在我的旁边:你还记得94年的事吗?我想我现在可以轻松地防死你,我很高兴与你比赛我说:最好你有机会相信我,从这一天,他有了这个机会,我没有问他是否成功,他的确有,从这天起,如果我有穿上篮球裤,我就直接去找他(其实这一段对话我没太听清,帮主语速快而且没有说出是谁讲的话,哪位达人可以再听听大概在20分钟左右)
我知道你们都需要离开(会场),我也知道我讲了很长时间,我本应该说完谢谢就转身离开。我很感谢你们。我的演讲就要进入尾声,篮球就是我生命中的一切,我心灵的庇护,当我需要信心与内心的平静,篮球总会在那里静静地等待我。它带给过我沉重的伤痛,强烈的喜悦,以及自我的满足感。这种情感是你们无法了解与想象的。这已经有很长的时间了,它成就了我的伟大也带给了我无尽的喜悦。它给我搭建了一个平台来用各种方式释放我的激情。我从来没有期待过这种方式,也无法想象这一切的一切。我希望我能够激励成千上万的人通过自己的努力,坚持不懈以及积极乐观的态度来实现他们的人生梦想。虽然今天进入名人堂是我职业生涯无上的荣耀,但我不希望这是我的篮球情缘的终点。这仅仅是我从小的梦想的一种延续。也许有一天你会看到一个50岁的乔丹在篮球场上追逐他那最初的梦想。不要笑,永远不要说放弃,因为某些极限,比如恐惧,不过是一种幻觉而已。(谢谢…….谢谢……我告诉过我的朋友,我会出现在领奖台上说完谢谢就转身离开。但是,我不能。我需要感谢很多人。我还要感谢今天的直播,你们不会只看到我,还会有许多熟悉的面孔。在过去的四周里,我收到了很多的问题。他们问:“你为什么会选择davidthompson?”我知道其中的原因,david也知道,可能你们都不知道。我从小在北卡罗来纳州长大,当我11岁的时候,大概是1974年,david夺得了nba总冠军。我是不支持北卡的,但是我被davidthompson所折服,不仅仅是因为篮球本身,而是因为他在其中表现出的(态度与意志),我们都经历了许多的考验与磨难,他做到了,这深深地激励了我。当我邀请他做我的主持人的时候,我知道我紧张透了,但是他非常高兴地答应了。我内心深处一直是北卡的成员,他们都知道我是一名真正属于北卡蓝的人。smith教练,larrybrown,samperkins,jamesworthy,他们都知道。这一切都源自于我的父母。我的生涯集锦随处可见,还有什么关于我的事是你们不知道的?当我今天看到其他人发言的时候,当他们讲述他们的时候,我发现关于jerrysloan的很多事是我所不知道的。我们总是打电话,但是我从来不知道他小学一年级到八年级的故事。即便是davidrobinson,我认识他已经很久了,但是从他的演讲中我也知道了很多事,好的坏的都有。我也知道了关于chipson的事,我父母以前也经常谈论到他,但是有什么关于我的事是你们都不知道的?#p#副标题#e#
我有两个兄弟,jamesandlarry,身高五尺四寸和五尺五寸半,他们给予了我所能要的一切。作为兄弟,我们从小就互相竞争。我的哥哥larry总是和我争小东西,而我每次都争不过他。我母亲这时候就会叫我们进屋,因为我们争斗的太激烈了。我大哥总是不在家,因为他当兵,一当就是31年。我体内的竞争意识的源泉还远远不止这些。我的妹妹,她比我小一岁,不喜欢一个人在家。她参加了许多额外的课程,最终和我同一年毕业。之后我们都去了北卡罗来纳大学,结果毕业的时候她还比我早一年。你们问我体内的竞争意识,竞争的本能源自何处,这就是答案。(还来自)我的姐姐,她今天没有出席,我的父亲,虽然他已经不在了,但是他的精神一直陪伴着我。我的竞争意识从我第一天从事体育运动就开始萌发,任何运动,棒球,橄榄球,篮球,你们所能列举过得运动我都参加过。他们点燃了我心中的火焰,从我的父母开始,随着我的职业生涯的发展,这股火焰更加旺盛。比如史密斯教练—我该对他说些什么呢?他是一个有着传奇色彩的教练。leroldsmiths,你们可能都不了解他,他就是当年我被踢掉的时候进校队的人。他今天也在现场,他还是六尺七寸那么高,一点也没长高,水平也和以前差不多。但就是他点起了我心中的火焰—为什么他可以进校队而我不能,我要证明—不仅仅是针对我自己或者他,我要向教练证明你做出了一个错误的选择现在我想谈谈robertpeterson,我的室友,当时我只知道他是北卡年度的最佳球员。但是他从来没和我比赛过。这样怎么可以成为最佳球员。我想可能是因为媒体的宣传和长期的曝光度。我们就像两个互不关联的频道—abc和nbc,从小到大我都没在那两个台看过nba比赛,在北卡没有cbs接收装置。于是peterson成为了我的目标,当我有机会在球场上见到peterson,好胜的天性使我渴望打败他。当然他本人还是不错的,但是我不认为他可以打败我。后来,他成为了我的室友。从那一刻起,他就是我竞争的目标,当然这一切他都不知道,当然后来他知道了。史密斯教练,在选拔人员的那一天,他挑了4名先发,但是却没有我的名字,这使我火冒三丈。我认为我有资格成为先发。当然他有他的理由,他认为我是一个新人,没有什么经验,这一切我完全理解。但是从一名篮球运动员的角度看,我有资格成为先发。
伴随着我的职业生涯,这种竞争的意识始终陪伴着我。我成为了公牛队的一员,这使我很自豪。kerry是我的第一个教练,他尝试将我排进了先发名单中,每次当我们战况一片大好的时候,他就会把我换下来。我把这个当做激励我的动力,我知道这是为了历练我,而往往10次里面有9次secondteam会取得胜利。我很感激kevin给与我的挑战,他点燃了我心中的火焰,并使这股火焰更加旺盛。第二年,我的腿骨折了,当我从伤病中恢复后,我渴望参加比赛。医生只允许我每天锻炼7分钟,而我每天打2个小时。无论如何,我只是想胜利,想进入季后赛。我想使公牛队保持那股干劲,所以我去了他的办公室,对他说:“jerry,我不同意每场比赛只打14分钟,每天我可是练习2个小时。他说:“我们对你是长期投资,在你身上我们倾注了很多心血”那时我的腿伤只有10%的可能性再次受伤。我说:我真的想参加比赛他说:“假如你头疼,有一个盒子里装了10个胶囊,只有一个是有效的,其他的都是毒药,你会怎么选择?”
“那头疼有多严重?”
jerry说我想你给出了一个好的答案,好吧你可以去参加比赛了
jerry对球队进行了很多改善,挑选了许多有潜力的球员,同时让我发挥出更高的水平。为了整个球队的平衡,他们针对我和我的队友做出了很多调整。对于我的队友,我和他们一起打了14年,不论他们是如何看我的,我只是为了追求胜利。当我在夏天训练的时候,他对我说你不应该在夏天练习,我对他说合同中有说我可以在任何地点任何时间只要我想打球,我就可以这么做。dougcollins说:好吧,你是对的”在这种过程中,我和他更加亲密。有一次jerry对我说:团队才可以赢得冠军
我说:团队不一定可以赢得冠军,团队是由个人组成的,所以在这个意义上来说球员才可以赢得冠军。
今天我的两个儿子marcus和jeffery也在现场,你们代表了我,也代表了整个家庭。我想你们身上有个很沉重的负担,如果我是你,我也不会愿意活在一个人的阴影下。你承载着别人的期待。但是你们要知道有很多人在背后支持着你们,你们需要自己做出选择当这一天来临的时候。我通常都很忙,所以我的母亲需要肩负整个家庭。她是我生命中的基石,即便是现在她仍然做着两份工作。她是一个伟大的女性。她教会了我很多东西。当我经历那些失败的夜晚,是她一直教导我积极正面地看待人生,关于人们是如何看待你,你如何对待别人,什么东西是对孩子有利的,什么是对你自己有利的,如何积极看待公众影响,如何慎重的思考,这一切都来自我的母亲,我现在46岁了,她依然在孜孜不倦地教导我。我还要感谢一些人,这些名字或许你们都没想到。isiahthomas,magic
johnson,georgegervin。在我的新秀赛季,我被你们完全冻结。是你们给我了前进的动力,每天我都需要进步,我要证明我所得到一切成就都问心无愧,无论人们是如何评论的,我从来不把谣言当做真相。你们从来没有把我吓怕,不论如何,我就是要向你们证明我有资格在这个场上打球,就跟你们一样。毫无疑问,在我整个职业生涯中我想我已经证明了这一切,即使是面对活塞,我做到了。patriley,我想起了以前我把你的球队横扫,第二天你给我的门上留了一个纸条:我很享受与你的比赛,恭喜你,但是我们还会再见的。我想你就和我一样,享受竞争的过程,乐于与我竞争,即便你是从一个教练的角度,无论是尼克斯还是热火,每次我与你比赛,你有所谓的乔丹终结者(无敌的讽刺),你有我所喜欢的johnstarks。你还不让我与oakley一起吃饭,因为我们是竞争对手,(charlesoakley)是我在联盟中强有力的对手,也是我最好的朋友,patrickerving和我一样大,我们也是同一年进联盟的(似乎帮主记错了尤因的时间),但是我却很少和他一起吃饭,这是什么原因?是因为我在场上将尼克斯打得落花流水?我还是一个很友善的人,我热爱与人交往。但是一旦进入球场,我就会全身心投入,争取每一场胜利。我感谢你们给与了我所极度渴望的动力#p#副标题#e#
philjackson,对我来说他就是我职业联盟的deansmiths,他磨练了我的意志,强健了我的体魄。他对比赛有很深刻的理解,texwenter也对我做出了很多指导,他对我很严厉,我很少能使他满意。他今天没在现场。我记得有一场比赛,球队落后了5分或者10分,然后我拿了25分并且球队获胜,wenter:thereisnoiinteamjordan:butthereisiinwin
我想他明白了我的话,为了胜利我可以付出一切,为了胜利,我们注重整体篮球。我听到很多媒体的言论:你没有冠军戒指,你不如魔术师和大鸟一样出色,你很出色,但是你就是不如他们“这一切我都要接受,这一切使我斗志昂扬,这使我每天的篮球技术都上升到一个新的台阶。我没有说他们说的是错的,只是我从不同的角度来看他们的话。同时作为成为一个篮球运动员,我努力成为最好的自己。在我的职业生涯,我取得了无数的成就,你需要接受人们所说的一切,对你的评价,对你的指责,使你动力十足,努力使自己的篮球技术上升到一个新的高度。我想这就是我成功的原因
baronrussel,在1994年我打棒球的时候,他们在一边的篮球场上投篮,我跟他们打招呼,当时我想我没有动力再去追寻篮球的足迹。但是他们走过来问我:你为什么要退役,你知道我可以防住你,别让我看到你再穿上篮球裤,(原话其实语气没这么强烈ifeverseeyouinapairofshorts)所以当我1995年回归联盟,96年与犹他比赛的时候,russel坐在我的旁边:你还记得94年的事吗?我想我现在可以轻松地防死你,我很高兴与你比赛我说:最好你有机会相信我,从这一天,他有了这个机会,我没有问他是否成功,他的确有,从这天起,如果我有穿上篮球裤,我就直接去找他(其实这一段对话我没太听清,帮主语速快而且没有说出是谁讲的话,哪位达人可以再听听大概在20分钟左右)
我知道你们都需要离开(会场),我也知道我讲了很长时间,我本应该说完谢谢就转身离开。我很感谢你们。我的演讲就要进入尾声,篮球就是我生命中的一切,我心灵的庇护,当我需要信心与内心的平静,篮球总会在那里静静地等待我。它带给过我沉重的伤痛,强烈的喜悦,以及自我的满足感。这种情感是你们无法了解与想象的。这已经有很长的时间了,它成就了我的伟大也带给了我无尽的喜悦。它给我搭建了一个平台来用各种方式释放我的激情。我从来没有期待过这种方式,也无法想象这一切的一切。我希望我能够激励成千上万的人通过自己的努力,坚持不懈以及积极乐观的态度来实现他们的人生梦想。虽然今天进入名人堂是我职业生涯无上的荣耀,但我不希望这是我的篮球情缘的终点。这仅仅是我从小的梦想的一种延续。也许有一天你会看到一个50岁的乔丹在篮球场上追逐他那最初的梦想。不要笑,永远不要说放弃,因为某些极限,比如恐惧,不过是一种幻觉而已。
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2015年9月8日,日本自民党总裁选举公示,现任总裁安倍晋三是唯一候选人,“无投票”连任,任期3年。以下是读文网小编整理了安倍晋三美国国会演讲英文全文,供你参考。
日本媒体称安倍晋三是“小泉的正统接班人”。从许多方面看,安倍晋三这位政坛后生都带
着小泉纯一郎的影子。他性格固执、言论强硬,从不对自己的鹰派立场含糊其辞,是小泉纯一郎参拜靖国神社的忠实拥护者,在各种场合均为小泉纯一郎辩护,自己也作为政治家多次参拜。安倍晋三执政理念与小泉纯一郎十分相近,与小泉纯一郎一样,安倍晋三主张强化日美同盟,主张修改日本和平宪法,加入日本拥有集体自卫权条款,推动日本走向所谓“正常国家”。日本政坛甚至称安倍晋三“比小泉还小泉”。
安倍在安全和外交上属“鹰派”,长期主张日本与美国深化同盟关系。安倍要求修改二战后制定的和平宪法,使日本成为“正常国家”。安倍担任首相期间,日本防卫厅正式升格为防卫省。不过,2012年9月26日安倍受访时说,日中关系极为重要,他出任首相后首次出访即选择中国;日本经济增长需要中国市场;同时日本对华投资促进中国就业;两国关系“切也切不断”。
中国驻英国大使刘晓明在英国《每日电讯报》发表文章批评日本首相安倍晋三参拜靖国神社时提及伏地魔。 刘晓明把日本军国主义比作幽灵,把靖国神社比作恶魔的化身。他写道:“如果把日本军国主义比作伏地魔,靖国神社无疑就是其魂器之一,代表这个国家灵魂最黑暗一面。
以上读文网小编分享了安倍晋三美国国会演讲英文全文,你阅读了吗?
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下面读文网小编分享了乔布斯在斯坦福大学的演讲[视频][中英文对照] ,希望你喜欢。
I am honored to be with you today at your commencement from one of the finest universities in the world. I never graduated from college. Truth be told, this is the closest I've ever gotten to a college graduation. Today I want to tell you three stories from my life. That's it. No big deal. Just three stories.
我今天很荣幸能和你们一起参加毕业典礼,斯坦福大学是世界上最好的大学之一。我从来没有从大学中毕业。说实话,今天也许是在我的生命中离大学毕业最近的一天了。今天我想向你们讲述我生活中的三个故事。不是什么大不了的事情,只是三个故事而已。
The first story is about connecting the dots.
第一个故事是关于如何把生命中的点点滴滴串连起来。
I dropped out of Reed College after the first 6 months, but then stayed around as a drop-in for another 18 months or so before I really quit. So why did I drop out?
我在Reed大学读了六个月之后就退学了,但是在十八个月以后——我真正的作出退学决定之前,我还经常去学校。我为什么要退学呢?
It started before I was born. My biological mother was a young, unwed college graduate student, and she decided to put me up for adoption. She felt very strongly that I should be adopted by college graduates, so everything was all set for me to be adopted at birth by a lawyer and his wife. Except that when I popped out they decided at the last minute that they really wanted a girl. So my parents, who were on a waiting list, got a call in the middle of the night asking: "We have an unexpected baby boy; do you want him?" They said: "Of course." My biological mother later found out that my mother had never graduated from college and that my father had never graduated from high school. She refused to sign the final adoption papers. She only relented a few months later when my parents promised that I would someday go to college.
故事从我出生的时候讲起。我的亲生母亲是一个年轻的,没有结婚的大学毕业生。她决定让别人收养我, 她十分想让我被大学毕业生收养。所以在我出生的时候,她已经做好了一切的准备工作,能使得我被一个律师和他的妻子所收养。但是她没有料到,当我出生之后,律师夫妇突然决定他们想要一个女孩。 所以我的生养父母(他们还在我亲生父母的观察名单上)突然在半夜接到了一个电话:“我们现在这儿有一个不小心生出来的男婴,你们想要他吗?”他们回答道:“当然!”但是我亲生母亲随后发现,我的养母从来没有上过大学,我的父亲甚至从没有读过高中。她拒绝签这个收养合同。只是在几个月以后,我的父母答应她一定要让我上大学,那个时候她才同意。
And 17 years later I did go to college. But I naively chose a college that was almost as expensive as Stanford, and all of my working-class parents' savings were being spent on my college tuition. After six months, I couldn't see the value in it. I had no idea what I wanted to do with my life and no idea how college was going to help me figure it out. And here I was spending all of the money my parents had saved their entire life. So I decided to drop out and trust that it would all work out OK. It was pretty scary at the time, but looking back it was one of the best decisions I ever made. The minute I dropped out I could stop taking the required classes that didn't interest me, and begin dropping in on the ones that looked interesting.
在十七岁那年,我真的上了大学。但是我很愚蠢的选择了一个几乎和你们斯坦福大学一样贵的学校, 我父母还处于蓝领阶层,他们几乎把所有积蓄都花在了我的学费上面。在六个月后, 我已经看不到其中的价值所在。我不知道我想要在生命中做什么,我也不知道大学能帮助我找到怎样的答案。 但是在这里,我几乎花光了我父母这一辈子的所有积蓄。所以我决定要退学,我觉得这是个正确的决定。不能否认,我当时确实非常的害怕, 但是现在回头看看,那的确是我这一生中最棒的一个决定。在我做出退学决定的那一刻, 我终于可以不必去读那些令我提不起丝毫兴趣的课程了。然后我还可以去修那些看起来有点意思的课程。
It wasn't all romantic. I didn't have a dorm room, so I slept on the floor in friends' rooms, I returned coke bottles for the 5¢ deposits to buy food with, and I would walk the 7 miles across town every Sunday night to get one good meal a week at the Hare Krishna temple. I loved it. And much of what I stumbled into by following my curiosity and intuition turned out to be priceless later on. Let me give you one example:
但是这并不是那么罗曼蒂克。我失去了我的宿舍,所以我只能在朋友房间的地板上面睡觉,我去捡5美分的可乐瓶子,仅仅为了填饱肚子, 在星期天的晚上,我需要走七英里的路程,穿过这个城市到Hare Krishna寺庙(注:位于纽约Brooklyn下城),只是为了能吃上饭——这个星期唯一一顿好一点的饭。但是我喜欢这样。我跟着我的直觉和好奇心走, 遇到的很多东西,此后被证明是无价之宝。让我给你们举一个例子吧:
Reed College at that time offered perhaps the best calligraphy instruction in the country. Throughout the campus every poster, every label on every drawer, was beautifully hand calligraphed. Because I had dropped out and didn't have to take the normal classes, I decided to take a calligraphy class to learn how to do this. I learned about serif and san serif typefaces, about varying the amount of space between different letter combinations, about what makes great typography great. It was beautiful, historical, artistically subtle in a way that science can't capture, and I found it fascinating.
Reed大学在那时提供也许是全美最好的美术字课程。在这个大学里面的每个海报, 每个抽屉的标签上面全都是漂亮的美术字。因为我退学了, 没有受到正规的训练, 所以我决定去参加这个课程,去学学怎样写出漂亮的美术字。我学到了san serif 和serif字体, 我学会了怎么样在不同的字母组合之中改变空格的长度, 还有怎么样才能作出最棒的印刷式样。那是一种科学永远不能捕捉到的、美丽的、真实的艺术精妙, 我发现那实在是太美妙了。
None of this had even a hope of any practical application in my life. But ten years later, when we were designing the first Macintosh computer, it all came back to me. And we designed it all into the Mac. It was the first computer with beautiful typography. If I had never dropped in on that single course in college, the Mac would have never had multiple typefaces or proportionally spaced fonts. And since Windows just copied the Mac, its likely that no personal computer would have them. If I had never dropped out, I would have never dropped in on this calligraphy class, and personal computers might not have the wonderful typography that they do. Of course it was impossible to connect the dots looking forward when I was in college. But it was very, very clear looking backwards ten years later.
当时看起来这些东西在我的生命中,好像都没有什么实际应用的可能。但是十年之后,当我们在设计第一台Macintosh电脑的时候,就不是那样了。我把当时我学的那些家伙全都设计进了Mac。那是第一台使用了漂亮的印刷字体的电脑。如果我当时没有退学, 就不会有机会去参加这个我感兴趣的美术字课程, Mac就不会有这么多丰富的字体,以及赏心悦目的字体间距。那么现在个人电脑就不会有现在这么美妙的字型了。当然我在大学的时候,还不可能把从前的点点滴滴串连起来,但是当我十年后回顾这一切的时候,真的豁然开朗了。
Again, you can't connect the dots looking forward; you can only connect them looking backwards. So you have to trust that the dots will somehow connect in your future. You have to trust in something - your gut, destiny, life, karma, whatever. This approach has never let me down, and it has made all the difference in my life.
再次说明的是,你在向前展望的时候不可能将这些片断串连起来;你只能在回顾的时候将点点滴滴串连起来。所以你必须相信这些片断会在你未来的某一天串连起来。你必须要相信某些东西:你的勇气、目的、生命、因缘。这个过程从来没有令我失望(let me down),只是让我的生命更加地与众不同而已。
My second story is about love and loss.
我的第二个故事是关于爱和损失的。
I was lucky – I found what I loved to do early in life. Woz and I started Apple in my parents garage when I was 20. We worked hard, and in 10 years Apple had grown from just the two of us in a garage into a billion company with over 4000 employees. We had just released our finest creation - the Macintosh - a year earlier, and I had just turned 30. And then I got fired. How can you get fired from a company you started? Well, as Apple grew we hired someone who I thought was very talented to run the company with me, and for the first year or so things went well. But then our visions of the future began to diverge and eventually we had a falling out. When we did, our Board of Directors sided with him. So at 30 I was out. And very publicly out. What had been the focus of my entire adult life was gone, and it was devastating.
我非常幸运, 因为我在很早的时候就找到了我钟爱的东西。Woz和我在二十岁的时候就在父母的车库里面开创了苹果公司。我们工作得很努力, 十年之后, 这个公司从那两个车库中的穷光蛋发展到了超过四千名的雇员、价值超过二十亿的大公司。在公司成立的第九年,我们刚刚发布了最好的产品,那就是Macintosh。我也快要到三十岁了。在那一年, 我被炒了鱿鱼。你怎么可能被你自己创立的公司炒了鱿鱼呢? 嗯,在苹果快速成长的时候,我们雇用了一个很有天分的家伙和我一起管理这个公司, 在最初的几年,公司运转的很好。但是后来我们对未来的看法发生了分歧, 最终我们吵了起来。当争吵不可开交的时候, 董事会站在了他的那一边。所以在三十岁的时候, 我被炒了。在这么多人的眼皮下我被炒了。在而立之年,我生命的全部支柱离自己远去, 这真是毁灭性的打击。
I really didn't know what to do for a few months. I felt that I had let the previous generation of entrepreneurs down - that I had dropped the baton as it was being passed to me. I met with David Packard and Bob Noyce and tried to apologize for screwing up so badly. I was a very public failure, and I even thought about running away from the valley. But something slowly began to dawn on me – I still loved what I did. The turn of events at Apple had not changed that one bit. I had been rejected, but I was still in love. And so I decided to start over.
在最初的几个月里,我真是不知道该做些什么。我把从前的创业激情给丢了, 我觉得自己让与我一同创业的人都很沮丧。我和David Pack和Bob Boyce见面,并试图向他们道歉。我把事情弄得糟糕透顶了。但是我渐渐发现了曙光, 我仍然喜爱我从事的这些东西。苹果公司发生的这些事情丝毫的没有改变这些, 一点也没有。我被驱逐了,但是我仍然钟爱它。所以我决定从头再来。
I didn't see it then, but it turned out that getting fired from Apple was the best thing that could have ever happened to me. The heaviness of being successful was replaced by the lightness of being a beginner again, less sure about everything. It freed me to enter one of the most creative periods of my life.
我当时没有觉察, 但是事后证明, 从苹果公司被炒是我这辈子发生的最棒的事情。因为,作为一个成功者的极乐感觉被作为一个创业者的轻松感觉所重新代替: 对任何事情都不那么特别看重。这让我觉得如此自由, 进入了我生命中最有创造力的一个阶段。
During the next five years, I started a company named NeXT, another company named Pixar, and fell in love with an amazing woman who would become my wife. Pixar went on to create the worlds first computer animated feature film, Toy Story, and is now the most successful animation studio in the world. In a remarkable turn of events, Apple bought NeXT, I retuned to Apple, and the technology we developed at NeXT is at the heart of Apple's current renaissance. And Laurene and I have a wonderful family together.
在接下来的五年里, 我创立了一个名叫NeXT的公司, 还有一个叫Pixar的公司, 然后和一个后来成为我妻子的优雅女人相识。Pixar 制作了世界上第一个用电脑制作的动画电影——“”玩具总动员”,Pixar现在也是世界上最成功的电脑制作工作室。在后来的一系列运转中,Apple收购了NeXT, 然后我又回到了Apple公司。我们在NeXT发展的技术在Apple的复兴之中发挥了关键的作用。我还和Laurence 一起建立了一个幸福的家庭。
I'm pretty sure none of this would have happened if I hadn't been fired from Apple. It was awful tasting medicine, but I guess the patient needed it. Sometimes life hits you in the head with a brick. Don't lose faith. I'm convinced that the only thing that kept me going was that I loved what I did. You've got to find what you love. And that is as true for your work as it is for your lovers. Your work is going to fill a large part of your life, and the only way to be truly satisfied is to do what you believe is great work. And the only way to do great work is to love what you do. If you haven't found it yet, keep looking. Don't settle. As with all matters of the heart, you'll know when you find it. And, like any great relationship, it just gets better and better as the years roll on. So keep looking until you find it. Don't settle.
我可以非常肯定,如果我不被Apple开除的话, 这其中一件事情也不会发生的。这个良药的味道实在是太苦了,但是我想病人需要这个药。有些时候, 生活会拿起一块砖头向你的脑袋上猛拍一下。不要失去信心。我很清楚唯一使我一直走下去的,就是我做的事情令我无比钟爱。你需要去找到你所爱的东西。对于工作是如此, 对于你的爱人也是如此。你的工作将会占据生活中很大的一部分。你只有相信自己所做的是伟大的工作, 你才能怡然自得。如果你现在还没有找到, 那么继续找、不要停下来、全心全意的去找, 当你找到的时候你就会知道的。就像任何真诚的关系, 随着岁月的流逝只会越来越紧密。所以继续找,直到你找到它,不要停下来!
My third story is about death.
我的第三个故事是关于死亡的。
When I was 17, I read a quote that went something like: "If you live each day as if it was your last, someday you'll most certainly be right." It made an impression on me, and since then, for the past 33 years, I have looked in the mirror every morning and asked myself: "If today were the last day of my life, would I want to do what I am about to do today?" And whenever the answer has been "No" for too many days in a row, I know I need to change something.
当我十七岁的时候, 我读到了一句话:“如果你把每一天都当作生命中最后一天去生活的话,那么有一天你会发现你是正确的。”这句话给我留下了深刻的印象。从那时开始,过了33年,我在每天早晨都会对着镜子问自己:“如果今天是我生命中的最后一天, 你会不会完成你今天想做的事情呢?”当答案连续很多次被给予“不是”的时候, 我知道自己需要改变某些事情了。
Remembering that I'll be dead soon is the most important tool I've ever encountered to help me make the big choices in life. Because almost everything – all external expectations, all pride, all fear of embarrassment or failure - these things just fall away in the face of death, leaving only what is truly important. Remembering that you are going to die is the best way I know to avoid the trap of thinking you have something to lose. You are already naked. There is no reason not to follow your heart.
“记住你即将死去”是我一生中遇到的最重要箴言。它帮我指明了生命中重要的选择。因为几乎所有的事情, 包括所有的荣誉、所有的骄傲、所有对难堪和失败的恐惧,这些在死亡面前都会消失。我看到的是留下的真正重要的东西。你有时候会思考你将会失去某些东西,“记住你即将死去”是我知道的避免这些想法的最好办法。你已经赤身裸体了, 你没有理由不去跟随自己的心一起跳动。
About a year ago I was diagnosed with cancer. I had a scan at 7:30 in the morning, and it clearly showed a tumor on my pancreas. I didn't even know what a pancreas was. The doctors told me this was almost certainly a type of cancer that is incurable, and that I should expect to live no longer than three to six months. My doctor advised me to go home and get my affairs in order, which is doctor's code for prepare to die. It means to try to tell your kids everything you thought you'd have the next 10 years to tell them in just a few months. It means to make sure everything is buttoned up so that it will be as easy as possible for your family. It means to say your goodbyes.
大概一年以前, 我被诊断出癌症。我在早晨七点半做了一个检查, 检查清楚的显示在我的胰腺有一个肿瘤。我当时都不知道胰腺是什么东西。医生告诉我那很可能是一种无法治愈的癌症, 我还有三到六个月的时间活在这个世界上。我的医生叫我回家, 然后整理好我的一切, 那就是医生准备死亡的程序。那意味着你将要把未来十年对你小孩说的话在几个月里面说完.;那意味着把每件事情都搞定, 让你的家人会尽可能轻松的生活;那意味着你要说“再见了”。
I lived with that diagnosis all day. Later that evening I had a biopsy, where they stuck an endoscope down my throat, through my stomach and into my intestines, put a needle into my pancreas and got a few cells from the tumor. I was sedated, but my wife, who was there, told me that when they viewed the cells under a microscope the doctors started crying because it turned out to be a very rare form of pancreatic cancer that is curable with surgery. I had the surgery and I'm fine now.
我整天和那个诊断书一起生活。后来有一天早上我作了一个活切片检查,医生将一个内窥镜从我的喉咙伸进去,通过我的胃, 然后进入我的肠子, 用一根针在我的胰腺上的肿瘤上取了几个细胞。我当时很镇静,因为我被注射了镇定剂。但是我的妻子在那里, 后来告诉我,当医生在显微镜地下观察这些细胞的时候他们开始尖叫, 因为这些细胞最后竟然是一种非常罕见的可以用手术治愈的胰腺癌症。我做了这个手术, 现在我痊愈了。
This was the closest I've been to facing death, and I hope its the closest I get for a few more decades. Having lived through it, I can now say this to you with a bit more certainty than when death was a useful but purely intellectual concept:
那是我最接近死亡的时候, 我还希望这也是以后的几十年最接近的一次。从死亡线上又活了过来, 死亡对我来说,只是一个有用但是纯粹是知识上的概念的时候,我可以更肯定一点地对你们说:
No one wants to die. Even people who want to go to heaven don't want to die to get there. And yet death is the destination we all share. No one has ever escaped it. And that is as it should be, because Death is very likely the single best invention of Life. It is Life's change agent. It clears out the old to make way for the new. Right now the new is you, but someday not too long from now, you will gradually become the old and be cleared away. Sorry to be so dramatic, but it is quite true.
没有人愿意死, 即使人们想上天堂, 人们也不会为了去那里而死。但是死亡是我们每个人共同的终点。从来没有人能够逃脱它。也应该如此。 因为死亡就是生命中最好的一个发明。它将旧的清除以便给新的让路。你们现在是新的, 但是从现在开始不久以后, 你们将会逐渐的变成旧的然后被清除。我很抱歉这很戏剧性, 但是这十分的真实。
Your time is limited, so don't waste it living someone else's life. Don't be trapped by dogma - which is living with the results of other people's thinking. Don't let the noise of other's opinions drown out your own inner voice. And most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition. They somehow already know what you truly want to become. Everything else is secondary.
When I was young, there was an amazing publication called The Whole Earth Catalog, which was one of the bibles of my generation. It was created by a fellow named Stewart Brand not far from here in Menlo Park, and he brought it to life with his poetic touch. This was in the late 1960's, before personal computers and desktop publishing, so it was all made with typewriters, scissors, and polaroid cameras. It was sort of like Google in paperback form, 35 years before Google came along: it was idealistic, and overflowing with neat tools and great notion
Stewart and his team put out several issues of The Whole Earth Catalog, and then when it had run its course, they put out a final issue. It was the mid-1970s, and I was your age. On the back cover of their final issue was a photograph of an early morning country road, the kind you might find yourself hitchhiking on if you were so adventurous. Beneath it were the words: "Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish." It was their farewell message as they signed off. Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish. And I have always wished that for myself. And now, as you graduate to begin anew, I wish that for you.
Stay Hungry. Stay Foolish.
Thank you all very much.
乔布斯在斯坦福大学的演讲相关
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安倍晋三出生于日本东京,1977年毕业于日本东京成蹊大学政治学系。1993年首次当选日本众议院议员。2006年9月26日,就任第90届日本首相,次年9月12日辞职。以下是读文网小编整理了安倍美国国会演讲全文,供你参考。
日本媒体称安倍晋三是“小泉的正统接班人”。从许多方面看,安倍晋三这位政坛后生都带
着小泉纯一郎的影子。他性格固执、言论强硬,从不对自己的鹰派立场含糊其辞,是小泉纯一郎参拜靖国神社的忠实拥护者,在各种场合均为小泉纯一郎辩护,自己也作为政治家多次参拜。安倍晋三执政理念与小泉纯一郎十分相近,与小泉纯一郎一样,安倍晋三主张强化日美同盟,主张修改日本和平宪法,加入日本拥有集体自卫权条款,推动日本走向所谓“正常国家”。日本政坛甚至称安倍晋三“比小泉还小泉”。
安倍在安全和外交上属“鹰派”,长期主张日本与美国深化同盟关系。安倍要求修改二战后制定的和平宪法,使日本成为“正常国家”。安倍担任首相期间,日本防卫厅正式升格为防卫省。不过,2012年9月26日安倍受访时说,日中关系极为重要,他出任首相后首次出访即选择中国;日本经济增长需要中国市场;同时日本对华投资促进中国就业;两国关系“切也切不断”。
中国驻英国大使刘晓明在英国《每日电讯报》发表文章批评日本首相安倍晋三参拜靖国神社时提及伏地魔。 刘晓明把日本军国主义比作幽灵,把靖国神社比作恶魔的化身。他写道:“如果把日本军国主义比作伏地魔,靖国神社无疑就是其魂器之一,代表这个国家灵魂最黑暗一面。
以上读文网小编分享了安倍美国国会演讲全文,你阅读了吗?
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相信很多人看了电影《国王的演讲》,也发现英国人做英文演讲,也很难!那么任何一个要想有所成就的人就一定要学一点演讲与口才!那么如何做好演讲呢?下面读文网小编整理了做英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
英语演讲应该简洁扼要,直截了当。除非特别需要,一般不要采用中文中的那种迂回曲折的表达形式。据有关专家统计,一般人的注意力一次只能集中约13分钟。所以,演讲长度以10~15分钟为宜。下面是美国总统林肯所作的著名的盖茨堡演说,虽然全文只有短短200多个词,却带有振奋人心、扭转乾坤般的力量。其中 of the people, by the people, for the people(民有,民治,民享)已成为不朽佳句。对于中学生来说,这篇演讲现在读起来一定会觉得很难,但要写好英语演讲,这确实是值得认真研读的经典之作。
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英文演讲作为一种教学手段,是英语学习过程中经常用到的一种非常有效的方式,同时英文演讲也能增强你的口语表达呢里,下面读文网小编整理了做好英文演讲的方法,供你阅读参考。
具备演讲的知识和技巧,演讲稿的完成只是演讲的序幕,要进行成功的演讲则要进行严格的训练。训练时,分析演讲要领,训练演讲技巧和姿势语,观看cctv杯和爱立信杯等英语演讲的录像,了解并按照比赛评分标准进行严格的模拟训练,观察演讲过程是否具备以下特点:主题鲜明,表达完整(演讲内容);思维清晰,逻辑性强(文章组织结构);感情充沛,富有表现力(演讲气势);发音正确,语音语调标准(英语语音);反应敏捷,回答准确(心理素质);着装整洁,仪态大方等等。
除此之外,还要有良好的心理素质。多进行模拟演讲,有良好的心理素质,才能更好地表现自己,取得演讲的良好效果。有的同学能讲一口地道的美式英语,但由于缺乏良好的心理素质而怯场,甚至在比赛中紧张得说不出话来或有一些不良的举止而被淘汰出局。
有了充分的准备,进行演讲就不太难了。在演讲的整个过程中还要注意一些演讲的要领与技巧,如演讲者与听众目光的接触(eye contact),声音的抑扬顿挫(vocal variety),和肢体语言的配合(hand gestures and body language)等等,但要恰当,不要太多,否则会喧宾夺主,影响演讲效果。
掌握了这些要领,有了充分的知识储备,再加上良好的心理素质,一定会成功的 .
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2016年2月,全球军力指数公布,美国、俄罗斯和中国在世界大国军力中稳居前三。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些美国20世纪经典演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Gentlemen of the Congress:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.
The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved indistressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendlyneutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by anygovernment that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.
This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.
I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be.
The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
It is war against all nations.
American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been nodiscrimination. The challenge is to all mankind.
Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.
The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modernpublicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armedneutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life.
With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against thegovernment and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.
What this will involve is clear.
It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with thegovernments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to thosegovernments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.
It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.
It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly insupplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines.
It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.
It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation.
I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of theinflation which would be produced by vast loans.
In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there.
I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of thegovernment, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall.
While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.
Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.
Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs.
A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it orobserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.
The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.
Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their sourcelay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such agovernment, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.
We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve.
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.
Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.
The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.
We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.
It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.
We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.
We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.
We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and nativesympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.
It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.
But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free.
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
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英语是最多国家使用的官方语言,英语也是世界上最广泛的第二语言,今天读文网小编给大家分享一些英文经典演讲文章,希望对大家有所帮助。
Mr. President, Dr. Conant, members of the Board of Overseers, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am profoundly grateful, touched by the great distinction and honor and great compliment accorded me by the authorities of Harvard this morning. I am
overwhelmed, as a matter of fact, and I am rather fearful of my inability to maintain such a high rating as you've been generous enough to accord to me. In these historic and lovely surroundings, this perfect day, and this very wonderful assembly, it is a tremendously impressive thing to an individual in my position. But to speak more seriously, I need not tell you that the world situation is very serious. That must be apparent to all intelligent people. I think one difficulty is that the problem is one of such enormous complexity that the very mass of facts presented to the public by press and radio make it exceedingly difficult for the man in the street to reach a clear appraisement of the situation. Furthermore, the people of this country are distant from the troubled areas of the earth, and it is hard for them to comprehend the plight and consequent reactions of the long-suffering peoples of Europe and the effect of those reactions on their governments in connection with our efforts to promote peace in the world.
In considering the requirements for the rehabilitation of Europe, the physical loss of life, the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads was correctly estimated, but it has become obvious during recent months that this visible destruction was probably less serious than the dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy. For the past ten years conditions have been highly abnormal. The feverish preparation for war and the more feverish maintenance of the war effort engulfed all aspects of national economies. Machinery has fallen into disrepair or is entirely obsolete. Under the arbitrary and destructive Nazi rule, virtually every possible enterprise was geared into the German war machine. Long-standing commercial ties, private institutions, banks, insurance companies, and shipping companies disappeared through loss of capital, absorption through nationalization, or by simple destruction. In many countries, confidence in the local currency has been severely shaken. The breakdown of the business structure of Europe during the war was complete. Recovery has been seriously retarded by the fact that two years after the close of hostilities a peace settlement with Germany and Austria has not been agreed upon. But even given a more prompt solution of these difficult problems, the rehabilitation of the economic structure of Europe quite evidently will require a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.
There is a phase of this matter which is both interesting and serious. The farmer has always produced the foodstuffs to exchange with the city dweller for the other necessities of life. This division of labor is the basis of modern civilization. At the present time it is threatened with breakdown. The town and city industries are not producing adequate goods to exchange with the food-producing farmer. Raw materials and fuel are in short supply. Machinery, as I have said, is lacking or worn out. The farmer or the peasant cannot find the goods for sale which he desires to purchase. So the sale of his farm produce for money which he cannot use seems to him an unprofitable transaction. He, therefore, has withdrawn many fields from crop cultivation and he's using them for grazing. He feeds more grain to stock and finds for himself and his family an ample supply of food, however short he may be on clothing and the other ordinary gadgets of civilization.
Meanwhile, people in the cities are short of food and fuel, and in some places approaching the starvation levels. So, the governments are forced to use their foreign money and credits to procure these necessities abroad. This process exhausts funds which are urgently needed for reconstruction. Thus, a very serious situation is rapidly developing which bodes no good for the world. The modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down. The truth of the matter is that Europe's requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products -- principally from America -- are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character.
The remedy seems to lie in breaking the vicious circle and restoring the confidence of the people of Europe in the economic future of their own countries and of Europe as a whole. The manufacturer and the farmer throughout wide areas must be able and willing to exchange their product for currencies, the continuing value of which is not open to question.
Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis, as various crises develop. Any assistance that this Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate human misery in order to profit there from politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States. It is already evident that before the United States Government can proceed much further in its efforts to alleviate the situation and help start the European world on its way to recovery, there must be some agreement among the countries of Europe as to the requirements of the situation and the part those countries themselves will take in order to give a proper effect to whatever actions might be undertaken by this Government. It would be neither fitting nor efficacious for our Government to undertake to draw up unilaterally a program designed to place Europe on its feet economically. This is the business of the Europeans. The initiative, I think, must come from Europe. The role of this country should consist of friendly aid in the drafting of a European program and of later support of such a program so far as it may be practical for us to do so. The program should be a joint one, agreed to by a number, if not all, European nations.
An essential part of any successful action on the part of the United States is an understanding on the part of the people of America of the character of the problem and the remedies to be applied. Political passion and prejudice should have no part. With foresight, and a willingness on the part of our people to face up to the vast responsibility which history has clearly placed upon our country, the difficulties I have outlined can and will be overcome.
I am sorry that on each occasion I have said something publicly in regard to our international situation, I have been forced by the necessities of the case to enter into rather technical discussions. But, to my mind, it is of vast importance that our people reach some general understanding of what the complications really are, rather than react from a passion or a prejudice or an emotion of the moment. As I said more formally a moment ago, we are remote from the scene of these troubles. It is virtually impossible at this distance merely by reading, or listening, or even seeing photographs and motion pictures, to grasp at all the real significance of the situation. And yet the whole world of the future hangs on a proper judgment. It hangs, I think, to a large extent on the realization of the American people, of just what are the various dominant factors. What are the reactions of the people? What are the justifications of those reactions? What are the sufferings? What is needed? What can best be done? What must be done? Thank you very much.
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美国911事件之后服役的三分之一退伍军人认为伊拉克和阿富汗战争不值得打,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇美国对伊战争退伍老兵反战英文演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
And I tried hard to be proud of my service but all I could feel was shame.
The racism could no longer mask the reality of the occupation. These were people, these were human beings. I’ve since been claimed by guilt anytime I see an elderly man like the one who couldn’t walk and we rolled out on a stretcher and told the Iraqi police to take him away.
I feel guilt anytime I see a mother with her children like the one who cried hysterically and screamed that we were worst than Saddam as we forced her from her home.
I feel guilt anytime I see a young girl, like the one I grabbed by the arm, and dragged into the street. We are told we are fighting terrorists; the real terrorist was me and the real terrorism is this occupation. Racism within the military has long been an important tool to justify the destruction and occupation of another country.
It’s long been used to justify the killing, subjugation and torture of another people. Racism is a vital weapon employed by this government. It’s a more important weapon than a rifle, a tank, a bomber or a battleship. It’s more destructive than an artillery shell or a bunker buster, or a Tomahawk missile.
While those weapons are created and owned by this government, they are harmless without people willing to use them. Those who send us to war do not have to pull a trigger or lob a mortar round. They do not have to fight the war, they merely have to sell the war.
They need a public who is willing to send their soldiers into harm’s way. They need soldiers who are willing to kill and be killed without question. They can spend millions on a single bomb, but that bomb only becomes a weapon when the ranks in the military are willing to follow orders to use it. They can send every last soldier anywhere on Earth, but there’ll only be a war, if soldiers are willing to fight.
And the ruling class, the billionaires who profit from human suffering care only about expending their wealth, controlling the world economy. Understand that their power lies only in their ability to convince us that war, oppression and exploitation is in our interest. They understand that their wealth is dependent on their ability to convince the working class to die to control the market of another country.
And, convincing us to kill and die is based on their ability to make us think that we are somehow superior. Soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen, have nothing to gain from this occupation. The vast majority of people living in the U.S. have nothing to gain from this occupation.
In fact, not only do we have nothing to gain, but we suffer more because of it. We lose limbs, endure trauma and give our lives. Our families have to watch flag draped coffins roll into the earth. Millions in this country without health care, jobs or access to education, just watch as this government squander over 450 million dollars a day on this occupation.
Poor and working people in this country are sent to kill poor and working people in other country to make the rich richer. Without racism soldiers would realize that they have more in common with the Iraqi people than they do with the billionaires who send us to war.
I threw families onto the street in Iraq only to come home and find families thrown onto the street in this country and this tragic, tragic and unnecessary foreclosure crisis. We need to wake up and realize that our real enemies are not in some distant land and not people whose names we don’t know and cultures we don’t understand. The enemy is people we know very well and people we can identify.
The enemy is a system that wages war when it’s profitable. The enemy is the CEOs who lay us off our jobs when it’s profitable, is the insurance companies who deny us health care when it’s profitable, is the banks who take away our homes when it’s profitable.
Our enemy is not five thousands miles away, they are right here at home. If we organize and fight with our sisters and brothers we can stop this war, we can stop this government and we can create a better world.
“If tyranny and oppression come to this land, it will be in the guise of fighting a foreign enemy… The loss of Liberty at home is to be charged to the provisions against danger real or imagined from abroad…”
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马丁·路德·金是著名的美国民权运动领袖,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇马丁路德金在临死前一天的精彩演讲,希望对大家有所帮助。
Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. It's always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. And Ralph Abernathy is the best friend that I have in the world. I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.
Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world. And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, "Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?" I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there.
I would move on by Greece and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon. And I would watch them around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even go by the way that the man for whom I am named had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of Wittenberg. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating President by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I wouldn't stop there.
I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but "fear itself." But I wouldn't stop there.
Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, "If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, I will be happy."
Now that's a strange statement to make, because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble is in the land; confusion all around. That's a strange statement. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough can you see the stars. And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men, in some strange way, are responding.
Something is happening in our world. The masses of people are rising up. And wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in Johannesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya; Accra, Ghana; New York City; Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or Memphis, Tennessee -- the cry is always the same: "We want to be free."
And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period is that we have been forced to a point where we are going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but the demands didn't force them to do it. Survival demands that we grapple with them. Men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. But now, no longer can they just talk about it. It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in this world; it's nonviolence or nonexistence. That is where we are today.
And also in the human rights revolution, if something isn't done, and done in a hurry, to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt and neglect, the whole world is doomed. Now, I'm just happy that God has allowed me to live in this period to see what is unfolding. And I'm happy that He's allowed me to be in Memphis.
I can remember -- I can remember when Negroes were just going around as Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean business now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world.
And that's all this whole thing is about. We aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any negative arguments with anybody. We are saying that we are determined to be men. We are determined to be people. We are saying -- We are saying that we are God's children. And that we are God's children, we don't have to live like we are forced to live.
Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It means that we've got to stay together. We've got to stay together and maintain unity. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together, that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity.
Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice. The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've got to keep attention on that. That's always the problem with a little violence. You know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only with the window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers are on strike, and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of a doctor. They didn't get around to that.
Now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order to put the issue where it is supposed to be -- and force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out. That's the issue. And we've got to say to the nation: We know how it's coming out. For when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point short of victory.
We aren't going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our nonviolent movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do. I've seen them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we were in that majestic struggle there, we would move out of the 16th Street Baptist Church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. And Bull Connor would tell them to send the dogs forth, and they did come; but we just went before the dogs singing, "Ain't gonna let nobody turn me around."
Bull Connor next would say, "Turn the fire hoses on." And as I said to you the other night, Bull Connor didn't know history. He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses; we had known water. If we were Baptist or some other denominations, we had been immersed. If we were Methodist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew water. That couldn't stop us.
And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we'd just go on singing "Over my head I see freedom in the air." And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. And they would throw us in, and old Bull would say, "Take 'em off," and they did; and we would just go in the paddy wagon singing, "We Shall Overcome." And every now and then we'd get in jail, and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham. Now we've got to go on in Memphis just like that. I call upon you to be with us when we go out Monday.
Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. All we say to America is, "Be true to what you said on paper." If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could understand some of these illegal injunctions. Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Somewhere I read of the freedom of press. Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as I say, we aren't going to let dogs or water hoses turn us around, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on.
We need all of you. And you know what's beautiful to me is to see all of these ministers of the Gospel. It's a marvelous picture. Who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones. And whenever injustice is around he tell it. Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and saith, "When God speaks who can but prophesy?" Again with Amos, "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." Somehow the preacher must say with Jesus, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me," and he's anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor."
And I want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's been to jail for struggling; he's been kicked out of Vanderbilt University for this struggle, but he's still going on, fighting for the rights of his people. Reverend Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just go right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank all of them. And I want you to thank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves. And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.
It's all right to talk about "long white robes over yonder," in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here! It's all right to talk about "streets flowing with milk and honey," but God has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. It's all right to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God's preacher must talk about the new New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. This is what we have to do.
Now the other thing we'll have to do is this: Always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor people. Individually, we are poor when you compare us with white society in America. We are poor. Never stop and forget that collectively -- that means all of us together -- collectively we are richer than all the nations in the world, with the exception of nine. Did you ever think about that? After you leave the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, West Germany, France, and I could name the others, the American Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. We have an annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the United States, and more than the national budget of Canada. Did you know that? That's power right there, if we know how to pool it.
We don't have to argue with anybody. We don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words. We don't need any bricks and bottles. We don't need any Molotov cocktails. We just need to go around to these stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, "God sent us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right. And we've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda fair treatment, where God's children are concerned. Now, if you are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you."
And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy -- what is the other bread? -- Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? Tell them not to buy Hart's bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. We are choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on town -- downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right.
But not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions. I call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in Tri-State Bank. We want a "bank-in" movement in Memphis. Go by the savings and loan association. I'm not asking you something that we don't do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We are telling you to follow what we are doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven black insurance companies here in the city of Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an "insurance-in."
Now these are some practical things that we can do. We begin the process of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.
Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point in Memphis. We've got to see it through. And when we have our march, you need to be there. If it means leaving work, if it means leaving school -- be there. Be concerned about your brother. You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together.
Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came to Jesus, and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters of life. At points he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew a little more than Jesus knew and throw him off base....
Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho. And he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. But he got down with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the "I" into the "thou," and to be concerned about his brother.
Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop. At times we say they were busy going to a church meeting, an ecclesiastical gathering, and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that "One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony." And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem -- or down to Jericho, rather to organize a "Jericho Road Improvement Association." That's a possibility. Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effect.
But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible that those men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that road, I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable." It's a winding, meandering road. It's really conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles -- or rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level. That's a dangerous road. In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the "Bloody Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the priest asked -- the first question that the Levite asked was, "If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?" But then the Good Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: "If I do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?"
That's the question before you tonight. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to my job. Not, "If I stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?" The question is not, "If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?" The question is, "If I do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?" That's the question.
Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God, once more, for allowing me to be here with you.
You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing books, a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from her was, "Are you Martin Luther King?" And I was looking down writing, and I said, "Yes." And the next minute I felt something beating on my chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman. I was rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark Saturday afternoon. And that blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. And once that's punctured, your drowned in your own blood -- that's the end of you.
It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had merely sneezed, I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital. They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states and the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of them I will never forget. I had received one from the President and the Vice-President. I've forgotten what those telegrams said. I'd received a visit and a letter from the Governor of New York, but I've forgotten what that letter said. But there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High School. And I looked at that letter, and I'll never forget it. It said simply,
Dear Dr. King,
I am a ninth-grade student at the White Plains High School."
And she said,
While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I'm a white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering. And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And I'm simply writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze.
And I want to say tonight -- I want to say tonight that I too am happy that I didn't sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1960, when students all over the South started sitting-in at lunch counters. And I knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for the best in the American dream, and taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1961, when we decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in inter-state travel.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent.
If I had sneezed -- If I had sneezed I wouldn't have been here in 1963, when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in August, to try to tell America about a dream that I had had.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been down in Selma, Alabama, to see the great Movement there.
If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see a community rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering.
I'm so happy that I didn't sneeze.
And they were telling me --. Now, it doesn't matter, now. It really doesn't matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us. The pilot said over the public address system, "We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded all night."
And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?
Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn't matter with me now, because I've been to the mountaintop.
And I don't mind.
Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the Promised Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land!
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And so I'm happy, tonight.
I'm not worried about anything.
I'm not fearing any man!
Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!
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态度是个体对特定对象所持有的稳定的心理倾向。这种心理倾向蕴含着个体的主观评价以及由此产生的行为倾向性。今天读文网小编给大家分享一些关于态度决定一切英文三分钟演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
There is a well-known proverb,“Every horse thinks its own pack heaviest,” which means whether people feel optimistic or not lies in what attitudes they adopt. It is universally acknowledged that life is by no means perfect and a positive attitude makes life brighter. As the case stands, it is our attitude rather than the situation itself that determines how we feel.
On the one hand, a positive mind brings about an active life, because to be in a good mood or a bad mood is at one’ s own choice. On the other hand, looking at the bright side of the situation and remaining cheerful work out quite well when one is confronted with adversity.
In such a rat-race society, everyone is bound to encounter difficulties. In my opinion, we should keep an optimistic attitude to pull through any hardship, as we can say “attitude is everything” .
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约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪是美国第35任总统,是美国历史上最年轻的当选总统,也是美国历史上唯一信奉罗马天主教的总统和唯一获得普利策奖的总统,今天读文网小编给大家分享一篇肯尼迪的就职演讲稿,希望对大家有所帮助。
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
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