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贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马,出生于1961年8月4日,美国民主党籍政治家,第44任美国总统,第一位非裔美国总统,同时拥有黑(卢欧族)白(英德爱混血)黄(切罗基族)血统。以下是读文网小编给大家分享了美国第44届当选总统奥巴马就职演讲稿中英文,希望大家有帮助。
My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.#p#副标题#e#
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
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奥巴马总统在巴黎气候变化大会上说了什么?想必大家也想了解吧!读文网小编为大家整理了奥巴马总统在巴黎气候变化大会上英语演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
President Hollande, Mr. Secretary General, fellow leaders,
We have come to Paris to show our resolve.
We offer our condolences to the people of France for the barbaric attacks on this beautiful city. We stand united in solidarity not only to deliver justice to the terrorist network responsible for those attacks but to protect our people and uphold the enduring values that keep us strong and keep us free. And we salute the people of Paris for insisting this crucial conference go on – an act of defiance that proves nothing will deter us from building the future we want for our children. What greater rejection of those who would tear down our world than marshaling our best efforts to save it?
Nearly 200 nations have assembled here this week – a declaration that for all the challenges we face, the growing threat of climate change could define the contours of this century more dramatically than any other. What should give us hope that this is a turning point, that this is the moment we finally determined we would save our planet, is the fact that our nations share a sense of urgency about this challenge and a growing realization that it is within our power to do something about it.
Our understanding of the ways human beings disrupt the climate advances by the day. Fourteen of the fifteen warmest years on record have occurred since the year 2000 – and 2015 is on pace to be the warmest year of all. No nation – large or small, wealthy or poor – is immune to what this means.
This summer, I saw the effects of climate change firsthand in our northernmost state, Alaska, where the sea is already swallowing villages and eroding shorelines; where permafrost thaws and the tundra burns; where glaciers are melting at a pace unprecedented in modern times. And it was a preview of one possible future – a glimpse of our children's fate if the climate keeps changing faster than our efforts to address it. Submerged countries. Abandoned cities. Fields that no longer grow. Political disruptions that trigger new conflict, and even more floods of desperate peoples seeking the sanctuary of nations not their own.
That future is not one of strong economies, nor is it one where fragile states can find their footing. That future is one that we have the power to change. Right here. Right now. But only if we rise to this moment. As one of America's governors has said, “We are the first generation to feel the impact of climate change, and the last generation that can do something about it.”
I've come here personally, as the leader of the world's largest economy and the second-largest emitter, to say that the United States of America not only recognizes our role in creating this problem, we embrace our responsibility to do something about it.
Over the last seven years, we've made ambitious investments in clean energy, and ambitious reductions in our carbon emissions. We've multiplied wind power threefold, and solar power more than twentyfold, helping create parts of America where these clean power sources are finally cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. We've invested in energy efficiency in every way imaginable. We've said no to infrastructure that would pull high-carbon fossil fuels from the ground, and we've said yes to the first-ever set of national standards limiting the amount of carbon pollution our power plants can release into the sky.
The advances we've made have helped drive our economic output to all-time highs, and driveour carbon pollution to its lowest levels in nearly two decades.
But the good news is this is not an American trend alone. Last year, the global economy grewwhile global carbon emissions from burning fossil fuels stayed flat. And what this means can'tbe overstated. We have broken the old arguments for inaction. We have proved that strongeconomic growth and a safer environment no longer have to conflict with one another; theycan work in concert with one another.
And that should give us hope. One of the enemies that we'll be fighting at this conference iscynicism, the notion we can't do anything about climate change. Our progress should give ushope during these two weeks – hope that is rooted in collective action.
Earlier this month in Dubai, after years of delay, the world agreed to work together to cut thesuper-pollutants known as HFCs. That's progress. Already, prior to Paris, more than 180countries representing nearly 95 percent of global emissions have put forward their ownclimate targets. That is progress. For our part, America is on track to reach the emissionstargets that I set six years ago in Copenhagen – we will reduce our carbon emissions in therange of 17 percent below 2005 levels by 2020. And that's why, last year, I set a new target:America will reduce our emissions 26 to 28 percent below 2005 levels within 10 years from now.
So our task here in Paris is to turn these achievements into an enduring framework forhuman progress – not a stopgap solution, but a long-term strategy that gives the worldconfidence in a low-carbon future.
Here, in Paris, let's secure an agreement that builds in ambition, where progress paves theway for regularly updated targets – targets that are not set for each of us but by each of us,taking into account the differences that each nation is facing.
Here in Paris, let's agree to a strong system of transparency that gives each of us theconfidence that all of us are meeting our commitments. And let's make sure that the countrieswho don't yet have the full capacity to report on their targets receive the support that theyneed.
Here in Paris, let's reaffirm our commitment that resources will be there for countries willingto do their part to skip the dirty phase of development. And I recognize this will not be easy.It will take a commitment to innovation and the capital to continue driving down the cost ofclean energy. And that's why, this afternoon, I'll join many of you to announce an historicjoint effort to accelerate public and private clean energy innovation on a global scale.
Here in Paris, let's also make sure that these resources flow to the countries that need helppreparing for the impacts of climate change that we can no longer avoid. We know the truththat many nations have contributed little to climate change but will be the first to feel its mostdestructive effects. For some, particularly island nations – whose leaders I'll meet withtomorrow – climate change is a threat to their very existence. And that's why today, in concertwith other nations, America confirms our strong and ongoing commitment to the LeastDeveloped Countries Fund. And tomorrow, we'll pledge new contributions to risk insuranceinitiatives that help vulnerable populations rebuild stronger after climate-related disasters.
And finally, here in Paris, let's show businesses and investors that the global economy is on afirm path towards a low-carbon future. If we put the right rules and incentives in place, we'llunleash the creative power of our best scientists and engineers and entrepreneurs to deployclean energy technologies and the new jobs and new opportunities that they create all aroundthe world. There are hundreds of billions of dollars ready to deploy to countries around theworld if they get the signal that we mean business this time. Let's send that signal.
That's what we seek in these next two weeks. Not simply an agreement to roll back thepollution we put into our skies, but an agreement that helps us lift people from povertywithout condemning the next generation to a planet that's beyond its capacity to repair. Here,in Paris, we can show the world what is possible when we come together, united in commoneffort and by a common purpose.
And let there be no doubt, the next generation is watching what we do. Just over a week ago, Iwas in Malaysia, where I held a town hall with young people, and the first question I receivedwas from a young Indonesian woman. And it wasn't about terrorism, it wasn't about theeconomy, it wasn't about human rights. It was about climate change. And she asked whether Iwas optimistic about what we can achieve here in Paris, and what young people like her coulddo to help.
I want our actions to show her that we're listening. I want our actions to be big enough to drawon the talents of all our people – men and women, rich and poor – I want to show herpassionate, idealistic young generation that we care about their future.
For I believe, in the words of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., that there is such a thing as being toolate. And when it comes to climate change, that hour is almost upon us. But if we act here, ifwe act now, if we place our own short-term interests behind the air that our young people willbreathe, and the food that they will eat, and the water that they will drink, and the hopes anddreams that sustain their lives, then we won't be too late for them.
And, my fellow leaders, accepting this challenge will not reward us with moments of victorythat are clear or quick. Our progress will be measured differently – in the suffering that isaverted, and a planet that's preserved. And that's what's always made this so hard. Ourgeneration may not even live to see the full realization of what we do here. But the knowledgethat the next generation will be better off for what we do here – can we imagine a more worthyreward than that? Passing that on to our children and our grandchildren, so that when they lookback and they see what we did here in Paris, they can take pride in our achievement.
Let that be the common purpose here in Paris. A world that is worthy of our children. A worldthat is marked not by conflict, but by cooperation; and not by human suffering, but byhuman progress. A world that's safer, and more prosperous, and more secure, and more freethan the one that we inherited.
Let's get to work. Thank you very much.
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当地时间2014年1月28日晚上9点(北京时间29日上午10点),美国总统奥巴马在首都华盛顿的国会发表年度国情咨文演讲,下面是由读文网小编整理的2014奥巴马国情咨文演讲稿,提供中英文对照,欢迎阅读。
Text of President Barack Obama's State of the union address
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, my fellow Americans:
议长先生,副总统先生,国会议员们,美国同胞们:
Today in America, a teacher spent extra time with a student who needed it, and did her part to lift America's graduation rate to its highest level in more than three decades.
今天,在美国教师会花费额外时间帮助有需要的学生,并为将美国学生的毕业率提高到30多年来的最高水平尽职尽责。
An entrepreneur flipped on the lights in her tech startup, and did her part to add to the more than 8 million new jobs our businesses have created over the past four years.
企业家在其技术创业公司夜以继日,为过去4年来增加800万新的就业岗位尽职尽责。
An autoworker fine-tuned some of the best, most fuel-efficient cars in the world, and did his part to help America wean itself off foreign oil.
汽车工人在改进世界上最好最节油的汽车,为帮助美国减少对外国石油的依赖尽职尽责。
A farmer prepared for the spring after the strongest five-year stretch of farm exports in our history. A rural doctor gave a young child the first prescription to treat asthma that his mother could afford. A man took the bus home from the graveyard shift, bone-tired but dreaming big dreams for his son. And in tight-knit communities across America, fathers and mothers will tuck in their kids, put an arm around their spouse, remember fallen comrades, and give thanks for being home from a war that, after twelve long years, is finally coming to an end.
农民在我国历史上5年来最强劲的农业出口后准备春耕。农村医生为幼儿开出他妈妈承担得起的药方,治疗哮喘。男人下班回家虽精疲力竭,但却怀着对儿子更大的希望。在美国各地的社区,父母为孩子盖好被子,与自己的伴侣互相拥抱。人们缅怀逝去的同事,感谢那场12年的战争终于结束,终于平安回到家中。
Tonight, this chamber speaks with one voice to the people we represent: It is you, our citizens, who make the state of our union strong.
今晚,这个大厅用一个声音对我们代表的人民说,正是你们——我们的公民——创造了我们强大的联邦。
Here are the results of your efforts: The lowest unemployment rate in over five years. A rebounding housing market. A manufacturing sector that's adding jobs for the first time since the 1990s. More oil produced at home than we buy from the rest of the world - the first time that's happened in nearly 20 years. Our deficits - cut by more than half. And for the first time in over a decade, business leaders around the world have declared that China is no longer the world's No. 1 place to invest; America is.
这是你们奋斗的结果:失业率5年来最低、房地产市场反弹、制造业的就业岗位自上世纪90年代以来首次增加、近20年来国产石油产量首次超过进口。我们的赤字削减一半还多。10年来,世界商界领袖第一次宣布世界首选投资地点是美国而非中国。
That's why I believe this can be a breakthrough year for America. After five years of grit and determined effort, the United States is better-positioned for the 21st century than any other nation on Earth.
这就是为何我相信今年将是美国突破之年。在坚强拼搏5年后,美国比地球上任何其他国家都为21世纪准备得更好。
The question for everyone in this chamber, running through every decision we make this year, is whether we are going to help or hinder this progress. For several years now, this town has been consumed by a rancorous argument over the proper size of the federal government. It's an important debate - one that dates back to our very founding. But when that debate prevents us from carrying out even the most basic functions of our democracy - when our differences shut down government or threaten the full faith and credit of the United States - then we are not doing right by the American people.
留给这个大厅里所有人的问题是,我们今年做出的每个决定是有利于还是有碍于这种进步。多年来,这座城市忙于争执联邦政府的规模。这是可以追溯到我们建国时期的重要的辩论。但当辩论阻止我们发挥民主的最基本功能、当我们的分歧迫使政府关门、威胁美国的信仰和声誉时,我们做的并不正确。
As president, I'm committed to making Washington work better, and rebuilding the trust of the people who sent us here. I believe most of you are, too. Last month, thanks to the work of Democrats and Republicans, this Congress finally produced a budget that undoes some of last year's severe cuts to priorities like education. Nobody got everything they wanted, and we can still do more to invest in this country's future while bringing down our deficit in a balanced way. But the budget compromise should leave us freer to focus on creating new jobs, not creating new crises.
作为总统,我致力于让华盛顿工作得更好,重建将我们送到这里的人民的信心。我相信你们大多数人也是如此。上月,由于民主党人和共和党人的努力,这个国会终于通过预算,一举扭转削减教育等优先项目资金的态势。没有人能够得到他想要的一切,但我们依然能够为投资国家未来做得更多,同时以平稳的方式减少我们的赤字。不过,预算妥协应当让我们放手增加新的就业,而非增加新的危机。
In the coming months, let's see where else we can make progress together. Let's make this a year of action. That's what most Americans want - for all of us in this chamber to focus on their lives, their hopes, their aspirations. And what I believe unites the people of this nation, regardless of race or region or party, young or old, rich or poor, is the simple, profound belief in opportunity for all - the notion that if you work hard and take responsibility, you can get ahead.
在未来的几个月,让我们看看在哪些地方我们可以共同进步。让今年成为行动之年。这是大多数美国人想要的,身处这个会议厅里的每一个人,都关注他们的生活,他们的希望,他们的愿望。而我相信,不分种族,地域和党派,不论老少贫富,将这个国家的人民团结在一起的就是一条简单深刻的信念:只要你努力工作,勇于承担责任,你就能够出人头地。
Let's face it: that belief has suffered some serious blows. Over more than three decades, even before the Great Recession hit, massive shifts in technology and global competition had eliminated a lot of good, middle-class jobs, and weakened the economic foundations that families depend on.
让我们面对现实:这种信念遭受了一些严重的打击。超过30年的时间里,甚至在经济大衰退之前,技术和全球竞争的巨大变化已经削减了中产阶级的许多好的工作机会,并削弱了中产家庭依赖的经济基础。
Today, after four years of economic growth, corporate profits and stock prices have rarely been higher, and those at the top have never done better. But average wages have barely budged. Inequality has deepened. Upward mobility has stalled. The cold, hard fact is that even in the midst of recovery, too many Americans are working more than ever just to get by - let alone get ahead. And too many still aren't working at all.
现在,经过4年的经济增长,企业利润和股价均开始上升,而那些身处高位的人从来没有做的更好。平均工资却几乎没有变化。社会不平等加深,向上流动几近停滞。冰冷而又无法回避的事实是,即使是在复苏之中,太多的美国人还是在勉强度日,更不用说出人头地。还有许多人仍然没有工作。
Our job is to reverse these trends. It won't happen right away, and we won't agree on everything. But what I offer tonight is a set of concrete, practical proposals to speed up growth, strengthen the middle class, and build new ladders of opportunity into the middle class. Some require congressional action, and I'm eager to work with all of you. But America does not stand still - and neither will I. So wherever and whenever I can take steps without legislation to expand opportunity for more American families, that's what I'm going to do.
我们的工作就是要扭转这些趋势。虽然局势不会马上好转,我们也不会就所有事情达成一致。但是,我今晚提出的是一组促进增长、壮大中产阶级的具体实际的方案。有些需要国会采取行动,我渴望与大家合作。不过,美国不会停滞不前,我也不会。所以无论何时何地,我都要采取不必立法的措施去为更多美国家庭扩大机会,这就是我要做的。
As usual, our first lady sets a good example. Michelle's Let's Move partnership with schools, businesses, and local leaders has helped bring down childhood obesity rates for the first time in thirty years - an achievement that will improve lives and reduce health care costs for decades to come. The Joining Forces alliance that Michelle and Jill Biden launched has already encouraged employers to hire or train nearly 400,000 veterans and military spouses. Taking a page from that playbook, the White House just organized a College Opportunity Summit where already, 150 universities, businesses, and nonprofits have made concrete commitments to reduce inequality in access to higher education - and help every hardworking kid go to college and succeed when they get to campus. Across the country, we're partnering with mayors, governors and state legislatures on issues from homelessness to marriage equality.
像往常一样,我们的第一夫人就是一个范例。米歇尔的“让我们继续前进”活动与学校、企业和地方领导人合作,30年来第一次降低了儿童肥胖率 。这一成就将改善他们的生活质量,并降低未来几十年的医疗成本。米歇尔和副总统拜登推出的“联合力量(Joining Forces)”活动已经鼓励雇主雇用或培训近40万名退伍军人及其配偶。比如,白宫刚刚举办了“大学教育峰会”, 会议期间,150所大学、企业和非营利组织已作出具体承诺,以减少接受高等教育的不均等状况, 帮助每一个勤奋的孩子去上大学,确保他们上大学后能够获得成功。在全国范围内,我们正在与市长、州长和州议员合作解决从无家可归到婚姻平等的问题。
The point is, there are millions of Americans outside Washington who are tired of stale political arguments, and are moving this country forward. They believe, and I believe, that here in America, our success should depend not on accident of birth, but the strength of our work ethic and the scope of our dreams. That's what drew our forebears here. It's how the daughter of a factory worker is CEO of America's largest automaker; how the son of a barkeeper is speaker of the House; how the son of a single mom can be president of the greatest nation on Earth.
问题的关键是,在华盛顿之外有成千上万的美国人厌倦了陈腐的政治争论,正是他们在推进这个国家前行。他们相信,我也相信,在这里,在美国,我们的成功不应取决于出身,而是要依赖于我们的工作伦理和我们的梦想。这正是吸引我们祖先之所在。这就是一个工人的女儿如何成为美国最大的汽车制造商的CEO 的原因,也是一个酒吧老板的儿子怎么成为众议院议长,一个单身母亲的儿子又如何成为地球上最伟大国家总统之所在。
Opportunity is who we are. And the defining project of our generation is to restore that promise.
机会属于我们自己。而我们这一代人的目标就是恢复这一承诺。
We know where to start: the best measure of opportunity is access to a good job. With the economy picking up speed, companies say they intend to hire more people this year. And over half of big manufacturers say they're thinking of insourcing jobs from abroad.
我们知道从哪里开始:促进就业是创造机会的最佳措施。随着经济增长,企业表示有意在这一年雇佣更多员工。超过半数的大型制造商表示正在考虑让海外的就业岗位回归美国。
So let's make that decision easier for more companies. Both Democrats and Republicans have argued that our tax code is riddled with wasteful, complicated loopholes that punish businesses investing here, and reward companies that keep profits abroad. Let's flip that equation. Let's work together to close those loopholes, end those incentives to ship jobs overseas, and lower tax rates for businesses that create jobs here at home.
那么,让我们促使更多企业更轻松地做出这样的决定吧。民主党人和共和党人都认为,我们的税法充满复杂的漏洞,效率低下,使得在美国投资的企业受损,把利润留在国外的企业受益。让我们扭转这样的局面。让我们一起努力,填补这些漏洞,消除将就业包给海外的诱因。为了在这里,在祖国创造就业的企业,让我们降低税率。
Moreover, we can take the money we save with this transition to tax reform to create jobs rebuilding our roads, upgrading our ports, unclogging our commutes - because in today's global economy, first-class jobs gravitate to first-class infrastructure. We'll need Congress to protect more than three million jobs by finishing transportation and waterways bills this summer. But I will act on my own to slash bureaucracy and streamline the permitting process for key projects, so we can get more construction workers on the job as fast as possible.
还有,我们在税制改革中节约的资金可以用于创造就业岗位,可以修路、升级港口、疏导交通。在今天的全球经济中,一流的基础设施吸引一流的工作。我们需要国会今年夏天完成运输和水路法案,保护超过300万的就业岗位。而我会尽最大努力,消除官僚作风,使重要工程的审批程序更合理。这样我们就能让更多的建设者尽快走上岗位。
We also have the chance, right now, to beat other countries in the race for the next wave of high-tech manufacturing jobs. My administration has launched two hubs for high-tech manufacturing in Raleigh and Youngstown, where we've connected businesses to research universities that can help America lead the world in advanced technologies. Tonight, I'm announcing we'll launch six more this year. Bipartisan bills in both houses could double the number of these hubs and the jobs they create. So get those bills to my desk and put more Americans back to work.
我们现在也有机会、有权利在下一轮高科技制造业岗位的竞争中战胜其他国家。我的政府已经在罗利和扬斯敦开始运行高科技制造业中心,把商业和帮助美国引领世界先进技术的研究型大学联系起来。今晚,我宣布我们将着手建设运营另外6个这样的中心。两院、两党的法案能够让这些中心的数量翻一番,让中心带来的就业岗位翻一番。那么,让这些法案放上我的办公桌吧,让更多的美国人回到工作中。
Let's do more to help the entrepreneurs and small business owners who create most new jobs in America. Over the past five years, my administration has made more loans to small business owners than any other. And when ninety-eight percent of our exporters are small businesses, new trade partnerships with Europe and the Asia-Pacific will help them create more jobs. We need to work together on tools like bipartisan trade promotion authority to protect our workers, protect our environment, and open new markets to new goods stamped "Made in the USA." China and Europe aren't standing on the sidelines. Neither should we.
让我们给予企业家和小企业主更多帮助,美国多数新岗位都是他们创造的。在过去的5年中,政府向小企业主发放的贷款数额之多,前所未有。我们98%的出口商都是小企业,与欧洲和亚太的新贸易伙伴关系会帮助他们创造更多就业。我们需要共同努力,通过两党的权威与合作,以贸易促进等方式保护我们的工人,保护我们的环境,向标有“美国制造”的新产品开放新市场。中国和欧洲都在积极行动,我们也应该行动起来。
We know that the nation that goes all-in on innovation today will own the global economy tomorrow. This is an edge America cannot surrender. Federally funded research helped lead to the ideas and inventions behind Google and smartphones. That's why Congress should undo the damage done by last year's cuts to basic research so we can unleash the next great American discovery - whether it's vaccines that stay ahead of drug-resistant bacteria, or paper-thin material that's stronger than steel. And let's pass a patent reform bill that allows our businesses to stay focused on innovation, not costly, needless litigation.
我们知道,今天在创新方面锐意进取的国家明天将主宰世界经济。这是美国不能放弃的战线。联邦政府资助的研究帮扶了谷歌和智能手机背后的发明和创意。因此,国会应该缓解由去年削减基础研究资金带来的伤害,这样我们就能解放美国人的下一个伟大发现——不论是能对付耐药菌的疫苗,还是纸一样纤薄,钢一样强硬的材料。让我们通过专利改革法案,让我们的商界长期专注于创新,不为毫无必要却花销巨大的诉讼分神。
Now, one of the biggest factors in bringing more jobs back is our commitment to American energy. The all-of-the-above energy strategy I announced a few years ago is working, and today, America is closer to energy independence than we've been in decades.
现在,我们对美国能源的承诺是将更多工作带回美国的关键因素之一。我在几年前宣布的所有能源策略都在起作用。今天,美国比近10年来任何时候都接近能源独立。
One of the reasons why is natural gas - if extracted safely, it's the bridge fuel that can power our economy with less of the carbon pollution that causes climate change. Businesses plan to invest almost $100 billion in new factories that use natural gas. I'll cut red tape to help states get those factories built, and this Congress can help by putting people to work building fueling stations that shift more cars and trucks from foreign oil to American natural gas. My administration will keep working with the industry to sustain production and job growth while strengthening protection of our air, our water, and our communities. And while we're at it, I'll use my authority to protect more of our pristine federal lands for future generations.
原因之一是天然气——如果安全萃取,它将成为合适的燃料,既能为我们的经济提供能量,又能减少导致气候变化的碳污染。商业部门计划投资使用天然气的工厂,金额总值近1000亿美元。我将简化手续以敦促各州建立此类工厂,此次会议还将组织人员建立加油站,借以将更多轿车和卡车的燃料从外国进口石油变为美国产天然气。为维持现有产量和就业增长率,同时更多保护我们的空气、水资源及社区,我的行政部门将持续与工业部门合作。一旦我们的合作到达预想的高度,为了我们的子孙后代,我将利用我的职权保护我们的原始联邦土地。
It's not just oil and natural gas production that's booming; we're becoming a global leader in solar, too. Every four minutes, another American home or business goes solar; every panel pounded into place by a worker whose job can't be outsourced. Let's continue that progress with a smarter tax policy that stops giving $4 billion a year to fossil fuel industries that don't need it, so that we can invest more in fuels of the future that do.
迅猛增长的不仅仅是石油和天然气的产量。我们也会成为太阳能方面的国际领袖。每4分钟就有一个美国家庭或美国公司采用太阳能系统,每一片太阳板都是由业务不能外包的工人放置。让我们通过更灵活的税收政策继续进步,包括停止向不需要化石燃料的工厂供应每年40亿美金,这样我们就能向未来使用化学燃料的工厂投资更多资金。
And even as we've increased energy production, we've partnered with businesses, builders and local communities to reduce the energy we consume. When we rescued our automakers, for example, we worked with them to set higher fuel efficiency standards for our cars. In the coming months, I'll build on that success by setting new standards for our trucks, so we can keep driving down oil imports and what we pay at the pump.
我们能源生产率增加的同时,为了减少所消耗的能量,我们与商业部门、建筑商及当地社区建立了合作伙伴关系。举个例子,当我们向汽车制造商提供援助时,我们与他们合作从而提高了轿车的燃料效率标准。未来几个月里,我将延续这一成功的做法,为卡车设定新的标准,这样我们就能继续减少燃油出口量并降低油价了。
Taken together, our energy policy is creating jobs and leading to a cleaner, safer planet. Over the past eight years, the United States has reduced our total carbon pollution more than any other nation on Earth. But we have to act with more urgency - because a changing climate is already harming western communities struggling with drought, and coastal cities dealing with floods. That's why I directed my administration to work with states, utilities, and others to set new standards on the amount of carbon pollution our power plants are allowed to dump into the air. The shift to a cleaner energy economy won't happen overnight, and it will require tough choices along the way. But the debate is settled. Climate change is a fact. And when our children's children look us in the eye and ask if we did all we could to leave them a safer, more stable world, with new sources of energy, I want us to be able to say yes, we did.
综上所述,我们的能源政策提高了就业率,使世界变得更加清洁安全。过去8年间,美国碳污染排放减少量比世界其他任何国家都要多。但是我们需要行动地更加迅速——因为气候变化已经开始危害西部地区,它们正与干旱作斗争,同时沿海城市也被受洪灾困扰。以上是我领导我的行政机构与各州、各公共事业单位和其他单位一同合作并设立允许排放的碳污染物量标准的原因。建立更加清洁的美国能源经济不是一夜之间就能完成的,这需要我们一路上艰难的进行抉择。然而这一议题已定,气候变化已成为事实。当我们孩子的孩子看着我们的眼睛,问我们是不是已经尽力为他们提供更加安全又稳定的世界,是不是有新能源的资源时,我想那时我们能够回答出,是的,我们做到了。
Finally, if we are serious about economic growth, it is time to heed the call of business leaders, labor leaders, faith leaders and law enforcement - and fix our broken immigration system. Republicans and Democrats in the Senate have acted. I know that members of both parties in the House want to do the same. Independent economists say immigration reform will grow our economy and shrink our deficits by almost $1 trillion in the next two decades. And for good reason: when people come here to fulfill their dreams - to study, invent, and contribute to our culture - they make our country a more attractive place for businesses to locate and create jobs for everyone. So let's get immigration reform done this year.
最后,如果我们要认真对待经济增长,就应该留心商界领袖、劳工领导、宗教领袖及执法机关的需求,并修补我们不完善的移民系统。参议院的共和党及民主党已经采取了行动。据我所知,两党成员对此意见一致。独立经济学家称移民改革政策将提高经济水平,未来20年内将减少近1万亿美元的财政赤字。同时,出于合理的原因,当人们来美国完成他们的梦想时——学习、创造、为我们的文化做出贡献——他们共同使美国成为一个更加引人注目的国家,将有更多的企业在美国注册并为大家提供更多的就业机会。让我们今年就开始改革移民政策吧。
The ideas I've outlined so far can speed up growth and create more jobs. But in this rapidly changing economy, we have to make sure that every American has the skills to fill those jobs.
我以上的观点能够加速经济增长,增加就业率。然而,在经济迅猛发展的同时,我们需要确保每位美国公民都具有就业的技能。
The good news is, we know how to do it. Two years ago, as the auto industry came roaring back, Andra Rush opened up a manufacturing firm in Detroit. She knew that Ford needed parts for the best-selling truck in America, and she knew how to make them. She just needed the workforce. So she dialed up what we call an American Job Center - places where folks can walk in to get the help or training they need to find a new job, or better job. She was flooded with new workers. And today, Detroit Manufacturing Systems has more than 700 employees.
好消息是,我们现在知道该怎么做了。两年前当汽车行业回暖时,安德拉•拉什在底特律创办了一家业公司。她知道,福特要造出美国销量最好的卡车需要哪些部件以及怎样加工这些部件。她缺的是劳动力,于是她拨通了美国就业中心(提供就业信息和职业培训的地方)的电话。求职者随即蜂拥而至。现在底特律制造系统公司已有超过700名员工。
What Andra and her employees experienced is how it should be for every employer - and every job seeker. So tonight, I've asked Vice President Biden to lead an across-the-board reform of America's training programs to make sure they have one mission: train Americans with the skills employers need, and match them to good jobs that need to be filled right now. That means more on-the-job training, and more apprenticeships that set a young worker on an upward trajectory for life. It means connecting companies to community colleges that can help design training to fill their specific needs. And if Congress wants to help, you can concentrate funding on proven programs that connect more ready-to-work Americans with ready-to-be-filled jobs.
安德拉和其员工的经历正是每个招聘者和每个求职者的真实写照。因此今晚,我邀请副总统拜登发起一项美国职业培训系统的全盘改革,让人们能够掌握雇主所期望他们拥有的技能,迅速填补就业市场的空缺。这意味着企业要举办更多的在职培训,提供更多学徒见习的机会,让年轻的工人能够在职业道路上不断前进。这意味着加强公司和社区学院间的校企沟通,让培训与实际需求接轨。如果国会原意出一份力,请为已获批的项目提供资金,请让我们的人民都能找到工作。
I'm also convinced we can help Americans return to the workforce faster by reforming unemployment insurance so that it's more effective in today's economy. But first, this Congress needs to restore the unemployment insurance you just let expire for 1.6 million people.
我也相信,通过改革失业保险,加强其在当下经济中的实效性,人们能更快地回到工作岗位上。但首先,国会要重新启动失业保险,现在已经有160万美国人失去了这项保障。
Let me tell you why.
请让我来告诉你们为什么必须这么做。
Misty DeMars is a mother of two young boys. She'd been steadily employed since she was a teenager. She put herself through college. She'd never collected unemployment benefits. In May, she and her husband used their life savings to buy their first home. A week later, budget cuts claimed the job she loved. Last month, when their unemployment insurance was cut off, she sat down and wrote me a letter - the kind I get every day. "We are the face of the unemployment crisis," she wrote. "I am not dependent on the government.Our country depends on people like us who build careers, contribute to society . care about our neighbors . I am confident that in time I will find a job . I will pay my taxes, and we will raise our children in their own home in the community we love. Please give us this chance."
米斯蒂•迪马尔斯是一位有着两个年幼儿子的母亲。年轻时,她的工作一直很稳定。她自己支付了大学的学费,从未领过失业保险。去年5月,她和丈夫用存款购置了他们的第一套房子。一周后,由于预算削减,她丢了饭碗。上个月,这对夫妻的失业保险被中断,米斯蒂给我写了一封信——我每天都会收到这类信件。 “我们正面临失业危机。” 在信中她这样说道,“我并不依赖政府。我们自食其力,为社会贡献自己的力量,关爱邻居。美国需要我们这样的人。我有信心自己一定能很快找到工作的。我会纳税,我们会在自己热爱的社区里将孩子抚养长大。请给我们这个机会。”
Congress, give these hardworking, responsible Americans that chance. They need our help, but more important, this country needs them in the game. That's why I've been asking CEOs to give more long-term unemployed workers a fair shot at that new job and new chance to support their families; this week, many will come to the White House to make that commitment real. Tonight, I ask every business leader in America to join us and to do the same - because we are stronger when America fields a full team.
国会同胞们,请给这些辛勤工作、以身作则的美国公民们这个机会吧。他们需要我们的帮助,更重要的是,美国也需要他们。因此,我一直希望企业的首席执行官们能为更多长期失业的工人们提供公平竞争的就业机会,让他们能够扶持家庭。本周,许多首席执行官会来到白宫,兑现这个承诺。今晚,我邀请每一位美国的商业领袖加入这个行列,因为只有团结一致,我们的国家才会更加强大。
Of course, it's not enough to train today's workforce. We also have to prepare tomorrow's workforce, by guaranteeing every child access to a world-class education.
当然,仅培训现有劳动力是不够的。我们还要为未来的生力军提供条件,让每个孩子享有世界一流的教育。
Estiven Rodriguez couldn't speak a word of English when he moved to New York City at age 9. But last month, thanks to the support of great teachers and an innovative tutoring program, he led a march of his classmates - through a crowd of cheering parents and neighbors - from their high school to the post office, where they mailed off their college applications. And this son of a factory worker just found out he's going to college this fall.
当伊斯蒂文•罗德里格斯来到纽约时只有9岁,一句英语都不会。但在优秀的老师和创新的辅导计划支持下,上个月,这个普通工人的儿子被大学录取了,将在今年秋季入学。在欢呼雀跃的家长和邻里的簇拥下,他带领全班从学校出发去往邮局举行庆祝游行,那是他们寄出大学申请书的地方。
Five years ago, we set out to change the odds for all our kids. We worked with lenders to reform student loans, and today, more young people are earning college degrees than ever before. Race to the Top, with the help of governors from both parties, has helped states raise expectations and performance. Teachers and principals in schools from Tennessee to Washington, D.C., are making big strides in preparing students with skills for the new economy - problem solving, critical thinking, science, technology, engineering, and math. Some of this change is hard. It requires everything from more challenging curriculums and more demanding parents to better support for teachers and new ways to measure how well our kids think, not how well they can fill in a bubble on a test. But it's worth it - and it's working.
5年前,我们竭尽所能为孩子们努力,我们和贷款者一起改革学生贷款。今天,越来越的年轻人能够获得大学学位。在两党领导人的帮助下,我们力争上游,让各个州提升了期望值和表现。从田纳西州到华盛顿,从校长到老师,都在尽最大的努力让学生学习当今社会的技能——解决问题、批判性思维、科学、技术、工程和数学。其中一些改变是很困难的,需要更多挑战性的课程,需要更多要求高的家长给教师更好的支持,需要新的方法去检验孩子的学习成果,而不仅仅是考试分数。但是这一切都是值得的——也正在进行中。
The problem is we're still not reaching enough kids, and we're not reaching them in time. That has to change.
问题是,我们没有把这件事覆盖到所有的孩子,也不是很及时。我们必须要进行改变。
Research shows that one of the best investments we can make in a child's life is high-quality early education. Last year, I asked this Congress to help states make high-quality pre-K available to every four year-old. As a parent as well as a president, I repeat that request tonight. But in the meantime, thirty states have raised pre-k funding on their own. They know we can't wait. So just as we worked with states to reform our schools, this year, we'll invest in new partnerships with states and communities across the country in a race to the top for our youngest children. And as Congress decides what it's going to do, I'm going to pull together a coalition of elected officials, business leaders, and philanthropists willing to help more kids access the high-quality pre-K they need.
调查研究显示,我们能为孩子们做的最好的投资之一就是给他们高质量的学前教育。去年,我要求国会帮助各州为4岁小孩提供高质量的学前教育。作为一名总统,也作为一名家长,今晚,我再次重申这个要求。但与此同时,已经有30个州用自己的预算开展学前教育了,他们知道我们不能再等了。因此,就让我们与各州同行,改革我们的教育吧。今年,我们将会在全国范围内投资各州和社会团体的学前教育,努力达到最高标准。国会将决定下一步的行动,而我将联合官员、商界领袖和慈善家们,让更多的孩子接触到必须的高质量的学前教育。
Last year, I also pledged to connect 99 percent of our students to high-speed broadband over the next four years. Tonight, I can announce that with the support of the FCC and companies like Apple, Microsoft, Sprint, and Verizon, we've got a down payment to start connecting more than 15,000 schools and 20 million students over the next two years, without adding a dime to the deficit.
去年,我呼吁在未来4年里实现99%的学生能够接入宽带。今天,我宣布,我们已经获得了联邦通讯委员会(FCC)和像苹果、微软、斯普林特、威瑞森电信等公司的支持,在不增加一分财政赤字的情况下在未来两年内让1.5万多所学校和2000多万学生用上宽带。
We're working to redesign high schools and partner them with colleges and employers that offer the real-world education and hands-on training that can lead directly to a job and career. We're shaking up our system of higher education to give parents more information, and colleges more incentives to offer better value, so that no middle-class kid is priced out of a college education. We're offering millions the opportunity to cap their monthly student loan payments to ten percent of their income, and I want to work with Congress to see how we can help even more Americans who feel trapped by student loan debt. And I'm reaching out to some of America's leading foundations and corporations on a new initiative to help more young men of color facing tough odds stay on track and reach their full potential.
我们正在重新规划高中教育,让高中与大学、公司真正的连接起来,给学生提供社会所需的教育和实习培训,能他们能够直接适应工作。我们正在重组高等教育体系,给家长们更多的讯息,激励大学提供更有价值的教育,不会让任何一个中产阶级的小孩因为高昂的学费不能读大学。我们给上百万学生提供了只需支付自己每月收入10%的贷款机会,我希望和国会一起合作来帮助更多的学生,即使越来越多的学生因为债务而陷入困境。在一项新倡议中,我会和一些美国顶尖的基金会和公司做一个新项目,即帮助更多不同肤色的年轻人能够继续努力、发挥最大的潜力、实现个人价值。
The bottom line is, Michelle and I want every child to have the same chance this country gave us. But we know our opportunity agenda won't be complete - and too many young people entering the workforce today will see the American Dream as an empty promise - unless we do more to make sure our economy honors the dignity of work, and hard work pays off for every single American.
归根结底,米歇尔和我希望每个孩子都能享受国家给予的同等机会。但是我们都知道我们关于机会的这项议程尚不完善——现在许多已经具有劳动力的年轻人认为美国梦只是一张空头支票——除非我们采取更多措施来确保经济能够尊重劳动的价值而且让他们相信,努力工作能够使每一个美国人受益。
Today, women make up about half our workforce. But they still make 77 cents for every dollar a man earns. That is wrong, and in 2014, it's an embarrassment. A woman deserves equal pay for equal work. She deserves to have a baby without sacrificing her job. A mother deserves a day off to care for a sick child or sick parent without running into hardship - and you know what, a father does, too. It's time to do away with workplace policies that belong in a "Mad Men" episode. This year, let's all come together - Congress, the White House and businesses from Wall Street to Main Street - to give every woman the opportunity she deserves. Because I firmly believe when women succeed, America succeeds.
如今,女士是劳动力的半边天。但是相同的工作,她们只能得到男士们薪酬的77%。这是不合理的,在2014年,这是一个让人尴尬的情况。女士们应该获得与她们工作等价的酬劳。她应该有个孩子但这不是以牺牲她的工作为代价。一位母亲理应有一天的休假去照顾她生病的孩子或者生病的父母而不是陷入工作家庭难兼顾的境地——而且,众所周知,父亲也应该是这样。是时候远离类似《广告狂人》某一集里的工作场所政策了。今年,让我们一起呼吁国会,白宫和来自华尔街或缅因街的企业——给予每位女士应有的权利。因为我坚信,当女士们的事业成功时,美国就成功了。
Now, women hold a majority of lower-wage jobs - but they're not the only ones stifled by stagnant wages. Americans understand that some people will earn more than others, and we don't resent those who, by virtue of their efforts, achieve incredible success. But Americans overwhelmingly agree that no one who works full time should ever have to raise a family in poverty.
现在,女士们占了低收入工作者的大半,她们也不是唯一的被停滞不前的工资困扰的。美国人理解那些高收入者,我们不会嫉妒那些用自己的工作成果创造了令人难以置信的成功的人。但是大多数美国人认为全职工作养家糊口的人不应该处在贫穷中。
In the year since I asked this Congress to raise the minimum wage, five states have passed laws to raise theirs. Many businesses have done it on their own. Nick Chute is here tonight with his boss, John Soranno. John's an owner of Punch Pizza in Minneapolis, and Nick helps make the dough. Only now he makes more of it: John just gave his employees a raise, to ten bucks an hour - a decision that eased their financial stress and boosted their morale.
从我请求国会提高最低工资的那年起,五个州已经出台了提高当地最低工资法律规定。许多企业也实行了这项规定。今晚尼克•邱特和他的的老板约翰•索拉诺都在这里。约翰是明尼阿波里斯市一家匹萨店的老板,尼克帮他做面团。最近他做了些改善:约翰把员工的工资涨到了每小时10美元,这项决定不仅改善了员工的经济压力也提高了员工的士气。
Tonight, I ask more of America's business leaders to follow John's lead and do what you can to raise your employees' wages. To every mayor, governor and state legislator in America, I say, you don't have to wait for Congress to act; Americans will support you if you take this on. And as a chief executive, I intend to lead by example. Profitable corporations like Costco see higher wages as the smart way to boost productivity and reduce turnover. We should too. In the coming weeks, I will issue an executive order requiring federal contractors to pay their federally-funded employees a fair wage of at least $10.10 an hour - because if you cook our troops' meals or wash their dishes, you shouldn't have to live in poverty.
今晚,我希望能有更多的美国企业家能够效仿约翰,尽最大努力地提高员工的工资。对每一位市长、地方长官和州议员,我想说的是,你们不必等到国会的决策出台后再行动,如果你们能执行这项决定,全美国都会支持你们。作为美国总统,我希望能以身作则。像科斯科(美国连锁企业)以创造利润为目标的企业,都把提高员工工资看作是提高生产效率和降低员工离职率的方式。我们也应该采取这种办法。在接下来的几周,我将签发一项总统令,要求联邦承包商付给那些为联邦工作的雇员们的最低工资为10.10美元每小时——因为如果你在为我们的军队做饭或者是洗碗,你不该为维持生计发愁。
Of course, to reach millions more, Congress needs to get on board. Today, the federal minimum wage is worth about 20 percent less than it was when Ronald Reagan first stood here. Tom Harkin and George Miller have a bill to fix that by lifting the minimum wage to $10.10. This will help families. It will give businesses customers with more money to spend. It doesn't involve any new bureaucratic program. So join the rest of the country. Say yes. Give America a raise.
当然,要想达到几百万甚至更多公司提高最低工资,还得国会同意。现在的联邦最低工资比罗纳德•里根第一次站在这里时少20%。在最低工资提高到10.10美元后,汤姆•哈尔金和乔治•米勒将会有一笔账要算。这项总统令可以帮助很多家庭,让企业的客户们有更多的钱消费。而且它没有卷入任何具有官僚主义的政治项目里。所以希望国家的其它地方加入到这个计划进来,与美国一起进步。
There are other steps we can take to help families make ends meet, and few are more effective at reducing inequality and helping families pull themselves up through hard work than the earned income tax credit. Right now, it helps about half of all parents at some point. But I agree with Republicans like Sen. Rubio that it doesn't do enough for single workers who don't have kids. So let's work together to strengthen the credit, reward work, and help more Americans get ahead.
我们也可以采取其他措施实现各个家庭收支相抵。在减少不平等现象、帮助家庭改善现状方面,减免所得税额似乎更能达到该目的。现在它已在一定程度上帮助了大约半数的家庭。不过,我也同意共和党参议员鲁比奥先生的看法,这对尚无孩子的单身工人来说还远远不够。那就让我们一同协作,加强税收减免,奖励工作,让更多美国人实现富裕。
Let's do more to help Americans save for retirement. Today, most workers don't have a pension. A Social Security check often isn't enough on its own. And while the stock market has doubled over the last five years, that doesn't help folks who don't have 401ks. That's why, tomorrow, I will direct the Treasury to create a new way for working Americans to start their own retirement savings: MyRA. It's a new savings bond that encourages folks to build a nest egg. MyRA guarantees a decent return with no risk of losing what you put in. And if this Congress wants to help, work with me to fix an upside-down tax code that gives big tax breaks to help the wealthy save, but does little to nothing for middle-class Americans. Offer every American access to an automatic IRA on the job, so they can save at work just like everyone in this chamber can. And since the most important investment many families make is their home, send me legislation that protects taxpayers from footing the bill for a housing crisis ever again, and keeps the dream of homeownership alive for future generations of Americans.
让我们一起帮助民众为退休储蓄。如今大多数员工都没有退休金。单靠一张社会保险金的支票是不够的。虽然过去五年里股票市场翻了一番,但这并没能帮到那些未加入401k退休计划的人。因此明天我会指示财政部创造一种新方式,确保工作人群可以开始为退休储蓄,它就是“我的退休账户(MyRA)”——一种鼓励人们创建新账户的新型储蓄债券,可确保人们存钱后无任何赔钱的风险,未来也会有一笔可观的收入。如果这一届国会想出一份力,那就和我一起修复原先那个糟糕的免税代码——它提供的税务减免有助于富人储蓄,对中产阶级的民众却无多大帮助。让每个工作的美国人都能自动拥有“个人退休金账户(IRA)”,这样他们就可以跟在场的各位一样为退休储蓄。由于很多家庭进行的最重要的投资就是他们的家,因此我们要通过立法,确保纳税人不再为住房危机埋单,让美国未来的世世代代保持着拥有住房的梦想。
One last point on financial security. For decades, few things exposed hard-working families to economic hardship more than a broken health care system. And in case you haven't heard, we're in the process of fixing that.
关于财政保障我再提最后一点。数十年来,没有什么会比一个失败的医保体制更能让勤劳努力的家庭陷入经济困难的境地。如果你们还不清楚情况的话,那么我告诉你们,我们正在修复这个体制。
A pre-existing condition used to mean that someone like Amanda Shelley, a physician assistant and single mom from Arizona, couldn't get health insurance. But on January 1st, she got covered. On January 3rd, she felt a sharp pain. On January 6th, she had emergency surgery. Just one week earlier, Amanda said, that surgery would've meant bankruptcy.
“已有疾病情况”指的就是像阿曼达•谢莉这一类人,她是亚利桑那州的一名医师助理,也是一位单亲妈妈,原先没有健康保险。但是1月1日,她有了医保。1月3日,她感觉到一阵疼痛。1月6日,她接受了紧急手术。一周前,她说如果没有保险,那次手术就会意味着破产。
That's what health insurance reform is all about - the peace of mind that if misfortune strikes, you don't have to lose everything.
所以这就是为什么要进行医保改革,这样不幸降临时你就能平常心面对,你也不用失去一切。
Already, because of the Affordable Care Act, more than 3 million Americans under age 26 have gained coverage under their parents' plans.
现在,由于平价医疗法案,300多万26岁以下的年轻人加入了父母的医疗保险计划。
More than 9 million Americans have signed up for private health insurance or Medicaid coverage.
900多万美国人已经注册了私人医疗保险或针对穷人的医疗补助计划。
And here's another number: zero. Because of this law, no American can ever again be dropped or denied coverage for a pre-existing condition like asthma, back pain, or cancer. No woman can ever be charged more just because she's a woman. And we did all this while adding years to Medicare's finances, keeping Medicare premiums flat, and lowering prescription costs for millions of seniors.
再说一个数字:0。由于这项法案,再也不会有美国人因为哮喘、背痛或癌症这样的已有疾病而享受不到医疗保险。再也不会有女性因为自己的性别而要多支付费用。同时,我们也在继续提供资金支持老年保健医疗计划,保持其保费稳定,并为无数老年人降低处方药成本。
Now, I don't expect to convince my Republican friends on the merits of this law. But I know that the American people aren't interested in refighting old battles. So again, if you have specific plans to cut costs, cover more people, and increase choice - tell America what you'd do differently. Let's see if the numbers add up. But let's not have another forty-something votes to repeal a law that's already helping millions of Americans like Amanda. The first 40 were plenty. We got it. We all owe it to the American people to say what we're for, not just what we're against.
如今,我并不期待我的共和党朋友们能信服这部法案的益处。但我知道美国民众对为此再产生分歧也不感兴趣。因此,我又要说,如果你有确定的计划可以削减成本,那就覆盖更多的民众,增加更多的选择,告诉美国人民你做的有什么不同。让我们拭目以待,看看数字是否会增长。但让我们不要再为废除这项已经帮助了数百万美国民众的法案举行更多次投票了,之前的40多次已经足够了。我们已经明了。我们应该为美国民众说出支持什么,而不仅仅是反对什么。
And if you want to know the real impact this law is having, just talk to Gov. Steve Beshear of Kentucky, who's here tonight. Kentucky's not the most liberal part of the country, but he's like a man possessed when it comes to covering his commonwealth's families. "They are our friends and neighbors," he said. "They are people we shop and go to church with.farmers out on the tractors . grocery clerks . they are people who go to work every morning praying they don't get sick. No one deserves to live that way."
如果你想了解这部法案的真实影响,就和肯塔基州州长史蒂夫•贝希尔聊聊吧,他今晚也在现场。肯塔基州在美国算不上最开明,但在推行医改法案上,他做得非常出色。他说:“民众是我们的朋友,我们的邻居,与我们一起搭伴购物和去教堂,有驾驶拖拉机的农场主,也有杂货店的职员。他们每天早晨上班时祈祷自己不要生病。没人应该过那样的生活。”
Steve's right. That's why, tonight, I ask every American who knows someone without health insurance to help them get covered by March 31st. Moms, get on your kids to sign up. Kids, call your mom and walk her through the application. It will give her some peace of mind - plus, she'll appreciate hearing from you.
史蒂夫是对的。这也是为什么我想在今晚请认识无医保人士的人帮助他们在3月31日前购买医保。母亲们,请给孩子们购买医保,孩子们,也请你们让你的母亲购买医保,这会让她的心情更加平静,而且她将感激你的建议。
After all, that's the spirit that has always moved this nation forward. It's the spirit of citizenship - the recognition that through hard work and responsibility, we can pursue our individual dreams, but still come together as one American family to make sure the next generation can pursue its dreams as well.
正是这种精神鼓励美国前进。正是这种公民精神,通过辛苦工作和承担责任而来的精神,使得我们每个人可以追求自己的梦想。但我们仍要团结为统一的美国大家庭,这样才能确保我们的下一代也可以追求他们的梦想。
Citizenship means standing up for everyone's right to vote. Last year, part of the Voting Rights Act was weakened. But conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats are working together to strengthen it; and the bipartisan commission I appointed last year has offered reforms so that no one has to wait more than a half hour to vote. Let's support these efforts. It should be the power of our vote, not the size of our bank account, that drives our democracy.
公民权意味着支持每个人的选举权。在去年,《选举权法》部分遭到弱化。但保守的共和党和自由的民主党正一起努力加强其实施,并且去年我任命的两党委员会提出了改革举措,因此没人需要再为投票等上半个小时了。让我们支持这些努力。我们投票的力量,而非我们的银行账户,使得我们走向民主。
Citizenship means standing up for the lives that gun violence steals from us each day. I have seen the courage of parents, students, pastors and police officers all over this country who say "we are not afraid," and I intend to keep trying, with or without Congress, to help stop more tragedies from visiting innocent Americans in our movie theaters, shopping malls, or schools like Sandy Hook.
公民权意味着为每天丧身枪击案的生命大声疾呼。我见证了全美各地父母、学生、牧师和警察的努力,他们说“我们不害怕”;我也要一直努力,不管是否通过国会,防止我们的电影院、超市、或者桑迪胡克小学那样的学校发生更多的枪击案悲剧,防止无辜的美国民众命丧枪口。
Citizenship demands a sense of common cause; participation in the hard work of self-government; an obligation to serve to our communities. And I know this chamber agrees that few Americans give more to their country than our diplomats and the men and women of the United States Armed Forces.
公民权需要大家感到在为共同的事业而付出努力,参与到自治政府的工作中,并且承担服务社区的义务。美国的外交官和军队为美国做出了巨大的贡献。
Tonight, because of the extraordinary troops and civilians who risk and lay down their lives to keep us free, the United States is more secure. When I took office, nearly 180,000 Americans were serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, all our troops are out of Iraq. More than 60,000 of our troops have already come home from Afghanistan. With Afghan forces now in the lead for their own security, our troops have moved to a support role. Together with our allies, we will complete our mission there by the end of this year, and America's longest war will finally be over.
今晚,因为杰出的军人和一些民众冒着危险保护我们,美国才更加安全。在我就职时,有近18万美国人正在伊拉克和阿富汗服役。今天,美军已经完全撤离伊拉克,并已从阿富汗撤军超过6万人。现在阿富汗的安全已由阿富汗军队负责,美军仅提供一些支持。我们将在年底与盟国一起结束在阿富汗的作战任务,美国在国外的长期作战终于要结束了。
After 2014, we will support a unified Afghanistan as it takes responsibility for its own future. If the Afghan government signs a security agreement that we have negotiated, a small force of Americans could remain in Afghanistan with NATO allies to carry out two narrow missions: training and assisting Afghan forces, and counterterrorism operations to pursue any remnants of al-Qaida. For while our relationship with Afghanistan will change, one thing will not: our resolve that terrorists do not launch attacks against our country.
So, even as we aggressively pursue terrorist networks - through more targeted efforts and by building the capacity of our foreign partners - America must move off a permanent war footing. That's why I've imposed prudent limits on the use of drones - for we will not be safer if people abroad believe we strike within their countries without regard for the consequence. That's why, working with this Congress, I will reform our surveillance programs - because the vital work of our intelligence community depends on public confidence, here and abroad, that the privacy of ordinary people is not being violated. And with the Afghan war ending, this needs to be the year Congress lifts the remaining restrictions on detainee transfers and we close the prison at Guantanamo Bay - because we counter terrorism not just through intelligence and military action, but by remaining true to our constitutional ideals, and setting an example for the rest of the world.
因此,尽管我们通过更定向的努力,通过提高盟国的能力,积极追击恐怖网络,美国必须远离长期战争。这就是我为何限制使用无人机,因为如果国外的人认为我们不顾后果地轰炸他们的国家,我们难以更安全。这就是为何,通过与国会合作,我将改革我们的监控项目,因为我们情报机构重要的工作有赖于国内外公众的信任,普通人的隐私不得侵犯。随着阿富汗战争结束,需要国会取消转移囚犯和关闭关塔那摩监狱的其他限制,因为我们不仅仅通过情报和军事行动反恐,还依靠忠于我们的宪法理念,为世界树立典范。
You see, in a world of complex threats, our security and leadership depends on all elements of our power - including strong and principled diplomacy. American diplomacy has rallied more than fifty countries to prevent nuclear materials from falling into the wrong hands, and allowed us to reduce our own reliance on Cold War stockpiles. American diplomacy, backed by the threat of force, is why Syria's chemical weapons are being eliminated, and we will continue to work with the international community to usher in the future the Syrian people deserve - a future free of dictatorship, terror and fear. As we speak, American diplomacy is supporting Israelis and Palestinians as they engage in difficult but necessary talks to end the conflict there; to achieve dignity and an independent state for Palestinians, and lasting peace and security for the State of Israel - a Jewish state that knows America will always be at their side.
你们看,面对世界纷繁紧张的局势,我们的安全保障和领导地位取决于我们各个力量的配合,当然也包括我们国家强有力而有原则的外交能力。我们通过外交手段,号召了全球50个国家为阻止核原料落入不法分子手中而一起努力,同时呼吁减少对冷战时期库存的依赖。美国的外交策略以武力威胁作为后盾,这也是为什么通过美国外交的能力,叙利亚的化学武器能被摧毁。在日后,我们将继续与国际社会一道让叙利亚人民能在一个没有独裁统治,恐怖组织和恐惧担忧的社会下生活。就像上述提到的,美国的外交还为陷入僵局的以色列和巴勒斯坦两国创造机会,对结束两国间的斗争进行了重要交谈;使巴勒斯坦的人民能实现国家独立,有尊严的生活,让以色列的人民能享受长久和平和安定——任何一个犹太国家的人民都知道,美国将会永远支持你们。
And it is American diplomacy, backed by pressure, that has halted the progress of Iran's nuclear program - and rolled parts of that program back - for the very first time in a decade. As we gather here tonight, Iran has begun to eliminate its stockpile of higher levels of enriched uranium. It is not installing advanced centrifuges. Unprecedented inspections help the world verify, every day, that Iran is not building a bomb. And with our allies and partners, we're engaged in negotiations to see if we can peacefully achieve a goal we all share: preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.
正是在美国的外交努力下,在外部压力的支持下,我们成功使伊朗终止了核计划项目——这也是十年来首次终止项目进程。今晚,当我们聚集在这里时,伊朗已经开始拆除高浓缩铀储备。伊朗不在安装离心机设备。全面的巡查已经开展,每天进行监控,以保证伊朗不会制造核弹。并且在盟友和伙伴的参与下,我们正在协商,以期望达成一个共同目的:阻止伊朗获得核武器。
These negotiations will be difficult. They may not succeed. We are clear-eyed about Iran's support for terrorist organizations like Hezbollah, which threaten our allies; and the mistrust between our nations cannot be wished away. But these negotiations do not rely on trust; any long-term deal we agree to must be based on verifiable action that convinces us and the international community that Iran is not building a nuclear bomb. If John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan could negotiate with the Soviet union , then surely a strong and confident America can negotiate with less powerful adversaries today.
这次的协商讨论可能会遇到困难,也有可能无法达成一致。但对于受到伊朗支持的恐怖组织例如真主党,对于他们给盟友带来的威胁,对于两国间不能消除的疑虑,我们看的清清楚楚。然而,这次的的协商并不依赖于信任,任何达成一致的长期的协议都是基于实际的行动,那样才能使我们与国际社会相信,伊朗并没有在制造核武器。如果约翰•F•肯尼迪和罗纳德•里根能与苏联进行谈判,那么在今天,强大而又自信的美国可与次强大的对手进行谈判。
The sanctions that we put in place helped make this opportunity possible. But let me be clear: if this Congress sends me a new sanctions bill now that threatens to derail these talks, I will veto it. For the sake of our national security, we must give diplomacy a chance to succeed. If Iran's leaders do not seize this opportunity, then I will be the first to call for more sanctions, and stand ready to exercise all options to make sure Iran does not build a nuclear weapon. But if Iran's leaders do seize the chance, then Iran could take an important step to rejoin the community of nations, and we will have resolved one of the leading security challenges of our time without the risks of war.
而我们实施的制裁正为这一机会提供可能性。但也请允许阐明我的观点:如果国会现在送我一个新的制裁法案,而可能会阻碍这次会谈,很可能我将否决它。但为了国家的安全,我们必须给外交一次成功的机会。但如果伊朗的领导人没有抓住这次的橄榄枝,那么我将首先呼吁更多的制裁,并随时准备采取任何方案以确保伊朗不会制造核武器。但如果伊朗的领导人能通力合作,那么伊朗将有机会为重新加入国际社会而迈出重要一步。这样我们将不会采取武力手段解决这个时代主要安全问题之一的难题。
Finally, let's remember that our leadership is defined not just by our defense against threats, but by the enormous opportunities to do good and promote understanding around the globe - to forge greater cooperation, to expand new markets, to free people from fear and want. And no one is better positioned to take advantage of those opportunities than America.
最后,让我们记住,我们的领导力不仅仅是由防御威胁的成绩决定,更重要的是,通过良机为促进世界各国的理解而进行推进——打造更广的合作关系,拓展新市场,使人民免于恐惧,心生希望。而这一切没有谁能比美国更适合,能好好的应用这些良机。
Our alliance with Europe remains the strongest the world has ever known. From Tunisia to Burma, we're supporting those who are willing to do the hard work of building democracy. In Ukraine, we stand for the principle that all people have the right to express themselves freely and peacefully, and have a say in their country's future. Across Africa, we're bringing together businesses and governments to double access to electricity and help end extreme poverty. In the Americas, we are building new ties of commerce, but we're also expanding cultural and educational exchanges among young people. And we will continue to focus on the Asia-Pacific, where we support our allies, shape a future of greater security and prosperity, and extend a hand to those devastated by disaster - as we did in the Philippines, when our Marines and civilians rushed to aid those battered by a typhoon, and were greeted with words like, "We will never forget your kindness" and "God bless America!"
我们与欧洲的联盟迄今为止仍然是世界上最稳固的。从突尼斯到缅甸,我们支持那些愿意努力建立民主的国家。在乌克兰,我们坚持这样的原则,即所有人都有自由、和平地表达自己见解的权利,并对自己国家的未来都有发言权。在整个非洲,我们的政府和企业联手,正加速给当地通电,并帮助消除极度贫困。在拉丁美洲,我们建立了新的商务关系,但我们也在年轻人中拓展了文化和教育领域的交流。我们将继续聚焦亚太,在该地区支持我们的盟友,为该地区构建一个更加安全和繁荣的未来,并对那些遭受灾难的国家施以援手——就像我们在菲律宾做的,我们的海军陆战队和平民竞相帮助那些遭遇台风袭击的人们,菲律宾民众用这样的话语感谢我们“我们永不会忘记你们的恩德”和“天佑美利坚!”
We do these things because they help promote our long-term security. And we do them because we believe in the inherent dignity and equality of every human being, regardless of race or religion, creed or sexual orientation. And next week, the world will see one expression of that commitment - when Team USA marches the red, white, and blue into the Olympic Stadium - and brings home the gold.
我们所做的这些事情帮助促进了我们的长期安全。我们这么做是因为我们坚信无论种族,信仰或性别,人人生而平等并有尊严。下周,世界将看到我们所承诺的表现——美国队高举红白蓝的国旗进入奥林匹克体育场——并带着金牌回家。
My fellow Americans, no other country in the world does what we do. On every issue, the world turns to us, not simply because of the size of our economy or our military might - but because of the ideals we stand for, and the burdens we bear to advance them.
美国同胞们,世界上没有别的国家能做到我们所做的。在每个问题上,世界都会征求我们的意见,不仅仅是因为我们的经济规模或我们的军事实力——而是因为我们所坚持的理念,和我们帮助他们进步所承担的责任。
No one knows this better than those who serve in uniform. As this time of war draws to a close, a new generation of heroes returns to civilian life. We'll keep slashing that backlog so our veterans receive the benefits they've earned, and our wounded warriors receive the health care - including the mental health care - that they need. We'll keep working to help all our veterans translate their skills and leadership into jobs here at home. And we all continue to join forces to honor and support our remarkable military families.
没有人比军人更了解这点了。随着这次的战争接近尾声,新一代的英雄们将重返平民生活。我们会继续削减沉滞,以使我们的老兵能享受他们争取到的福祉,我们受伤的战士能得到所需的康复治疗——包括精神康复治疗。我们将继续工作,来帮助我们的老兵转换技能,在新岗位上再建伟绩。我们所有人将继续联合起来,爱戴并支持我们非同凡响的军人家属。
Let me tell you about one of those families I've come to know.
我来说一个我所知道的军人家庭。
I first met Cory Remsburg, a proud Army Ranger, at Omaha Beach on the 65th anniversary of D-Day. Along with some of his fellow Rangers, he walked me through the program - a strong, impressive young man, with an easy manner, sharp as a tack. We joked around, and took pictures, and I told him to stay in touch.
我第一次见到克里•瑞斯堡是在诺曼底登陆65年纪念日那天的奥马哈海滩。在游骑兵同伴的陪同下,他按原定计划走向我——他是个强壮、令人印象深刻的年轻人,举止随和,风度翩翩。我们相互打趣,拍照,我告诉他要保持联系。
A few months later, on his 10th deployment, Cory was nearly killed by a massive roadside bomb in Afghanistan. His comrades found him in a canal, face down, underwater, shrapnel in his brain.
几个月后,在瑞斯堡第十次被派往阿富汗时,他几乎被一个威力巨大的路边炸弹炸死。他的战友在沟里找到了他,他脸朝下躺在水里,炮弹的碎片炸开了他的脑袋。
For months, he lay in a coma. The next time I met him, in the hospital, he couldn't speak; he could barely move. Over the years, he's endured dozens of surgeries and procedures, and hours of grueling rehab every day.
他在医院里昏迷了几个月。我再次在医院里见到他的时候,他不能说话,并且几乎不能动。这些年来,他每天经历很多个手术和治疗,并花数个小时做康复运动。
Even now, Cory is still blind in one eye. He still struggles on his left side. But slowly, steadily, with the support of caregivers like his dad Craig, and the community around him, Cory has grown stronger. Day by day, he's learned to speak again and stand again and walk again - and he's working toward the day when he can serve his country again.
目前,瑞斯堡的一只眼仍是瞎的。他身体的左半部分仍处于瘫痪状态。但慢慢地,稳定地,在像他的爸爸克雷格和他周边社区的照料者的帮助下,科里越来越健康了。日复一日,他又学会了说话,又一次站起来并走路了—— 而且他一直在为能再次为他的国家效力而努力着。
"My recovery has not been easy," he says. "Nothing in life that's worth anything is easy."
“我的康复很艰难。”他说,“生活中值得付出的事情没有什么是容易的。”
Cory is here tonight. And like the Army he loves, like the America he serves, Sgt. 1st Class Cory Remsburg never gives up, and he does not quit.
瑞斯堡今晚就在现场。就像他热爱的军队,就像他为之服务的美国,一级中士克里从不放弃,从不退缩。
My fellow Americans, men and women like Cory remind us that America has never come easy. Our freedom, our democracy, has never been easy. Sometimes we stumble; we make mistakes; we get frustrated or discouraged. But for more than two hundred years, we have put those things aside and placed our collective shoulder to the wheel of progress - to create and build and expand the possibilities of individual achievement; to free other nations from tyranny and fear; to promote justice, and fairness, and equality under the law, so that the words set to paper by our founders are made real for every citizen. The America we want for our kids - a rising America where honest work is plentiful and communities are strong; where prosperity is widely shared and opportunity for all lets us go as far as our dreams and toil will take us - none of it is easy. But if we work together; if we summon what is best in us, with our feet planted firmly in today but our eyes cast towards tomorrow - I know it's within our reach.
同胞们,像瑞斯堡这样的男人和女人提醒我们美国的今日来之不易。我们的自由、民主来之不易。我们有时会步履蹒跚;我们有时会犯错;我们有时会感到沮丧或气馁。但超过两百年来,我们将这些阻碍弃之一边,汇集我们集体的力量推动着进步之轮——去创造、构建和拓展个人获得成就的可能性;去帮助别国的民众摆脱暴政和恐惧;去促进法制下的正义、公平和平等,让我们的开国者设为宪法的文字真正施惠给每一位公民。我们想为我们的孩子们留下这样的美国——一个不断进步的美国,在这里诚实劳动是主流,社区强大;在这里人们共享繁荣,人人机会均等;让我们追寻自己的梦想,让艰苦奋斗带我们前行——没有什么是容易的。但是,只要我们共同努力,只要我们拿出最好的自己,用我们的双手在今天辛勤耕耘,但将我们的眼睛投向明天——我知道我们必将成功。
Believe it.
请你们相信。
God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.
愿上帝保佑你们,愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
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华盛顿当地时间1月20日晚9时(北京时间21日上午10时),美国总统奥巴马身着标志性黑色西装,准时现身国会开始进行2015年国情咨文演讲,这也是他任内第六份国情咨文。下面是由读文网小编整理的2015奥巴马国情咨文演讲稿,提供中英文对照,欢迎阅读。
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:
议长先生,副总统先生,国会议员们,美国同胞们:
We are 15 years into this new century. Fifteen years that dawned with terror touching our shores; that unfolded with a new generation fighting two long and costly wars; that saw a vicious recession spread across our nation and the world. It has been, and still is, a hard time for many。
我们跨入新世纪已经15年了。新世纪一开始,我们就遭受了恐怖袭击,新一代人就投入了两场旷日持久而又代价昂贵的战争,后来又发生了席卷全国乃至全球的恶性衰退。对很多人来说,那时候是,现在也仍然是一段艰难的时期。
But tonight, we turn the page. Tonight, after a breakthrough year for America, our economy is growing and creating jobs at the fastest pace since 1999. Our unemployment rate is now lower than it was before the financial crisis. More of our kids are graduating than ever before. More of our people are insured than ever before. And we are as free from the grip of foreign oil as we've been in almost 30 years。
但是今天晚上,我们将翻开新的一页。今晚,在美国取得了突破性进展的一年后,我们的经济在增长,新的就业机会在以1999年以来最快的速度增加。我们现在的失业率甚至低于金融危机之前。从学校毕业的孩子人数比以往任何时候都多,得到医疗保障的民众也超过以往,我们还打破了过去近30年一直依赖外国石油的状态。
Tonight, for the first time since 9/11, our combat mission in Afghanistan is over. Six years ago, nearly 180,000 American troops served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, fewer than 15,000 remain. And we salute the courage and sacrifice of every man and woman in this 9/11 Generation who has served to keep us safe. We are humbled and grateful for your service。
今晚,我们自9·11恐怖袭击以来首次结束了在阿富汗的战斗任务。6年前,将近18万美国军人在阿富汗或是伊拉克服役,今天,留守那里的只有不到15000人。我们向9·11之后一代服役的男女军人所付出的牺牲和所展示的勇气表示敬意,因为他们的守护,我们得以安全。我们对你们的服务充满敬意和感激。
America, for all that we have endured; for all the grit and hard work required to come back; for all the tasks that lie ahead, know this: The shadow of crisis has passed, and the State of the union is strong。
美国同胞,为了我们所承受的一切,为了重振所需要的努力和辛苦工作,为了面前的任务,我们应该明白:危机的阴影已过去,我们的国家现在很强大。
At this moment -- with a growing economy, shrinking deficits, bustling industry, booming energy production -- we have risen from recession freer to write our own future than any other nation on Earth. It's now up to us to choose who we want to be over the next 15 years and for decades to come。
此时此刻,随着我们经济的发展、财政赤字的缩减、工业的兴旺发展、以及能源生产的蒸蒸日上,我们摆脱了经济衰退,比地球上任何其他国家都更加自由地书写我们的未来。现在我们可以自主选择我们未来十五年、乃至未来的几十年要成为什么样子。
Will we accept an economy where only a few of us do spectacularly well? Or will we commit ourselves to an economy that generates rising incomes and chances for everyone who makes the effort?
我们要接受一种只有极个别人能大发横财的经济?还是应该致力于发展使每一个努力的人都能够增加收入、得到机会的经济?
Will we approach the world fearful and reactive, dragged into costly conflicts that strain our military and set back our standing? Or will we lead wisely, using all elements of our power to defeat new threats and protect our planet?
我们是否要以一种恐惧和被动的姿态来应对这个世界,被卷入昂贵的冲突,消耗我们的军力,并削弱我们的地位?还是要以一种明智的姿态来引导,尽我们的所能,击败这些新的威胁并保护我们的星球?
Will we allow ourselves to be sorted into factions and turned against one another? Or will we recapture the sense of common purpose that has always propelled America forward?
我们是否要允许自己卷入派别纷争,互相打击?还是我们要重新找到让美国前行的共同目标?
In two weeks, I will send this Congress a budget filled with ideas that are practical, not partisan. And in the months ahead, I'll crisscross the country making a case for those ideas. So tonight, I want to focus less on a checklist of proposals, and focus more on the values at stake in the choices before us。
再过两个星期,我就要向国会递交预算。这个预算里都是现实的想法,并无党派之见。接下来的几个月,我会遍访全国为这些想法争取支持。今天晚上,我不想花太多时间列出这些议题,而是着重谈谈摆在我们面前的选择当中涉及的价值观。
It begins with our economy. Seven years ago, Rebekah and Ben Erler of Minneapolis were newlyweds. She waited tables. He worked construction. Their first child, Jack, was on the way. They were young and in love in America. And it doesn't get much better than that. "If only we had known," Rebekah wrote to me last spring, "what was about to happen to the housing and construction market."
首先让我们谈谈经济。七年前,明尼阿波利斯的瑞贝卡和本•艾勒是一对新婚夫妇。瑞贝卡是饭店服务员,艾勒在建筑工地上班,他们当时即将迎来第一个孩子杰克。他们很年轻,在美国相爱,没有什么比这更好的了。瑞贝卡去年春天写信给我称:“如果我们当时知道住房和建筑市场将发生什么就好了。”
As the crisis worsened, Ben's business dried up, so he took what jobs he could find, even if they kept him on the road for long stretches of time. Rebekah took out student loans and enrolled in community college, and retrained for a new career. They sacrificed for each other. And slowly, it paid off. They bought their first home. They had a second son, Henry. Rebekah got a better job and then a raise. Ben is back in construction -- and home for dinner every night。
随着危机恶化,本的生意越来越少,他只能做他能找到的工作,即便这些工作让他花漫长的时间在路上。瑞贝卡办理了学生贷款,在社区大学上学,为一份新的职业生涯培训。他们为彼此牺牲。慢慢地,他们的努力得到了回报,他们买了首套房子,他们有了第二个儿子亨利。瑞贝卡找到了一份更好的工作,还加了薪。本也重返建筑业,每天晚上能回家吃晚餐。
"It is amazing," Rebekah wrote, "what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times."
瑞贝卡写道:“这是令人惊奇的,你在被迫的情况下东山再起,我们是一个强有力的、关系密切的家庭,我们一起熬过了一段非常非常艰难的时刻。”
America, Rebekah and Ben's story is our story. They represent the millions who have worked hard and scrimped, and sacrificed and retooled. You are the reason that I ran for this office. You are the people I was thinking of six years ago today, in the darkest months of the crisis, when I stood on the steps of this Capitol and promised we would rebuild our economy on a new foundation. And it has been your resilience, your effort that has made it possible for our country to emerge stronger。
美国同胞们,瑞贝卡和本的故事就是我们的故事,他们代表着那些努力工作,精打细算,作出牺牲,重新培训的数百万人。你们是我竞选总统职位的原因。在那个危机最黑暗的岁月里,你们是我六年前的那一天所想到的人,那天当我站在国会山的台阶上,承诺我们将在一个新的基石上重建我们的经济。你们的努力和坚韧,使美国在危机过后变得更加强大成为可能。
We believed we could reverse the tide of outsourcing and draw new jobs to our shores. And over the past five years, our businesses have created more than 11 million new jobs。
我们相信,我们能够扭转劳务外包的势头,将新就业机会带回国内。在过去五年期间,我国企业创造了1100多万个新就业机会。
We believed we could reduce our dependence on foreign oil and protect our planet. And today, America is number one in oil and gas. America is number one in wind power. Every three weeks, we bring online as much solar power as we did in all of 2008. And thanks to lower gas prices and higher fuel standards, the typical family this year should save about $750 at the pump。
我们相信,我们能够降低对外国石油的依赖,并保护我们的地球。如今,美国的石油和天然气产量位居世界第一。美国的风力发电量位居世界首位。我国每三个星期产出的太阳能,就相当于2008年的总量。由于石油价格下跌和燃料标准提高,一个典型的美国家庭今年会节省750美元油费。
We believed we could prepare our kids for a more competitive world. And today, our younger students have earned the highest math and reading scores on record. Our high school graduation rate has hit an all-time high. More Americans finish college than ever before。
我们相信,我们能够使我们的孩子们为面对一个更具有竞争性的世界做好准备。现在,我国年轻学生们的数学和阅读分数都达到了前所未有的水平。我国的高中生毕业率也达到历史新高。完成大学学业的人数超过了以往任何一个时期。
We believed that sensible regulations could prevent another crisis, shield families from ruin, and encourage fair competition. Today, we have new tools to stop taxpayer-funded bailouts, and a new consumer watchdog to protect us from predatory lending and abusive credit card practices. And in the past year alone, about 10 million uninsured Americans finally gained the security of health coverage。
我们相信,明智的规章能够避免另一场危机,使家庭免于被毁,并鼓励公平竞争。如今,我们拥有新手段,不再使用纳税人的钱来救助企业;我们拥有新的消费者监管机构,保护我们免受掠夺性借贷和信用卡违规行为之害。仅在去年一年,就有大约一千万没有医保的美国人终于得到医疗保险。
At every step, we were told our goals were misguided or too ambitious; that we would crush jobs and explode deficits. Instead, we've seen the fastest economic growth in over a decade, our deficits cut by two-thirds, a stock market that has doubled, and health care inflation at its lowest rate in 50 years. This is good news, people。
在我们采取每个步骤时,我们曾被警告:我们的目标被误导,或者过于雄心壮志,我们将破坏就业或使赤字大幅增长。但与这些观点相反的是,我们看到了过去十年最快的经济增长,我们的赤字减少了三分之二,股市市值翻了一倍,医疗通货膨胀率是过去50年来最低的。这是个好消息,同胞们。
So the verdict is clear. Middle-class economics works. Expanding opportunity works. And these policies will continue to work as long as politics don't get in the way. We can't slow down businesses or put our economy at risk with government shutdowns or fiscal showdowns. We can't put the security of families at risk by taking away their health insurance, or unraveling the new rules on Wall Street, or refighting past battles on immigration when we've got to fix a broken system. And if a bill comes to my desk that tries to do any of these things, I will veto it. It will have earned my veto。
因此,结论是明确的。中产阶级经济行之有效。扩大机会行之有效。只要政治权术不予掣肘,这些政策就将继续行之有效。我们不能允许政府机构关闭或财政关门迫使企业活动放缓,或使我国经济面临危险。我们不能让家庭安全面临危险,所以我们不能剥夺家庭的医保,不能取消针对华尔街的新规则,不能在我们需要休整一个破败不堪的机制时,再为移民[微博]问题争执不休。如果哪个议案想做以上任何一件事,一旦送交到我办工桌上,我将予以否决。它必将获得我的否决票。
Today, thanks to a growing economy, the recovery is touching more and more lives. Wages are finally starting to rise again. We know that more small business owners plan to raise their employees' pay than at any time since 2007. But here's the thing: Those of us here tonight, we need to set our sights higher than just making sure government doesn't screw things up; that government doesn't halt the progress we're making. We need to do more than just do no harm. Tonight, together, let's do more to restore the link between hard work and growing opportunity for every American。
现在,由于经济不断增长,越来越多的人受到经济振兴的影响。工资水平终于开始再次上升。我们知道,自2007年以来,从未有任何一个时期比现在有更多的小企业主计划提高雇员的工资。但需要注意一点,今晚在座诸位需要把眼光放得更远,不能仅仅是确保政府不去阻碍我们正在取得的进步。我们需要做得更多,而不仅是不造成损害。今晚,让我们共同采取更多措施,重建努力工作与每个美国人获得更多机会之间的纽带。
Because families like Rebekah's still need our help. She and Ben are working as hard as ever, but they've had to forego vacations and a new car so that they can pay off student loans and save for retirement. Friday night pizza, that's a big splurge. Basic childcare for Jack and Henry costs more than their mortgage, and almost as much as a year at the University of Minnesota. Like millions of hardworking Americans, Rebekah isn't asking for a handout, but she is asking that we look for more ways to help families get ahead。
因为,像瑞贝卡这样的家庭仍需要我们的帮助。她和本比任何时候都要努力工作,但不得不放弃休假和购买新车,以支付贷款和为退休存钱。杰克和亨利的基本儿童护理费用超出了房贷费用,几乎相当于明尼苏达州立大学一年的学费。与数百万努力工作的美国人一样,瑞贝卡并不是在讨要施舍,但她在要求我们找到更多帮助改善家庭生活的方法。
And in fact, at every moment of economic change throughout our history, this country has taken bold action to adapt to new circumstances and to make sure everyone gets a fair shot. We set up worker protections, Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid to protect ourselves from the harshest adversity. We gave our citizens schools and colleges, infrastructure and the Internet -- tools they needed to go as far as their effort and their dreams will take them。
实际上,在我国历史上的每个经济变化时刻,美国都采取果敢行动以适应新环境,确保每个人都得到公平的机会。我们采取了工人保护、社保、医保以及医疗救助等措施,保护我们免于陷入最困难的处境。我们为我国公民提供了基础教育和高等教育、基础设施和互联网,他们需要这些手段使自己的努力获得最大成果。
That's what middle-class economics is -- the idea that this country does best when everyone gets their fair shot, everyone does their fair share, everyone plays by the same set of rules. We don't just want everyone to share in America's success, we want everyone to contribute to our success。
这就是中产阶级经济,只要每个人获得公平的机会,每个人做出公平的贡献,每个人遵循同样的规则,美国就能发展得最好。我们不仅希望每个人共享美国的成功,也希望每个人都为美国的成功做出贡献。
So what does middle-class economics require in our time?
那么,如今中产阶级经济需要的是什么呢?
First, middle-class economics means helping working families feel more secure in a world of constant change. That means helping folks afford childcare, college, health care, a home, retirement. And my budget will address each of these issues, lowering the taxes of working families and putting thousands of dollars back into their pockets each year。
首先,中产阶级经济意味着帮助劳工家庭在一个不断变化的世界中感到更安全。这意味着帮助他们支付育儿费、大学学费、医保、住宅和退休费用——我的预算案将分别应对这些问题,削减劳工家庭的税收以及每年把数千美元放回他们的口袋。
Here's one example. During World War II, when men like my grandfather went off to war, having women like my grandmother in the workforce was a national security priority -- so this country provided universal childcare. In today's economy, when having both parents in the workforce is an economic necessity for many families, we need affordable, high-quality childcare more than ever。
举一个例子。在二战时期,像我祖父一样的男子们奔赴战场,在这种情况下,让像我祖母一样的女子们去工作,就成为维护国家安全的优先选择,因此,美国实行了普遍托儿制度。在今天的经济状况下,对很多家庭而言,父母都有工作在经济上是必需的,我们比以往任何时候都更需要能够负担得起的高质量托儿服务。
It's not a nice-to-have -- it's a must-have. So it's time we stop treating childcare as a side issue, or as a women's issue, and treat it like the national economic priority that it is for all of us. And that's why my plan will make quality childcare more available and more affordable for every middle-class and low-income family with young children in America -- by creating more slots and a new tax cut of up to $3,000 per child, per year。
这不是为了好看而做,而是必须要做。现在,我们应当停止把托儿服务看做一个枝节问题或妇女问题,应当把这个问题看做人人有责的国家经济当务之急。这就是为什么我计划创造更多机会,并且每年再为每个孩子提供最多3千美元免税额度,为每个有小孩的美国中产阶级家庭和低收入家庭提供更容易得到、更容易负担的高质量托儿服务。
Here's another example. Today, we are the only advanced country on Earth that doesn't guarantee paid sick leave or paid maternity leave to our workers. Forty-three million workers have no paid sick leave -- 43 million. Think about that. And that forces too many parents to make the gut-wrenching choice between a paycheck and a sick kid at home. So I'll be taking new action to help states adopt paid leave laws of their own. And since paid sick leave won where it was on the ballot last November, let's put it to a vote right here in Washington. Send me a bill that gives every worker in America the opportunity to earn seven days of paid sick leave. It's the right thing to do. It's the right thing to do。
我再举一个例子,今天,美国是唯一一个不向我们员工保证带薪病假或产假的发达国家。4300万员工不能享受带薪病假。4300万人!想想吧,这迫使太多父母在工资和生病的孩子之间作出艰难选择。所以我将采取新措施,以帮助各州通过各自的带薪病假法案。带薪病假去年11月在数州的投票中获得通过,让我们在华盛顿就此进行投票。向我提交一份让美国的所有员工获得7天带薪病假的提案吧,这是一件正确的事情。
Of course, nothing helps families make ends meet like higher wages. That's why this Congress still needs to pass a law that makes sure a woman is paid the same as a man for doing the same work. It's 2015. (Laughter。) It's time. We still need to make sure employees get the overtime they've earned. And to everyone in this Congress who still refuses to raise the minimum wage, I say this: If you truly believe you could work full-time and support a family on less than $15,000 a year, try it. If not, vote to give millions of the hardest-working people in America a raise。
当然,最能帮助家庭维持生计的就是提高工资。这就是为什么本届国会仍需通过一项法律,以确保男女同工同酬。的确,现在是2015年了。是时候了。我们仍需确保雇员能得到加班费。对本届国会中那些仍然拒绝提高最低工资的人,我要说:如果你真的相信你能全职工作,同时在年收入低于一万五千美元的情况下支撑一个家庭,那么就请试一试。如果你做不到,就请投票赞成提高工作最辛苦的大量美国人的工资。
Now, these ideas won't make everybody rich, won't relieve every hardship. That's not the job of government. To give working families a fair shot, we still need more employers to see beyond next quarter's earnings and recognize that investing in their workforce is in their company's long-term interest. We still need laws that strengthen rather than weaken union s, and give American workers a voice。
当然,这些想法不会使所有人富有,或者缓解所有困难,这不是政府的工作。为了给工薪家庭一个公平的机会,我们需要更多的雇主不要只看到下个季度的收入报表,他们应当意识到投资于自己的员工符合美国的长远利益。我们仍需要强化而非弱化工会的法律,给美国工人发言权。
But you know, things like childcare and sick leave and equal pay; things like lower mortgage premiums and a higher minimum wage -- these ideas will make a meaningful difference in the lives of millions of families. That's a fact. And that's what all of us, Republicans and Democrats alike, were sent here to do。
托儿、带薪病假、同工同酬、降低房贷、更高的最低工资,这些想法将使数百万家庭发生有意义的变化。这是一个事实。这是人们将我们所有人,共和党人和民主党人送到华盛顿来的目的。
Second, to make sure folks keep earning higher wages down the road, we have to do more to help Americans upgrade their skills. America thrived in the 20th century because we made high school free, sent a generation of GIs to college, trained the best workforce in the world. We were ahead of the curve. But other countries caught on. And in a 21st century economy that rewards knowledge like never before, we need to up our game. We need to do more。
第二,为了确保美国人能够在未来不断提高工资,我们需要进一步帮助美国人提高技能。20世纪是美国腾飞的世纪,因为我们取消了高中学费,将一代士兵送入大学,并培养了世界上最优秀的劳动力。但在21世纪,在这个比以往更加重视知识的世纪,我们需要更加努力。
By the end of this decade, two in three job openings will require some higher education -- two in three. And yet, we still live in a country where too many bright, striving Americans are priced out of the education they need. It's not fair to them, and it's sure not smart for our future. That's why I'm sending this Congress a bold new plan to lower the cost of community college -- to zero。
到这个年代末,三分之二的工作都要求一些高等教育。三分之二。而现在,在我们的国家,仍然有太多聪明的、努力奋斗的美国人无钱支付他们所需的教育。这对他们太不公平,对我们的未来也不利。正因为如此,我向国会提交了一份大胆的议案,将社区学校的学费全部减免。
Keep in mind 40 percent of our college students choose community college. Some are young and starting out. Some are older and looking for a better job. Some are veterans and single parents trying to transition back into the job market. Whoever you are, this plan is your chance to graduate ready for the new economy without a load of debt. Understand, you've got to earn it. You've got to keep your grades up and graduate on time。
我们40%的大学生选择社区大学,一些学生是年轻人,刚刚起步,一些人年纪大一些,想寻找一份更好的工作。一些人是退伍士兵,一些人是试图重新过渡至就业市场的单亲父母。不管你是谁,我们的计划是让你可以在没有大量负债的情况下毕业,为新经济作好准备。请明白,你要努力争取这种待遇,你必须保持好的成绩,准时毕业。
Tennessee, a state with Republican leadership, and Chicago, a city with Democratic leadership, are showing that free community college is possible. I want to spread that idea all across America, so that two years of college becomes as free and universal in America as high school is today. Let's stay ahead of the curve. And I want to work with this Congress to make sure those already burdened with student loans can reduce their monthly payments so that student debt doesn't derail anyone's dreams。
由共和党人领导的田纳西州,由民主党人领导的芝加哥市的经验都表明,免费社区大学是可能的。我想在美国各地传播这样的想法,在美国,两年制社区大学将像美国今天的中学那样是免费和普遍的。我想与本届国会合作,以确保那些承受着学生贷款负担的美国人可以降低他们月度支付额,以确保学生债务不会阻碍任何人的梦想。
Thanks to Vice President Biden's great work to update our job training system, we're connecting community colleges with local employers to train workers to fill high-paying jobs like coding, and nursing, and robotics. Tonight, I'm also asking more businesses to follow the lead of companies like CVS and UPS, and offer more educational benefits and paid apprenticeships -- opportunities that give workers the chance to earn higher-paying jobs even if they don't have a higher education。
感谢副总统拜登为改善我们国家职业培训系统做的努力,现在社区学院与当地雇主合作,培训能够胜任像编程、护士和机器人技术等方面的高薪工作。今晚,我还想呼吁更多的公司能够像CVS公司和UPS公司那样,提供更多的教育福利和有薪实习,给那些没有高文凭的劳动者提供机会来获取高薪工作。
And as a new generation of veterans comes home, we owe them every opportunity to live the American Dream they helped defend. Already, we've made strides towards ensuring that every veteran has access to the highest quality care. We're slashing the backlog that had too many veterans waiting years to get the benefits they need. And we're making it easier for vets to translate their training and experience into civilian jobs. And Joining Forces, the national campaign launched by Michelle and Jill Biden -- thank you, Michelle; thank you, Jill -- has helped nearly 700,000 veterans and military spouses get a new job. So to every CEO in America, let me repeat: If you want somebody who's going to get the job done and done right, hire a veteran。
而对于那些终于回家的老兵来说,我们欠他们一个实现他们曾努力保护的美国梦的机会。 我们已经对老兵医疗福利进行大刀阔斧的改革,确保每一位退伍军人能够得到最好的医疗保健。我们处理了大量积压多年的老兵申请福利的案件,使他们更容易把自己受过的训练和经验用于就业。米歇尔和吉尔•拜登发起的“联合力量”项目已经帮助了近70万老兵和军属获得新工作。所以美国的CEO们,让我再重申一次:如果你想雇用一名能够完成工作的人,那就雇一名老兵吧。
Finally, as we better train our workers, we need the new economy to keep churning out high-wage jobs for our workers to fill. Since 2010, America has put more people back to work than Europe, Japan, and all advanced economies combined。
最后,在培养更称职的劳动力的同时,我们需要新经济为劳动力提供高薪职位。自2010年起,美国经济让很多的失业者重回工作岗位,这个人数比欧洲、日本和所有发达经济体的总和还多。
Our manufacturers have added almost 800,000 new jobs. Some of our bedrock sectors, like our auto industry, are booming. But there are also millions of Americans who work in jobs that didn't even exist 10 or 20 years ago -- jobs at companies like Google, and eBay, and Tesla。
我们的制造业增加了近80万个新职位。包括汽车业在内的基础领域正在蓬勃发展。还有数百万美国人在10年前或20年前根本不存在的行业工作,比如谷歌,eBay和特斯拉的工作。
So no one knows for certain which industries will generate the jobs of the future. But we do know we want them here in America. We know that. And that's why the third part of middle-class economics is all about building the most competitive economy anywhere, the place where businesses want to locate and hire。
所以,没有人知道哪个行业会在未来提供就业机会,但是我们知道,我们要把这些机会留在美国。因此,中产阶级经济学的第三个要素就是要建立最有竞争力的经济,这样才能留住商家并提供就业。
Twenty-first century businesses need 21st century infrastructure -- modern ports, and stronger bridges, faster trains and the fastest Internet. Democrats and Republicans used to agree on this. So let's set our sights higher than a single oil pipeline. Let's pass a bipartisan infrastructure plan that could create more than 30 times as many jobs per year, and make this country stronger for decades to come. Let's do it. Let's get it done。
21世纪的商业需要21世纪的基础设施,现代港口、更坚固的桥梁、更快的火车和最快的互联网。民主共和两党曾经在这方面看法一致。所以,让我们的目光超越一条输油管道,让两党通过一项基础设施议案,来创造每年30倍于现在的工作机会,使我们的国家在未来几十年变得更加强大。
Twenty-first century businesses, including small businesses, need to sell more American products overseas. Today, our businesses export more than ever, and exporters tend to pay their workers higher wages. But as we speak, China wants to write the rules for the world's fastest-growing region. That would put our workers and our businesses at a disadvantage. Why would we let that happen? We should write those rules. We should level the playing field. That's why I'm asking both parties to give me trade promotion authority to protect American workers, with strong new trade deals from Asia to Europe that aren't just free, but are also fair. It's the right thing to do。
21世纪的企业,包括小企业在内,都需要将美国产品畅销海外。今天,我们的经济出口超过以往,出口商往往能够支付更高的工资。但同时,中国希望为目前世界发展最快的地区制定游戏规则。这将陷我们的工人和企业于不利之地。我们怎么能让事情这样发展?这些规则应当由我们来定。我们应当创造公平的竞争环境。这就是为什么我要求两党赋予我促进贸易的权力,来保护美国工人,与从亚洲到欧洲的国家签订新的贸易协定,不仅仅是自由贸易,而且是公平贸易。
Look, I'm the first one to admit that past trade deals haven't always lived up to the hype, and that's why we've gone after countries that break the rules at our expense. But 95 percent of the world's customers live outside our borders. We can't close ourselves off from those opportunities. More than half of manufacturing executives have said they're actively looking to bring jobs back from China. So let's give them one more reason to get it done。
我是第一个承认以往的贸易协定并非都像宣传得那么美好的人,所以,我们打击那些破坏规则给我们造成损失的国家。可是,世界上95%的顾客居住在我们的国界之外,我们不能把自己隔绝在这些机会之外。超过一半的制造业主管都表示,他们正积极考虑将工作机会从中国转移回来。让我们再给他们一条这样做的理由。
Twenty-first century businesses will rely on American science and technology, research and development. I want the country that eliminated polio and mapped the human genome to lead a new era of medicine -- one that delivers the right treatment at the right time。
21世纪的企业倚赖美国的科学、技术、研究和开发。我希望这个消灭了小儿麻痹症并且绘制出人类基因图谱的国家来引领医学的新时代,在正确的时间给予正确的治疗。
In some patients with cystic fibrosis, this approach has reversed a disease once thought unstoppable. So tonight, I'm launching a new Precision Medicine Initiative to bring us closer to curing diseases like cancer and diabetes, and to give all of us access to the personalized information we need to keep ourselves and our families healthier. We can do this。
对一些患有囊肿性纤维化疾病的病人来说,这一方式战胜了曾经被认为无法治愈的疾病。今晚,我要发起一个新的“精确医疗倡议”,让我们朝着治愈癌症和糖尿病等疾病的目标迈进一步,也让我们能够获得保持自己和家庭成员健康所需的个体化信息。
I intend to protect a free and open Internet, extend its reach to every classroom, and every community -- and help folks build the fastest networks so that the next generation of digital innovators and entrepreneurs have the platform to keep reshaping our world。
我计划要保护自由开放的互联网,让每一个教室、每一个社区都能使用,我要帮助打造最快的网络,使下一代的数字革新者和企业家就能拥有一个平台,继续改变我们的世界。
I want Americans to win the race for the kinds of discoveries that unleash new jobs -- converting sunlight into liquid fuel; creating revolutionary prosthetics, so that a veteran who gave his arms for his country can play catch with his kids again. Pushing out into the solar system not just to visit, but to stay. Last month, we launched a new spacecraft as part of a reenergized space program that will send American astronauts to Mars. And in two months, to prepare us for those missions, Scott Kelly will begin a year-long stay in space. So good luck, Captain. Make sure to Instagram it. We're proud of you。
我希望美国人民能够在带来新工作的科学探索竞争中获胜,例如把太阳光转化为液态燃料;制作出具有创新性的假肢,使为国出征失去手臂的退伍老兵还能和他的孩子玩接球;走进太阳系,不是为了拜访,而是为了居住。上个月,我们发射了一艘新的宇宙飞船,是我们正在振兴的航天计划的一部分,这个计划将把美国宇航员送上火星。两个月后,斯科特-凯利将在空间站开始为期一年的驻留,帮助我们为那些太空飞行做准备。祝你好运,船长,记得要拍照与我们分享。我们为你而感到骄傲。
Now, the truth is, when it comes to issues like infrastructure and basic research, I know there's bipartisan support in this chamber. Members of both parties have told me so. Where we too often run onto the rocks is how to pay for these investments. As Americans, we don't mind paying our fair share of taxes as long as everybody else does, too. But for far too long, lobbyists have rigged the tax code with loopholes that let some corporations pay nothing while others pay full freight. They've riddled it with giveaways that the super-rich don't need, while denying a break to middle-class families who do。
事实上,我知道在座两党对于基础设施和基础研究的问题都是支持的。两党的成员都曾对我这样表示过。我们经常在如何支付投资这个问题上碰壁。作为美国人,我们不介意支付公平份额的税收,只要每个人都是如此。但长时间以来,说客们利用税法中的许多漏洞,让一些公司分文不付,而让其他公司全部买单。他们给予富人以根本不需要的实惠,却不肯给予真正有需要的中产阶级家庭以任何减免。
This year, we have an opportunity to change that. Let's close loopholes so we stop rewarding companies that keep profits abroad, and reward those that invest here in America. (Applause。) Let's use those savings to rebuild our infrastructure and to make it more attractive for companies to bring jobs home. Let's simplify the system and let a small business owner file based on her actual bank statement, instead of the number of accountants she can afford. (Applause。) And let's close the loopholes that lead to inequality by allowing the top one percent to avoid paying taxes on their accumulated wealth. We can use that money to help more families pay for childcare and send their kids to college. We need a tax code that truly helps working Americans trying to get a leg up in the new economy, and we can achieve that together. (Applause。) We can achieve it together。
今年,我们有了改变这一切的机会。让我们填补这些漏洞,不再奖励那些将利润留在国外的公司,而是奖励那些投资美国的公司。让我们利用这些资金来重建我们的基础设施,使其对企业更具吸引力,从而把工作机会带回国内。让我们简化税收制度,使小业主能够使用实际银行报表来报税,而不是根据其雇用的会计师数目。让我们清除那些导致不公平的漏洞,让那1%的富人为他们积累的财富付税。我们可以用这些钱来帮助更多的家庭负担照顾小孩和支撑孩子读大学的费用。我们需要一部真正能够帮助工作的美国人在新经济中向前迈进的税法,我们能够携手达到这个目标。
Helping hardworking families make ends meet. Giving them the tools they need for good-paying jobs in this new economy. Maintaining the conditions of growth and competitiveness. This is where America needs to go. I believe it's where the American people want to go. It will make our economy stronger a year from now, 15 years from now, and deep into the century ahead。
要帮助努力工作的家庭达到收支平衡。要给他们提供他们所需的工具,让他们在新经济中找到薪水优渥的工作。要为增长和竞争力保持好的环境。这是美国要前进的方向。我相信这也是美国人民想要前进的方向。这会让我们的经济在一年以后、15年以后,甚至百年以后更加强大。
Of course, if there's one thing this new century has taught us, it's that we cannot separate our work here at home from challenges beyond our shores。
当然,如果说新的世纪教会了我们什么的话,那就是,我们不能将国内事务和国外的挑战孤立开来。
My first duty as Commander-in-Chief is to defend the United States of America. In doing so, the question is not whether America leads in the world, but how. When we make rash decisions, reacting to the headlines instead of using our heads; when the first response to a challenge is to send in our military -- then we risk getting drawn into unnecessary conflicts, and neglect the broader strategy we need for a safer, more prosperous world. That's what our enemies want us to do。
作为总司令,我的首要任务是保卫美利坚合众国。这样做,问题不在于美国是否领导世界,而是如何领导。当我们做出轻率的决定,只是对媒体报道作出反应而没有用脑思考时,当我们对于某个挑战的第一回应是出兵时,我们便会冒险卷入不必要冲突,而忽略维护更安全、更繁荣的世界所需要的整体战略。而这正是我们的敌人希望我们做的。
I believe in a smarter kind of American leadership. We lead best when we combine military power with strong diplomacy; when we leverage our power with coalition building; when we don't let our fears blind us to the opportunities that this new century presents. That's exactly what we're doing right now. And around the globe, it is making a difference。
我对智慧型美国领导方式深信不疑。当我们把军事力量和有力的外交结合起来时,当我们利用我们的力量建立同盟时;当我们不被恐惧蒙蔽而能看到新世纪带来的机遇时,我们便能发挥最好的领导作用。我们现在正是这样做的,我们更将其运用到全世界:我们正在改变世界。
在伊拉克和叙利亚,美国的领导作用,包括我们的军事力量,正在阻止着伊斯兰国的扩张。我们没有在中东卷入另一场地面战争,而是统领着一个包括阿拉伯国家在内的广泛联盟,来削弱并最终摧毁这个恐怖组织。我们在叙利亚支持能够帮助我们做到这一点的温和反对派,支持世界各地对抗暴力极端主义这种破产意识形态的人们。
Now, this effort will take time. It will require focus. But we will succeed. And tonight, I call on this Congress to show the world that we are united in this mission by passing a resolution to authorize the use of force against ISIL. We need that authority. (Applause。)
这些努力需要时间,也需要专注,但是我们会成功。今晚,我吁请国会通过决议,批准对伊斯兰国使用武力,以此向全世界展示我们在这一使命中的团结一致。
Second, we're demonstrating the power of American strength and diplomacy. We're upholding the principle that bigger nations can't bully the small -- by opposing Russian aggression, and supporting Ukraine's democracy, and reassuring our NATO allies。
其次,我们将彰显美国的实力与外交。我们秉持大国不能欺凌小国的原则,反对俄罗斯侵略,支持乌克兰民主,并让我们的北约盟国放心。
Last year, as we were doing the hard work of imposing sanctions along with our allies, as we were reinforcing our presence with frontline states, Mr. Putin's aggression it was suggested was a masterful display of strategy and strength. That's what I heard from some folks. Well, today, it is America that stands strong and united with our allies, while Russia is isolated with its economy in tatters. That's how America leads -- not with bluster, but with persistent, steady resolve。
去年,当我们与盟国一起对俄罗斯实施制裁时,一些人说,普京先生的侵略是战略和实力的巧妙展现。可是今天是美国坚定地与盟国团结在一起,而俄罗斯处于孤立,它的经济风雨飘摇。这就是美国领导的方式,不是通过虚声恫吓,而是通过持之以恒、坚定不移的决心。
In Cuba, we are ending a policy that was long past its expiration date. When what you're doing doesn't work for 50 years, it's time to try something new. And our shift in Cuba policy has the potential to end a legacy of mistrust in our hemisphere. It removes a phony excuse for restrictions in Cuba. It stands up for democratic values, and extends the hand of friendship to the Cuban people. And this year, Congress should begin the work of ending the embargo。
在古巴方面,我们结束了早已过时失效的政策。当你做了50年的事不再奏效之日,就是将要改弦更张之时。我们在古巴政策上的转变能够结束两国间的长期不信任,能够消除古巴限制的虚假借口,能够代表民主价值观,能够向古巴人民伸出友谊之手。今年,国会应该开始相关工作,结束贸易禁运。
As His Holiness, Pope Francis, has said, diplomacy is the work of "small steps." These small steps have added up to new hope for the future in Cuba. And after years in prison, we are overjoyed that Alan Gross is back where he belongs. Welcome home, Alan. We're glad you're here。
正如罗马教宗方济各所言,外交是积小步而成的。这些小步累积在一起,就成为了古巴未来新的希望。阿兰·格罗斯在被监禁多年后,回到了属于他的地方,我们为此感到万分欣喜。阿兰,欢迎回家。
Our diplomacy is at work with respect to Iran, where, for the first time in a decade, we've halted the progress of its nuclear program and reduced its stockpile of nuclear material. Between now and this spring, we have a chance to negotiate a comprehensive agreement that prevents a nuclear-armed Iran, secures America and our allies -- including Israel, while avoiding yet another Middle East conflict. There are no guarantees that negotiations will succeed, and I keep all options on the table to prevent a nuclear Iran。
我们与伊朗的外交也取得成效。十多年来第一次,我们使伊朗核计划的进程暂停,使伊朗核材料的储备降低。到今年春天之前,我们有机会就一项全面协议进行谈判,这项协议将防止伊朗拥有核武器,保障美国及其包括以色列在内的盟国的安全,同时还能避免再次发生中东冲突。虽然不能保证谈判能成功,但为防止出现核伊朗,我不排除任何选项。
But new sanctions passed by this Congress, at this moment in time, will all but guarantee that diplomacy fails -- alienating America from its allies; making it harder to maintain sanctions; and ensuring that Iran starts up its nuclear program again. It doesn't make sense. And that's why I will veto any new sanctions bill that threatens to undo this progress. The American people expect us only to go to war as a last resort, and I intend to stay true to that wisdom。
但是国会此时此刻通过的新制裁,几乎就是宣告了外交失败——让美国与盟国疏离,让伊朗重新开始核计划。这没有道理。因此我会否决任何可能抵消这一努力的新制裁议案。美国人民希望我们只在最后才会诉诸于战争,我想实践这一明智的理念。
Third, we're looking beyond the issues that have consumed us in the past to shape the coming century. No foreign nation, no hacker, should be able to shut down our networks, steal our trade secrets, or invade the privacy of American families, especially our kids. So we're making sure our government integrates intelligence to combat cyber threats, just as we have done to combat terrorism。
最后,我们要关注那些在过去困扰我们,并将影响下个世纪的问题。任何外国势力,任何黑客,都不应该能够破坏我们的网络,盗取我们的商业机密,或者侵犯美国家庭的隐私,特别是孩子们的隐私。我们要确保政府会整合一切情报来打击网络威胁,就像我们打击恐怖主义一样。
And tonight, I urge this Congress to finally pass the legislation we need to better meet the evolving threat of cyber attacks, combat identity theft, and protect our children's information. That should be a bipartisan effort。
今晚,我敦促国会通过这项议案,我们需要这项议案来更好地应对与日俱增的网络袭击威胁,抗击身份盗窃,保护孩子们的信息。两党应齐心协力为之努力。
If we don't act, we'll leave our nation and our economy vulnerable. If we do, we can continue to protect the technologies that have unleashed untold opportunities for people around the globe。
如果我们不采取行动,我们的国家和经济将容易遭受破坏。但如果通过这项议案,我们就能继续保护这些能够为全人类释放出无限机会的技术。
In West Africa, our troops, our scientists, our doctors, our nurses, our health care workers are rolling back Ebola -- saving countless lives and stopping the spread of disease. I could not be prouder of them, and I thank this Congress for your bipartisan support of their efforts. But the job is not yet done, and the world needs to use this lesson to build a more effective global effort to prevent the spread of future pandemics, invest in smart development, and eradicate extreme poverty。
在西非,我们的部队、科学家、医生、护士和医护工作者正在对抗埃博拉——挽救无数人的生命并遏制疫情扩散。我为他们感到无比自豪,我也感谢国会两党的支持。但这项工作还没有完成——世界需要从中吸取教训,从而得以在全球范围更有效地防止未来流行病的蔓延,投资智能开发领域,以及消除极端贫困。
In the Asia Pacific, we are modernizing alliances while making sure that other nations play by the rules -- in how they trade, how they resolve maritime disputes, how they participate in meeting common international challenges like nonproliferation and disaster relief. And no challenge -- no challenge -- poses a greater threat to future generations than climate change。
在亚太地区,我们正在与盟国建立现代化的同盟关系,同时确保其它国家在一些领域按规则行事,比如贸易、解决海洋争端以及参与核不扩散和救灾等国际共同面临的挑战等各个领域。没有任何挑战——没有任何挑战——会比气候变化对后代构成更大的威胁。
2014 was the planet's warmest year on record. Now, one year doesn't make a trend, but this does: 14 of the 15 warmest years on record have all fallen in the first 15 years of this century。
2014年是地球有气象记录以来最温暖的一年。一个年份不会形成趋势,但这个年份显示了趋势——记录上15个最温暖年份中的14个都发生在本世纪的前15年。
I've heard some folks try to dodge the evidence by saying they're not scientists; that we don't have enough information to act. Well, I'm not a scientist, either. But you know what, I know a lot of really good scientists at NASA, and at NOAA, and at our major universities. And the best scientists in the world are all telling us that our activities are changing the climate, and if we don't act forcefully, we'll continue to see rising oceans, longer, hotter heat waves, dangerous droughts and floods, and massive disruptions that can trigger greater migration and conflict and hunger around the globe. The Pentagon says that climate change poses immediate risks to our national security. We should act like it. (Applause。)
我听说一些人无视证据地说,他们不是科学家,我们没有足够的资料依据来采取行动。我也不是科学家,但是你知道吗?我认识很多来自美国航空航天局、美国国家海洋和大气管理局,以及主要大学的优秀科学家,世界上最杰出的科学家都在告诉我们,我们的行为正在改变气候,如果不采取有力行动,我们将目睹海平面上升,热浪温度更高、更持久,干旱和洪水更险恶等重大灾难,导致全球更大规模的迁徙、冲突和饥荒。五角大楼说,气候变化给国家安全带来直接威胁,我们应该相应采取行动。
And that's why, over the past six years, we've done more than ever to combat climate change, from the way we produce energy to the way we use it. That's why we've set aside more public lands and waters than any administration in history. And that's why I will not let this Congress endanger the health of our children by turning back the clock on our efforts. I am determined to make sure that American leadership drives international action. (Applause。)
正因为如此,过去6年来,为了应对气候变化,我们从生产能源的方式到使用方式,都付出了前所未有的努力。正因为如此,我们比历史上任何一届政府拨出的公用土地和水源都多。正因为如此,我们不允许本届国会开历史倒车,威胁我们下一代孩子的健康。我决心要确保美国政府推动国际行动。
In Beijing, we made a historic announcement: The United States will double the pace at which we cut carbon pollution. And China committed, for the first time, to limiting their emissions. And because the world's two largest economies came together, other nations are now stepping up, and offering hope that this year the world will finally reach an agreement to protect the one planet we've got。
我们在北京做出了一项历史性声明——美国将减排幅度加倍,中国也第一次承诺减排。正因为世界上两个最大的经济提合作,其他国家也正在加快步伐,为全球今年最终就保护我们唯一的地球达成协议提供了希望。
And there's one last pillar of our leadership, and that's the example of our values。
最后,我们领导力量的支柱——那就是我们价值观。
As Americans, we respect human dignity, even when we're threatened, which is why I have prohibited torture, and worked to make sure our use of new technology like drones is properly constrained. (Applause。) It's why we speak out against the deplorable anti-Semitism that has resurfaced in certain parts of the world. (Applause。) It's why we continue to reject offensive stereotypes of Muslims, the vast majority of whom share our commitment to peace. That's why we defend free speech, and advocate for political prisoners, and condemn the persecution of women, or religious minorities, or people who are lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender. We do these things not only because they are the right things to do, but because ultimately they will make us safer. (Applause。)
作为美国人,即使在我们自身受到威胁的时候,我们也要尊重人的尊严。由于这个原因,我们禁止酷刑,并且确保我们对无人机之类的新技术的使用受到适当的限制。由于这个原因,我们公开反对在世界某些地区重新抬头的可悲的反犹太主义。由于这个原因,我们继续反对攻击穆斯林而进行的刻板归类,他们中的极大多数人和我们一样致力于和平。由于这个原因,我们保护言论自由,维护政治犯权益,谴责迫害女性、少数宗教教徒、男女同性恋者、双性人和变性人。我们采取这些行动不仅因为它们是正确的,而是因为会使我们更安全。
As Americans, we have a profound commitment to justice. So it makes no sense to spend $3 million per prisoner to keep open a prison that the world condemns and terrorists use to recruit. (Applause。) Since I've been President, we've worked responsibly to cut the population of Gitmo in half. Now it is time to finish the job. And I will not relent in my determination to shut it down. It is not who we are. It's time to close Gitmo. (Applause。)
作为美国人,我们对正义有深刻的承诺——因此没必要在每个囚犯身上花300万美元来维持一所监狱。这所监狱不仅遭到全世界谴责,而且被恐怖份子作为招募理由。自从我出任总统以来,我们负责任地把关塔纳摩湾拘留营中的人数减少了一半,现在是完成这项工作的时候了,我将毫不迟疑地关闭这个拘留营,因为这不符合我们的原则。
As Americans, we cherish our civil liberties, and we need to uphold that commitment if we want maximum cooperation from other countries and industry in our fight against terrorist networks. So while some have moved on from the debates over our surveillance programs, I have not. As promised, our intelligence agencies have worked hard, with the recommendations of privacy advocates, to increase transparency and build more safeguards against potential abuse. And next month, we'll issue a report on how we're keeping our promise to keep our country safe while strengthening privacy。
作为美国人,我们珍视民权。如果我们想在打击恐怖网络的战争中得到其他国家和行业最大限度的合作,我们就必须坚持这一承诺。因此,虽然有些人已经结束了有关我们情报项目的争论,可是我还没有。正如我们所承诺的那样,我们的情报机构努力工作,根据民间机构的建议增加了透明度,建立了更多的防止滥用权力的保障机制,下个月,我们将发布一项报告,介绍我们如何在保持对国家安全承诺的同时保障个人隐私。
Looking to the future instead of the past. Making sure we match our power with diplomacy, and use force wisely. Building coalitions to meet new challenges and opportunities. Leading -- always -- with the example of our values. That's what makes us exceptional. That's what keeps us strong. That's why we have to keep striving to hold ourselves to the highest of standards -- our own。
我们要向前看,而不是往后看;要结合运用实力与外交,明智地使用武力;要建立联盟来迎接新的挑战和机遇,永远以我们榜样的价值观发挥领导作用。我们因此而与众不同,我们因此而强大。因此,我们必须努力坚持最高的标准——我们自己的标准。
You know, just over a decade ago, I gave a speech in Boston where I said there wasn't a liberal America or a conservative America; a black America or a white America -- but a United States of America. I said this because I had seen it in my own life, in a nation that gave someone like me a chance; because I grew up in Hawaii, a melting pot of races and customs; because I made Illinois my home -- a state of small towns, rich farmland, one of the world's great cities; a microcosm of the country where Democrats and Republicans and Independents, good people of every ethnicity and every faith, share certain bedrock values。
大家知道,仅仅是在十年之前,我在波士顿发表了一篇讲演,我在讲演中称不存在自由派美国或者保守派美国,黑人的美国或者白人的美国,只有一个美国。我说这样的话是因为我在自己的生活中看到这一点,在这样一个给了像我这样的人一个机会的国家,因为我在夏威夷长大,那是种族和风俗的熔炉。因为我在伊利诺斯州安家,那是一个由小型城镇、富有的农场、世界最伟大城市之一组成的州。它是民主党人、共和党人、独立派人士、各种民族和信仰的好人共享的一些坚定价值观的微观世界。
Over the past six years, the pundits have pointed out more than once that my presidency hasn't delivered on this vision. How ironic, they say, that our politics seems more divided than ever. It's held up as proof not just of my own flaws -- of which there are many -- but also as proof that the vision itself is misguided, na?ve, that there are too many people in this town who actually benefit from partisanship and gridlock for us to ever do anything about it。
在过去六年,所谓的智者不止一次指出,我的总统任期并没能实现那一愿景。他们称,我们的政治看上去更加分裂,这是多么具有讽刺性。它还被当作不仅仅是我个人缺点的一个证据,我有许多缺点,还被当作这样的愿景本身是被误导的、天真的证据,华盛顿有太多人事实上从两党之争和僵局中获利,而非为之做些什么。
I know how tempting such cynicism may be. But I still think the cynics are wrong. I still believe that we are one people. I still believe that together, we can do great things, even when the odds are long. (Applause。)
我知道这样的愤世嫉俗主义是多么诱人,但我认为这些愤世嫉俗者是错的。我仍相信我们是一个民族,我仍相信,我们一起可以做伟大的事情,即便机会很渺茫。
I believe this because over and over in my six years in office, I have seen America at its best. I've seen the hopeful faces of young graduates from New York to California, and our newest officers at West Point, Annapolis, Colorado Springs, New London. I've mourned with grieving families in Tucson and Newtown, in Boston, in West Texas, and West Virginia. I've watched Americans beat back adversity from the Gulf Coast to the Great Plains, from Midwest assembly lines to the Mid-Atlantic seaboard. I've seen something like gay marriage go from a wedge issue used to drive us apart to a story of freedom across our country, a civil right now legal in states that seven in 10 Americans call home. (Applause。)
我相信这一点,因为我在任的六年里,我多次看到美国最好的时刻。我看到了从纽约至加州的年轻毕业生充满希望的脸,我们在西点军校、安纳波利斯、科多拉多州斯伯林斯、新伦敦新军官充满希望的脸。我在图桑市、纽顿镇、波士顿、威斯特西弗吉尼州等地和悲痛的家人们一起哀悼。我看到美国人从墨西哥海湾至北美大平原,从中西部的组装线到中大西洋海床击退灾难。我看到像同性恋婚姻这样原先使我们分裂的议题转变成我们国家各地自由的故事,同性恋者现在已能够在十分之七的美国各州合法结婚。
So I know the good, and optimistic, and big-hearted generosity of the American people who every day live the idea that we are our brother's keeper and our sister's keeper. And I know they expect those of us who serve here to set a better example。
所以,我深知美国人民的善良、乐观和慷慨,他们每天都以我们是我们兄弟姐妹的守护者的观念生活。我知道,他们希望在这里服务的我们能够树立一个更好的榜样。
So the question for those of us here tonight is how we, all of us, can better reflect America's hopes. I've served in Congress with many of you. I know many of you well. There are a lot of good people here, on both sides of the aisle. And many of you have told me that this isn't what you signed up for -- arguing past each other on cable shows, the constant fundraising, always looking over your shoulder at how the base will react to every decision。
所以,今晚在这里的人们的问题是,我们,我们所有人如何更好地反映美国的希望,我曾与你们中的许多人一起在国会服务。我熟悉你们中的许多人,民主和共和两党议员中都有许多好人。你们中的许多人曾告诉我,这不是你所竞选时所想要的东西,在有线电视节目上争吵,不停地筹款,总是小心翼翼地观察基础选民对每个决定所作的反应。
Imagine if we broke out of these tired old patterns. Imagine if we did something different. Understand, a better politics isn't one where Democrats abandon their agenda or Republicans simply embrace mine. A better politics is one where we appeal to each other's basic decency instead of our basest fears. A better politics is one where we debate without demonizing each other; where we talk issues and values, and principles and facts, rather than "gotcha" moments, or trivial gaffes, or fake controversies that have nothing to do with people's daily lives. (Applause。)
想像一个如果我们打破这些老旧的模式,想像一下我们做一些截然不同的事情。请明白,一个更好的政治不是民主党人放弃他们的议事日程,或者仅仅是共和党来支持我的议事日程。一个更好的政治是在不妖魔化的对方的情况下进行辩论,我们谈论议题、价值观、原则、事实,而不是“我抓住你的弱点了”的时刻或者微不足道的口误或者与人们日常生活毫无关系的虚假争议。
A politics -- a better politics is one where we spend less time drowning in dark money for ads that pull us into the gutter, and spend more time lifting young people up with a sense of purpose and possibility, asking them to join in the great mission of building America。
一个更好的政治是我们花更多时间带着目标和可行性来提升年轻人,请求他们投身建设美国的伟大使命,花更少时间沉溺于攻击广告所需的黑钱之中。
If we're going to have arguments, let's have arguments, but let's make them debates worthy of this body and worthy of this country. We still may not agree on a woman's right to choose, but surely we can agree it's a good thing that teen pregnancies and abortions are nearing all-time lows, and that every woman should have access to the health care that she needs. (Applause。)
如果我们有争论的话,让我们进行争论,但让它们成为与配得上国会和美国的辩论。我们可能仍无法就女性的选择权达成共识,但是我们肯定都认为少女怀孕和堕胎率接近历史最低,所有女性可以得到她所需要的医疗护理是一件好事。
Yes, passions still fly on immigration, but surely we can all see something of ourselves in the striving young student, and agree that no one benefits when a hardworking mom is snatched from her child, and that it's possible to shape a law that upholds our tradition as a nation of laws and a nation of immigrants. I've talked to Republicans and Democrats about that. That's something that we can share. 是的,人们在讨论移民[微博]议题非常激动,但我们肯定可以从奋斗的年轻学生身上看到我们自身的影子,我们都认为当一个努力工作的母亲被迫与她的孩子分离时,没有人从中受益,塑造一个维持我们作为法制国家和移民国家传统的法律是可能的。
We may go at it in campaign season, but surely we can agree that the right to vote is sacred; that it's being denied to too many -- (applause) -- and that on this 50th anniversary of the great march from Selma to Montgomery and the passage of the Voting Rights Act, we can come together, Democrats and Republicans, to make voting easier for every single American. (Applause。)
我们可能在竞选季节时谈到它,但可以肯定的说,我们都认为选举权是神圣的,但太多的人被剥夺了这种权利,在赛尔马至蒙戈马利大游行和投票权利法案五十周年之际,我们可以团结起来,民主党人和共和党人,使每个美国人的投票变得更容易。
We may have different takes on the events of Ferguson and New York. But surely we can understand a father who fears his son can't walk home without being harassed. And surely we can understand the wife who won't rest until the police officer she married walks through the front door at the end of his shift. (Applause。) And surely we can agree that it's a good thing that for the first time in 40 years, the crime rate and the incarceration rate have come down together, and use that as a starting point for Democrats and Republicans, community leaders and law enforcement, to reform America's criminal justice system so that it protects and serves all of us. (Applause。)
我们可能对弗格森和纽约发生的事件有不同看法,但我们肯定可以理解一位担心他的儿子在回家时遭到骚扰的父亲。我们肯定可以理解无法入睡直到她的警官丈夫值完班走进家门的妻子。可以肯定,我们都认为犯罪率和关押率四十年来首次一起下降是一件好事,这开以是民主党人、共和党人、社区领导人、执法部门来改革美国刑事司法制度的起点,以更好地保护和服务我们所有人。
That's a better politics. That's how we start rebuilding trust. That's how we move this country forward. That's what the American people want. And that's what they deserve。
这就是更好的政治,这是我们如何开始重建信任,这是我们如何使这个国家前行,这是美国人想要的,这是他们应当获得的。
I have no more campaigns to run. (Applause。) My only agenda -- (laughter) -- I know because I won both of them. (Applause。) My only agenda for the next two years is the same as the one I've had since the day I swore an oath on the steps of this Capitol -- to do what I believe is best for America. If you share the broad vision I outlined tonight, I ask you to join me in the work at hand. If you disagree with parts of it, I hope you'll at least work with me where you do agree. And I commit to every Republican here tonight that I will not only seek out your ideas, I will seek to work with you to make this country stronger. (Applause。)
我已没有更多的竞选活动要参加。我在未来两年的唯一日程表和我自从在国会山上宣誓就任起是一样的,那就是做我认为对于美国是最好的事情。如果你认同我今晚所描述的广泛愿景,请加入我一起处理手头的工作,如果你对其中的部分持不同意见,我希望你至少可以在你认同的部分上与我共事。我向今晚出席的所有共和党人保证,我不仅将征求你们的想法,我还将努力与你们共事,以使这个国家更加强大。
Because I want this chamber, I want this city to reflect the truth -- that for all our blind spots and shortcomings, we are a people with the strength and generosity of spirit to bridge divides, to unite in common effort, to help our neighbors, whether down the street or on the other side of the world。
因为我想让国会,这个城市来反映真相,尽管我们有各种盲点和缺点,但我们是有力量和慷慨精神的民族,可以弥补分裂,在共同努力方面团结一致,帮助我们的邻居,不管是在街边或者是在世界另一端。
I want our actions to tell every child in every neighborhood, your life matters, and we are committed to improving your life chances as committed as we are to working on behalf of our own kids. (Applause。) I want future generations to know that we are a people who see our differences as a great gift, that we're a people who value the dignity and worth of every citizen -- man and woman, young and old, black and white, Latino, Asian, immigrant, Native American, gay, straight, Americans with mental illness or physical disability. Everybody matters. I want them to grow up in a country that shows the world what we still know to be true: that we are still more than a collection of red states and blue states; that we are the United States of America。
我想让我们的行动告诉所有社区的每个孩子:你们的生命是重要的,我们将致力于像改善我们自己孩子生命机遇那样改善你们的。我想让后代知道,我们是视我们的差异是伟大礼物的民族,我们是珍视每个公民尊严和价值的民族,无论男人和女人,年轻人和老人,黑人和白人,拉丁裔和亚裔,移民和印第安人,同性恋者和异性恋者、身体还是精神残疾的美国人。我想让他们在这样一个国家长[微博]大,这个国家向世界表明,我们仍知道梦想:我们不止是一些红色州和蓝色州的集合,我们是美利坚合众国。
I want them to grow up in a country where a young mom can sit down and write a letter to her President with a story that sums up these past six years: "It's amazing what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a strong, tight-knit family who's made it through some very, very hard times."
我想让他们在这样一个国家长大,像瑞贝卡这样年轻的母亲可以致信给她的总统,用一个故事来总结过去的六年:“这是惊奇的,你在不得已的情况下东山再起的程度,我们是一个强有力的、关系密切的家庭,我们一起熬过了一些非常非常艰难的时刻。”
My fellow Americans, we, too, are a strong, tight-knit family. We, too, have made it through some hard times. Fifteen years into this new century, we have picked ourselves up, dusted ourselves off, and begun again the work of remaking America. We have laid a new foundation. A brighter future is ours to write. Let's begin this new chapter together -- and let's start the work right now。
我的美国同胞们,我们也是一个强大的、密切联系的家庭。我们也熬过了一些艰难的时光。在进入新世纪十五年之际,我们已重振精神,掸掉身上的灰尘,再次开始重塑美国的工作。我们已打下了一个新的基础。一个更明亮的未来正等待我们书写,让我们一起开始这一新篇章吧,让我们现在就开始为之而奋斗吧。
Thank you. God bless you. God bless this country we love. Thank you。
谢谢,上帝保佑你,上帝保佑这个我们热爱的国家。
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奥巴马总统,美国民主党籍政治家,第44任美国总统,为美国历史上第一位非洲裔总统。下面是由读文网小编整理的2012年奥巴马总统竞选演讲稿(中英文),欢迎阅读。
Four years ago as I had the privilege to travel all across the country and meet Americans from all walks of life. I decided nobody else should have to endure the heartbreak of a broken health care system. No one in the wealthiest nation on earth should go because they get sick. Nobody should have to tell their daughters or sons the decisions they can and cannot make for themselves are constrained because of some politicians in Washington.
四年前我有幸周游了全国,遇到了各行各业的人们。我下定了决心不让任何人由于医疗保健系统的不健全而心碎,不让这个世界上最富有的的国家的任何人因为疾病而穷困潦倒。不让任何人需要告诉自己的子女,他们能做什么,不能做什么,会由华盛顿的某些政客而左右。
And thanks to you, we’ve made a difference in people’s lives. Thanks to you. There are folks that I meet today who have gotten care and their cancer’s been caught. And they’ve got treatment. And they are living full lives and it happened because of you.
感谢你们,人们的生活才有了更多不同。感谢你们,让今天的我遇到的很多人得到了关怀,得到了治疗。他们能够继续完整地生活,这些都离不开你们。
We've come too far to turn back now. We've got too much work to do to implement health care. We've got too much work to do to create good jobs. We've got too many teachers that we've got to hire. We've got too many schools that we've got to rebuild. We've got too many students who still need affordable higher education.
我们已经经历了那么多,现在不该回头。要落实医疗改革,要创造就业机会,我们还有太多要做。有太多老师等着我们去征集,有太多学校需要我们去重建,有太多学生需要让他们负担得起的大学。
There's more homegrown energy to generate. There are more troops that we've got to bring home. There are more doors of opportunity we've got to open to anybody who is willing to work hard and walk through those doors. We've got to keep building an economy. Or no matter what you look like or where you come from, you can make it here if you try. And you can leave something behind for the next generation. That's what at stake right now in Colorado. That's why I'm running for President of the United States of America. That's why I'm asking for your vote.
有太多本土能源要去生产,有更多的军队需要回归祖国,有更多的机会之门需要我们去打开,让那些愿意努力工作的人们有机会成功。我们要继续发展经济。做到无论你是何种肤色,来自何方,只要你努力就可以成功。你就可以为下一代创造更好的条件。这是我们在科罗拉多州要争夺的。这是为什么我要竞选美国总统。这是为什么我希望你们投票给我。
I still believe in you. And if you still believe in me, and if you're willing to stand with me, and knock on some doors with me, and make some phone calls with me, and talk to your neighbors and friends about what's at stake, we will win this election. We will finish what we started. And we'll remind the world why America is the greatest nation on earth.
我依旧相信你们。如果你们依旧相信我,如果你们愿意支持我,和我一起去叩门拜访,和我一起打电话,告诉你的邻居和朋友们,我们在争取什么,那我们就能在这场竞选中获得胜利。我们就会像上次那样赢得最终胜利。
God bless you and God bless the United States of America.
上帝护佑你,上帝护佑美利坚合众国。
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President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.#p#副标题#e#
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.
We must act. We must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.
We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.
It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.
May He protect each and every one of us.
May He guide me in the days to come.
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下面读文网小编给大家分享美国总统奥巴马就职演讲,欢迎阅读:
January 20,2009
My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.#p#副标题#e#
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account - to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West - know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment - a moment that will define a generation - it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends - hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism - these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility - a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence - the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."
America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
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下面是美国总统克林顿两届就职演讲稿,希望读文网小编整理的对你有用,欢迎阅读:
The Second Inaugural Address by Bill Clinton
January 20, 1997
My fellow citizens :
At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the challenges that await us in the next century. It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs, a moment that will define our course, and our character, for decades to come. We must keep our old democracy forever young. Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new promise.
The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal. It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.
Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the American Century.
And what a century it has been. America became the world's mightiest industrial power; saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war; and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.
Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age; built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all; split the atom and explored the heavens; invented the computer and the microchip; and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women.
Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose. We began the 19th century with a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast. We began the 20th century with a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency. Those choices made all the difference.
At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.
When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today. We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.
In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement. America stands alone as the world's indispensable nation. Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment. Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.
And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government. Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution. We,- the American people, we are the solution. Our founders understood that well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.
As times change, so government must change. We need a new government for a new century - humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves; a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less. Yet where it can stand up for our values and interests in the world, and where it can give Americans the power to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less. The preeminent mission of our new government is to give all Americans an opportunity,- not a guarantee, but a real opportunity to build better lives.
Beyond that, my fellow citizens, the future is up to us. Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship. And we need a new sense of responsibility for a new century. There is work to do, work that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read; hiring people off welfare rolls; coming out from behind locked doors and shuttered windows to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime; taking time out of our own lives to serve others.
Each and every one of us, in our own way, must assume personal responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation. Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a new century. For any one of us to succeed, we must succeed as one America.
The challenge of our past remains the challenge of our future, will we be one nation, one people, with one common destiny, or not? Will we all come together, or come apart?
The divide of race has been America's constant curse. And each new wave of immigrants gives new targets to old prejudices. Prejudice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or political conviction are no different. These forces have nearly destroyed our nation in the past. They plague us still. They fuel the fanaticism of terror. And they torment the lives of millions in fractured nations all around the world.
These obsessions cripple both those who hate and, of course, those who are hated, robbing both of what they might become. We cannot, we will not, succumb to the dark impulses that lurk in the far regions of the soul everywhere. We shall overcome them. And we shall replace them with the generous spirit of a people who feel at home with one another.
Our rich texture of racial, religious and political diversity will be a Godsend in the 21st century. Great rewards will come to those who can live together, learn together, work together, forge new ties that bind together.
As this new era approaches we can already see its broad outlines. Ten years ago, the Internet was the mystical province of physicists; today, it is a commonplace encyclopedia for millions of schoolchildren. Scientists now are decoding the blueprint of human life. Cures for our most feared illnesses seem close at hand.
The world is no longer divided into two hostile camps. Instead, now we are building bonds with nations that once were our adversaries. Growing connections of commerce and culture give us a chance to lift the fortunes and spirits of people the world over. And for the very first time in all of history, more people on this planet live under democracy than dictatorship.
My fellow Americans, as we look back at this remarkable century, we may ask, can we hope not just to follow, but even to surpass the achievements of the 20th century in America and to avoid the awful bloodshed that stained its legacy? To that question, every American here and every American in our land today must answer a resounding "Yes."
This is the heart of our task. With a new vision of government, a new sense of responsibility, a new spirit of community, we will sustain America's journey. The promise we sought in a new land we will find again in a land of new promise.#p#副标题#e#
In this new land, education will be every citizen's most prized possession. Our schools will have the highest standards in the world, igniting the spark of possibility in the eyes of every girl and every boy. And the doors of higher education will be open to all. The knowledge and power of the Information Age will be within reach not just of the few, but of every classroom, every library, every child. Parents and children will have time not only to work, but to read and play together. And the plans they make at their kitchen table will be those of a better home, a better job, the certain chance to go to college.
Our streets will echo again with the laughter of our children, because no one will try to shoot them or sell them drugs anymore. Everyone who can work, will work, with today's permanent under class part of tomorrow's growing middle class. New miracles of medicine at last will reach not only those who can claim care now, but the children and hardworking families too long denied.
We will stand mighty for peace and freedom, and maintain a strong defense against terror and destruction. Our children will sleep free from the threat of nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. Ports and airports, farms and factories will thrive with trade and innovation and ideas. And the world's greatest democracy will lead a whole world of democracies.
Our land of new promise will be a nation that meets its obligations, a nation that balances its budget, but never loses the balance of its values. A nation where our grandparents have secure retirement and health care, and their grandchildren know we have made the reforms necessary to sustain those benefits for their time. A nation that fortifies the world's most productive economy even as it protects the great natural bounty of our water, air, and majestic land.
And in this land of new promise, we will have reformed our politics so that the voice of the people will always speak louder than the din of narrow interests, regaining the participation and deserving the trust of all Americans.
Fellow citizens, let us build that America, a nation ever moving forward toward realizing the full potential of all its citizens. Prosperity and power, yes, they are important, and we must maintain them. But let us never forget: The greatest progress we have made, and the greatest progress we have yet to make, is in the human heart. In the end, all the world's wealth and a thousand armies are no match for the strength and decency of the human spirit.
Thirty-four years ago, the man whose life we celebrate today spoke to us down there, at the other end of this Mall, in words that moved the conscience of a nation. Like a prophet of old, he told of his dream that one day America would rise up and treat all its citizens as equals before the law and in the heart. Martin Luther King's dream was the American Dream. His quest is our quest: the ceaseless striving to live out our true creed. Our history has been built on such dreams and labors. And by our dreams and labors we will redeem the promise of America in the 21st century.
To that effort I pledge all my strength and every power of my office. I ask the members of Congress here to join in that pledge. The American people returned to office a President of one party and a Congress of another. Surely, they did not do this to advance the politics of petty bickering and extreme partisanship they plainly deplore. No, they call on us instead to be repairers of the breach, and to move on with America's mission.
America demands and deserves big things from us,- and nothing big ever came from being small. Let us remember the timeless wisdom of Cardinal Bernardin, when facing the end of his own life. He said, "It is wrong to waste the precious gift of time, on acrimony and division."
Fellow citizens, we must not waste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end. But the journey of our America must go on.
And so, my fellow Americans, we must be strong, for there is much to dare. The demands of our time are great and they are different. Let us meet them with faith and courage, with patience and a grateful and happy heart. Let us shape the hope of this day into the noblest chapter in our history. Yes, let us build our bridge. A bridge wide enough and strong enough for every American to cross over to a blessed land of new promise.
May those generations whose faces we cannot yet see, whose names we may never know, say of us here that we led our beloved land into a new century with the American Dream alive for all her children; with the American promise of a more perfect union a reality for all her people; with America's bright flame of freedom spreading throughout all the world.
From the height of this place and the summit of this century, let us go forth. May God strengthen our hands for the good work ahead, and always, always bless our America.
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以下是读文网小编给大家整理的美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿,希望能帮到你!
President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.
We must act. We must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.
We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.
It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.
May He protect each and every one of us.
May He guide me in the days to come.
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美国是世界公认的超级大国,那么你想知道曾经的美国总统布什就职发言是怎么样的吗?以下是读文网小编整理了美国总统布什就职演讲稿中英文版,供你参考。
Vice President Hu,thank you very much for your kind and generous remarks. Thank you for welcoming me and my wife , laura, here.
非常感谢胡锦涛同志热情洋溢的欢迎致词,非常感谢您再这里接待我和我的夫人劳拉。
I see she is keeping pretty good company with the Secretary of State, Collin Powell.
我发现她和国务卿科林。鲍威尔先生相处的非常好。
It is good to see you, Mr. Secretary.
很高兴看到你国务卿先生。
And I see my National Security Adviser, Ms.Codoleezza Rice, who once was the provost of Stanford University, so she is comfortable on the university campuses such as this.
我也看到了我的国家安全顾问康多莉萨.赖斯女士,她曾经是斯坦福大学的校长,因此她回到校园是再合适不过了。
Thank you for being here ,Codin.
谢谢你能来,康迪。
I am so grateful for the hospitality and honored for the reception at one of China’s and the world’s great universities.
非常感谢各位对我的热情接待,很荣幸能够来到中国,甚至是世界最伟大的学府之一。
The standards and the reputation of this university are known around the world, and I know what an achievement it is to be here. So congratulations.
清华大学的治学标准和声望闻名于世,我也知道能考入这所大学本身就是一个很大的成就,祝贺你们。
My visit to China comes an important anniversary, as the vice president mentioned.Thirty years ago this week an American president arrived in China on an trip designed to end decades of estrangement and confront centuries of suspicious. President Richard Nixon showed that two vastly different government could meet on the grounds of common interests in the spirit of mutual respect.
我这次访华恰逢一个重要的纪念日,副主席刚才也谈到了,30年前的这一周,一位美国总统来到了中国,他访华之旅的目的是为了结速两国之间长达数十年的隔阂。,和数百年的相互猜疑。尼克松总统向世界表明了两个有重大差异的国家,本着互惠互利,互相尊重的精神是能够站在一起的。
As they left the airport that day, Premier Zhou En-Lai said this to President Nixon: “you handshake came over the vastest ocean in the world-25years of no communication.
那天他们离开机场的时候,周恩来对尼克松总统说了这样一番话,他说:“你与我的握手越过了世界上最为辽阔的海洋,这个还有就是互不交往的25年。”
During the 30 years since, America and China have exchanged many handshakes of friendship and commerce. And as we have had more contact with each other ,the citizens of both countries have gradually learned more about each other.
30年以来,美国和中国握过多次友谊之手和商业之手。随着我们两国间接触的日益频繁,我们两国的国民也加深了对彼此的了解,这是非常重要的。
It was my honor to visit China in 1975.Some of you were not even born then. It shows how old I am.
我在1975年有幸访问过中国,那时候在座的有些人可能还没有出生,这也表明我是多么老了。
And a lot has changed in your country since then. China has made amazing progress in openness and enterprise and economic freedom. And this progress previews China’s great potential. China has joined the World Trade Organization, and as you live up to its obligations, they inevitably will bring changes to Chinese leagal system. A morden China will have a consistent rule of law to govern commerce and secure the rights of its people.
从那时以来,贵国发生了很多变化。中国在开发,企业,经济自由方面都取得了惊人的成绩。这一成绩显示了中国的巨大潜能。中国已经加入了世贸组织,在各位旅行其义务的同时这些义务势必给中国的法律制度带来变化。一个现代化的中国将有着统一的法制来规范他们的商业生活和保障人民的利益。
The new China you generation is building will need the profound wisdom of your traditions. The lure of materialism challenges society in our country- and in many successful countries.
你们这一代人正在建设的中国也需要深远传统的智慧结晶。物质利益的诱惑对我们的社会造成了挑战-在我们的国家给我们的社会造成了调整,在很多发达国家也是。
All these changes will lead to a stronger, more confident China, a China that can astonish and enrich the world, a China that you generation will help create.
所以的这些变化将导致中国更强大,更自信,这个中国将使世界瞩目,也将使世界更加丰富。
This is one of the mose exciting times in the history of your country, a time when even the grandest hopes seem in your reach. My nation offers you our respect and our friendship.
这个这个就是诸位这一代帮助创立的中国。现在使中国历史上非常令人振奋的一个时期,此时此刻连最宏伟的梦想似乎也唾手可得。我的国度,对中国表示尊敬和友谊。
Six years from now, athletes from America and all around the world will come to you country for the Olympic Games, and I am confident they will find a China that is becoming a Daguo, a leading nation, at peace with its people and at peace with the world.
再过六年,来自美国和世界各地的运动员将到贵国参加奥运会,我坚信,他们能够见到的中国是一个正在变成大国的中国,一个走在世界前沿的国家,一个民心安定,与世界和平共处的国家。
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以下读文网小编整理的美国总统尼克松就职演讲稿,供大家参考,希望大家能够有所收获!
Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:
I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.
Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.
This can be such a moment.
Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.
In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.
For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.
Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.
What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.
The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.
If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.
This is our summons to greatness.
I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.
The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.
We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.
We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.
No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.
Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."
Our crisis today is the reverse.
We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.
We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.
To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.
To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.
When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.
Greatness comes in simple trappings.
The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.
To lower our voices would be a simple thing.
In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.
We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.
For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.
Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.
Those left behind, we will help to catch up.
For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.
As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.
In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.
In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.
We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.
The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.
But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.
Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.
What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.
To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.
With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.
I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.
The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.
Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.
The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.
As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.
No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.
This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.
As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.
Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.
After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.
Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.
We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.
We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.
Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.
As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.
With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.
But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.
Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.
I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.
I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.
I also know the people of the world.
I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.
I know America. I know the heart of America is good.
I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.
I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.
Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:
The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.
Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.
As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.
In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:
"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."
In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.
We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.
Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.
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让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。下面是读文网小编为大家整理的美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(英文版),希望大家能够从中有所收获!
胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:
今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾,不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧,它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信,在目前危急时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神,来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝,这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠,人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺,但就在我们见到这种情景的时候,宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了,他们固执己见而又无能为力,因而已经认定失败了,并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉,将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的,他们是努力过,然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败,他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱,他们只得求助于讲道,含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光,而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
如今,货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱;幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦,在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到,我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉,而是为自己和同胞们服务,那么,我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的,我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准,来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念;我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为,它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱,信心,只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些,就不可能有信心。
但是,复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来,现在就行动起来。
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气,这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成,就象对待临战的紧要关头一样,但同时,在有了人手的情况下,我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
我们齐心协力,但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡,我们必须在全国范围内重新分配,使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力,会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声,有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输,通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成,但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动,立即行动。
最后,为了重新开始工作,我们需要两手防御,来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来;一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制:一定要杜绝投机;一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
以上这些,朋友们,就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案,并且,我要向18个州请求立即的援助。
通过行动,我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦,使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易,虽然很重要,但现在在时间和必要性上,次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议,作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易,但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路,是即时之路,是保证复苏功效持久之路。
在国际政策方面,我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重,因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务,尊重与他国协约的国家。
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话,我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题,我们是互相依存的,我们不可以只索取,我们还必须奉献。我们前进时,必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队,愿意为共同的原则而献身,因为,没有这些原则,就无法取得进步,领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备,并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产,因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议,为了更伟大的目标,我们所有的人,以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务,非战乱,不停止。
有了这样的誓言,我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务,致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动,这样的目标,在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单,实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况,只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想,正因为如此,我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等,能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏,紧迫起来。
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托,即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
在此举国奉献之际,我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人,愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。
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布什(Bush)是欧美姓氏,在台湾被译为“布希”,在香港译为“布殊”。美国第41任和43任总统均姓布什。其中乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什(George Herbert Walker Bush)被称为老布什;乔治·沃克·布什 (George Walker Bush)被称为小布什,他们是父子关系。以下是读文网小编整理了美国总统布什就职演讲稿英文,希望你喜欢。
Thank you!
Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush , President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on
the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?"
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The yearsand changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
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美国,面对我们共同的危险,在这个艰困的冬天,让我们记得这些永恒的话语。下面是奥巴马总统的就职演讲稿,希望读文网小编整理的对你有用,欢迎阅读:
各位同胞:
今天我站在这里,为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑,对各位的信任心怀感激,对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务,也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。
四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言,这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表,或是在乌云密布,时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候,美国能箕裘相继,不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景,也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心,也忠於创建我国的法统。
因此,美国才能承继下来。因此,这一代美国人也必须承继下去。
现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心,我国正在与四处蔓延的暴力和憎恨作战。我们的经济元气大伤——这既是某些人贪婪且不负责任的後果,也是大众未能做出艰难的选择,对国家进入新时代做准备不足所致。许多人失去房子,丢了工作,生意萧条。我们的医疗太昂贵,学校教育让人失望。每天都有更多证据显示,我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌,威胁我们的星球。
这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的,是举国信心尽失——持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退,也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。
今天我要告诉各位,我们面临的挑战是真的,挑战非常严重,且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易,或在短时间内解决。但是,美国要了解,这些挑战会被解决。
在这一天,我们聚在一起,因为我们选择希望而非恐惧,有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。
在这一天,我们来此宣示,那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结,那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。
我们仍是个年轻的国家,但借用圣经的话,摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了,重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了,选择我们更好的历史,实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利,那种高贵的理念:就是上帝的应许,我们每个人都是平等的,每个人都是自由的,每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。
再次肯定我们国家的伟大,我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来,必须努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的,那些偏好逸乐胜过工作,或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相反,走这条路的始终是勇於冒险的人,做事的人,成事的人,其中有些人很出名,但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄,在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我们,迈向繁荣与自由。
为了我们,他们携带很少的家当,远渡重洋,追寻新生活。
为了我们,他们胼手胝足,在西部安顿下来;忍受风吹雨打,筚路蓝缕。
为了我们,他们奋斗不懈,在康科特和盖茨堡,诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。
前人不断的奋斗与牺牲,直到双手皮开肉绽,我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大於所有个人企图心总和的整体,超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。
这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时,我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新,我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比,一样是必需品。我们的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定,这段时期肯定已经过去。由今天开始,我们必须振作起来,拍掉身上的灰尘,再度开始重塑美国。
我们无论朝何处望去,都有工作必须完成。经济情势需要大胆、迅速的行动,我们将有所行动,不光是创造新工作,更要奠定成长的新基础。我们将造桥铺路,为企业兴建电力网格与数位线路,将我们联系在一起。我们将让科学回归合适的用途,运用科技的奇蹟来提高医疗品质并降低费用。我们将利用太阳能、风力和土壤作为汽车的燃料和工厂的能源。我们将让中小学及大专院校转型,因应新时代的需要。这些我们可以作到。我们也将会作到。
现在,有人质疑我们的雄心,暗示说我们的体系无法承受太多的大计画。这些人的记性不好。因为他们忘记了这个国家已经完成的成就,当创造力朝同一个目标发展,不受约束的男男女女可以完成何等成就,必要的是勇气。
怀疑者无法理解的是他们的主张已经站不住脚,长期以来折磨我们的陈腐政治争议已经行不通。我们今天的问题不是政府太大或太小,而是有无功效,是否能帮助家庭找到薪水不错的工作,支付得起照顾费用,有尊严的退休。哪个方向能够提供肯定的答案,我们就往那里走。答案是否定的地方,计画就会停止。所有我们这些管理大众金钱的人都将负起责任,花钱要精明,改掉恶习,正大光明作事情,只有这样我们才能重建政府与人民间最重要的信任。
我们眼前的问题也不是说市场的力量是善或恶。市场创造财富和增加自由的力量无与伦比,但是这场危机提醒我们没有监督时,市场发展将失控,当市场只偏爱有钱人时,国家无法永续繁荣。我们经济成功的依据,不只是国内生产毛额的规模,还有繁荣可及的范围,以及我们将机会拓展给每个愿意打拚的人,不是因为施舍,而是因为这就是达到我们共同利益最稳健的途径。
至於我们的共同防卫,让我们必须在自由和理想之间作一抉择,是错误的,我们拒绝接受。我们建国诸父在我们难以想像的危难之中。拟具了确保法治和人权的宪章,被一代代以鲜血扩大充实的宪章。这些理想依然照亮这个世界,我们不会为了便宜行事而扬弃它。同样地,今日在观看此情此景的其他民族和政府,从最宏伟的都城到家父出生的小村庄,我要说:任何一个国家、男、女、和孩童,只要你在追求一个和平且有尊严的未来,美国就是你的朋友,我们准备再次带领大家。
回想先前的世代力抗法西斯主义和共产主义,靠的除了飞弹和战车之外,还有强固的联盟和持久的信念。他们知道单单力量本身不足以让我们自保,也不能让我们为所欲为。相反地,他们知道我们的力量因为谨慎使用而增强,我们的安全源自我们理想的正当性,我们所树立楷模的力量,以及谦逊和克制所具有的调和特质。#p#副标题#e#
我们是这些遗产的保存者。在这些原则的再次指引下,我们可以面对那些新的威胁,这些威胁有赖国与国间更大的合作与谅解方能因应。我们将开始以负责任的方式把伊拉克还给它的人民,并在阿富汗建立赢来不易的和平。我们会努力不懈地与老朋友和昔日的对手合作,以减轻核子威胁,和地球的暖化。我们不会为我们的生活方式而道歉,也会毫不动摇地保护它,对那些想要藉由带来恐怖与杀害无辜以遂其目的者,我们现在告诉你,我们的精神强过你们,无法摧折,你们不可能比我们长久,我们必定打败你们。
因为我们知道,我们拼凑组合而成的遗产是我们的强处,而非弱点。我们是由_和穆斯林,犹太教徒和印度教徒,以及非信徒组成的国家。我们由取自世界四面八方的各种语文和文化所形塑。而且由於我们曾尝过内战和种族隔离的苦果,并且在走出那黑暗时期之後变得更坚强和团结,这让我们不得不相信旧日的仇恨终究会过去,部族之间的界线很快就会泯灭。随着世界越来越小,我们共通的人性也会彰显,而美国必须扮演引进新和平时代的角色。
对穆斯林世界,我们寻求一种新的前进方式,以共同的利益和尊重为基础。那些想播植冲突并把自己社会的问题怪罪於西方的领袖,须知你的国民藉以判断你的,是你能建立什麽,而非你能毁坏什麽。那些靠着贪腐欺骗和箝制异己保住权势的人,须知你门站在历史错误的一边,而只要你愿意松手,我们就会帮忙。
那些穷国的人民,我们保证会和你们合作,让们的农场丰收,让清流涌入,滋补饿坏的身体,喂养饥饿的心灵。而对那些和我们一样比较富裕的国家,我要说,我们不能再对国界以外的苦痛视而不见,也不能再消耗世上的资源而不计後果。因为世界已经变了,我们也要跟着改变。
在我们思索眼前道路的此际,我们以谦虚感激的心想到,有些勇敢的美国同胞正在遥远的沙漠和山岭上巡逻。今天他们有话要对我们说,就和躺在阿灵顿(公墓)的英雄们世世代代轻声诉说的一样。我们尊荣他们,不只因为他们扞卫我们的自由,更因为他们代表着服务的精神;愿意在比自己更大的事物上找寻意义。而在此刻,能够界定一个世代的此刻,必须常驻你我心中的,正是这种精神。
即使政府能做和必须做,这个国家最终仍得靠美国人民的信念与决心。在堤防决堤时,是人们的善心,让他们招待陌生人。是工作人员的无私,让他们宁可减工时,也不愿看到朋友失业,陪伴我们度过最黑暗时期。是消防员的勇气,让他们冲进满是浓烟的楼梯间。是父母心甘情愿培育孩子,最终决定我们的命运。
我们的挑战也许是新的,我们迎接挑战的工具也许是新的,但我们赖以成功的价值观─辛勤工作和诚实、勇气和公平竞争、容忍和好奇心、忠实和爱国心─这些都是固有的。这些价值是真实的,是我们历史上进步的沉默力量。我们有必要找回这些真实价值。我们现在需要一个勇於负责的新时代,每一个美国人都体认到我们对自己、对国家、对世界负有责任,我们不是不情愿地接受这些责任,而是欣然接受,坚信没有什麽比全力以赴完成艰难的工作,更能得到精神上的满足,更能找到自我。
这是公民的代价和承诺。
这是我们信心的来源,体认上帝召唤我们创造不确定的命运。
这是我们的自由和信条的真谛,为什麽不同种族和信仰的男女老幼能在这个大草坪上共同庆祝,为什麽一个人的父亲在不到六十年前也许还不能进当地的餐厅用餐,现在却能站在你们面前做最神圣的宣誓。
让我们记住这一天,记住我们是谁、我们走了多远。在美国诞生这一年,在最寒冷的几个月,在结冰的河岸,一群爱国人士抱着垂死的同志。首都弃守,敌人进逼,雪沾了血。在那时,我们革命的成果受到质疑,我们的国父下令向人民宣读这段话:
“让这段话流传后世,在深冬,只剩下希望和美德,这个城市和这个国家,面临共同危险,站起来迎向它。”
美国,面对我们共同的危险,在这个艰困的冬天,让我们记得这些永恒的话语。怀着希望和美德,让我们再度冲破结冰的逆流,度过接下来可能来临的暴风雪。让我们孩子的孩子继续流传下去,说我们受到考验时,我们拒绝让旅程结束,我们不回头,也不踌躇;眼睛注视着远方,上帝的恩典降临我们,我们带着自由这个伟大的礼物,安全送达未来的世世代代。
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下面是美国总统尼克松就职演讲稿,希望读文网小编整理的对你有用,欢迎阅读:
MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969
Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:
I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.
Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.
This can be such a moment.
Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.
In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.
For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.
Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.
What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.
The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.
If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.
This is our summons to greatness.
I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.
The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.
We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.
We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.
No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.
Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."
Our crisis today is the reverse.
We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.
We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.
To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.
To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.
When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.
Greatness comes in simple trappings.
The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.
To lower our voices would be a simple thing.
In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.
We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.
For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.
Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.
Those left behind, we will help to catch up.
For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.
As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.
In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.
In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.
We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.
The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.
But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.
Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.
What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.
To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.
With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.
I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.
The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.
Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.
The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.
As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.
No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.
This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.
As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.
Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.
After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.
Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.
We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.
We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.
Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.
As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.
With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.
But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.
Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.
I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.
I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.
I also know the people of the world.
I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.
I know America. I know the heart of America is good.
I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.
I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.
Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:
The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.
Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.
As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.
In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:
"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."
In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.
We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.
Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.
理查德-尼克松 第一次就职演讲
星期一,1969年1月20日
历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝,它既珍贵又独特。可是,其中某些显然是揭开序幕的时刻,此时,一代先河得以开创,它决定了未来数十年或几个世纪的航向。
现在可能就是这样一个时刻。
现在,各方力量正在汇聚起来,使我们第一次可以期望人类的许多夙愿最终能够实现。
不断加快的变革速度,使我们能在我们这一代期望过去花了几百年才出现的种种进步。
由于开辟了大空的天地,我们在地球上也发现了新的天地。
由于世界人民希望和平,而世界各国领袖害怕战争,因此,目前形势第一次变得有利于和平。
从现在起,再过8年,美国将庆祝建国200周年。在现在大多数人的有生之年,人类将庆祝千载难逢的、辉煌无比的新年——第三个百年盛世的开端。
我们的国家将变成怎样的国家,我们将生活在怎样的世界上,我们要不要按照我们的希望铸造未来,这些都将由我们根据自己的行动和选择来决定。
历史所能赐予我们的最大荣誉,莫过于和平缔造者这一称号。这一荣誉现在正在召唤美国——这是领导世界最终脱离动乱的幽谷,走向自文明开端以来人类一直梦寐以求的和平高坛的一个机会。
我们若获成功,下几代人在谈及现在在世的我们时会说,正是我们掌握了时机,正是我们协力相助,使普天之下国泰民安。
这是要我们创立宏伟大业的召唤。
我相信,美国人民准备响应这一召唤。
经过一段对抗时期,我们正进入一个谈判时代。
让所有国家都知道,在本届政府任期内,交流通道是敞开的。
我们谋求一个开放的世界——对各种思想开放,对物资和人员的交流开放,在这个世界中,任何民族,不论大小,都不会生活在怏怏不乐的孤立之中。
我们不能指望每个人都成为我们的朋友,可是我们能设法使任何人都不与我们为敌。
我们邀请那些很可能是我们对手的人进行一场和平竞赛——不是要征服领土或扩展版图,而是要丰富人类的生活。
在探索宇宙空间的时候,让我们一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界,而是共同进行一次新的探险。
让我们同那些愿意加入这一行列的人共同合作,减少军备负担,加固和平大厦,提高贫穷挨饿的人们的生活水平。
但是,对所有那些见软就欺的人来说,让我们不容置疑地表明,我们需要多么强大就会多强大:需要强大多久,就会强大多久。
自从我作为新当选的国会议员首次来到国会大厦之后的20多年来,我已经出访过世界上大多数国家。
我结识了世界各国的领导人,了解到使世界陷于四分五裂的各种强大势力,各种深仇大恨,各种恐惧心理。
我知道,和于不会单凭愿望就能到来——这需要日复一日,甚至年复一年地进行耐心而持久的外交努力,除此别无他法。
我也了解世界各国人民。
我见到过无家可归的儿童在忍饥挨饿,战争中挂彩负伤的男人在痛苦呻吟,失去孩子的母亲在无限悲伤。我知道,这些并没有意识形态和种族之分。
我了解美国。我了解美国的心是善良的。
我从心底里,从我国人民的心底里,向那些蒙受不幸和痛苦的人们表达我们的深切关怀。
今天,我在上帝和我国同胞面前宣誓,拥护和捍卫合众国宪法。除了这一誓言,我现在还要补充一项神圣的义务:我将把自己的职责、精力以及我所能使唤的一切智慧,一并奉献给各国之间的和平事业。
让强者和弱者都能听到这一信息:
我们企求赢得的和平不是战胜任何一个民族,而是“和平天使”带来的为治愈创伤的和平:是对遭受苦难者予以同情的和平;是对那些反对过我们的人予以谅解的和平;是地球上各族人民都有选择自己命运的机会的和平。
就在几星期以前,人类如同上帝凝望这个世界一样,第一次端视了这个世界,一个在冥冥黑暗中辉映发光的独特的星球。我们分享了这一荣光。
阿波罗号上的字航员在圣诞节前夕飞越月球灰色的表面时,向我们说起地球的美丽——从穿过月距而传来的如此清晰的声音中,我们听到他们在祈祷上帝赐福人间。
在那一时刻,他们从月球上发出的意愿,激励着诗人阿奇博尔德•麦克利什写下了这样的篇章:
“在永恒的宁静中,那渺小、斑斓、美丽的地球在浮动。要真正地观望地球,就得把我们自己都看作是地球的乘客,看作是一群兄弟,他们共处于漫漫的、寒冷的字宙中。仰赖着光明的挚爱——这群兄弟懂得,而今他们是真正的兄弟。”
在那个比技术胜利更有意义的时刻,人们把思绪转向了家乡和人类——他们从那个遥远的视角中发现,地球上人类的命运是不能分开的;他们告诉我们,不管我们在宇宙中走得多远,我们的命运不是在别的星球上,而是在地球上,在我们自己手中,在我们的心头。
我们已经度过了一个反映美国精神的漫漫长夜。可是,当我们瞥见黎明前的第一缕曙光,切莫诅咒那尚未消散的黑暗。让我们迎接光明吧。
我们的命运所赐予的不是绝望的苦酒,而是机会的美餐。因此,让我们不是充满恐惧,而是满怀喜悦地去抓住这个机会吧——“地球的乘客们”,让我们以坚定的信念,朝着稳定的目标,在提防着危险中前进吧!我们对上帝的意志和人类的希望充满了信心,这将使我们持之以恒。
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同胞们,让我们建设这样的美国,一个永远前进,以充分发挥全民潜力的国家。下面是读文网小编为大家整理的美国总统克林顿连任就职演讲稿,希望大家能够从中有所收获!
The Second Inaugural Address by Bill Clinton
January 20, 1997
My fellow citizens :
At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the challenges that await us in the next century. It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs, a moment that will define our course, and our character, for decades to come. We must keep our old democracy forever young. Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new promise.
The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal. It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.
Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the American Century.
And what a century it has been. America became the world's mightiest industrial power; saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war; and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.
Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age; built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all; split the atom and explored the heavens; invented the computer and the microchip; and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women.
Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose. We began the 19th century with a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast. We began the 20th century with a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency. Those choices made all the difference.
At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.
When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today. We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.
In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement. America stands alone as the world's indispensable nation. Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment. Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.
And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government. Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution. We,- the American people, we are the solution. Our founders understood that well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.
As times change, so government must change. We need a new government for a new century - humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves; a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less. Yet where it can stand up for our values and interests in the world, and where it can give Americans the power to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less. The preeminent mission of our new government is to give all Americans an opportunity,- not a guarantee, but a real opportunity to build better lives.#p#副标题#e#
Beyond that, my fellow citizens, the future is up to us. Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship. And we need a new sense of responsibility for a new century. There is work to do, work that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read; hiring people off welfare rolls; coming out from behind locked doors and shuttered windows to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime; taking time out of our own lives to serve others.
Each and every one of us, in our own way, must assume personal responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation. Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a new century. For any one of us to succeed, we must succeed as one America.
The challenge of our past remains the challenge of our future, will we be one nation, one people, with one common destiny, or not? Will we all come together, or come apart?
The divide of race has been America's constant curse. And each new wave of immigrants gives new targets to old prejudices. Prejudice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or political conviction are no different. These forces have nearly destroyed our nation in the past. They plague us still. They fuel the fanaticism of terror. And they torment the lives of millions in fractured nations all around the world.
These obsessions cripple both those who hate and, of course, those who are hated, robbing both of what they might become. We cannot, we will not, succumb to the dark impulses that lurk in the far regions of the soul everywhere. We shall overcome them. And we shall replace them with the generous spirit of a people who feel at home with one another.
Our rich texture of racial, religious and political diversity will be a Godsend in the 21st century. Great rewards will come to those who can live together, learn together, work together, forge new ties that bind together.
As this new era approaches we can already see its broad outlines. Ten years ago, the Internet was the mystical province of physicists; today, it is a commonplace encyclopedia for millions of schoolchildren. Scientists now are decoding the blueprint of human life. Cures for our most feared illnesses seem close at hand.
The world is no longer divided into two hostile camps. Instead, now we are building bonds with nations that once were our adversaries. Growing connections of commerce and culture give us a chance to lift the fortunes and spirits of people the world over. And for the very first time in all of history, more people on this planet live under democracy than dictatorship.
My fellow Americans, as we look back at this remarkable century, we may ask, can we hope not just to follow, but even to surpass the achievements of the 20th century in America and to avoid the awful bloodshed that stained its legacy? To that question, every American here and every American in our land today must answer a resounding "Yes."
This is the heart of our task. With a new vision of government, a new sense of responsibility, a new spirit of community, we will sustain America's journey. The promise we sought in a new land we will find again in a land of new promise.
In this new land, education will be every citizen's most prized possession. Our schools will have the highest standards in the world, igniting the spark of possibility in the eyes of every girl and every boy. And the doors of higher education will be open to all. The knowledge and power of the Information Age will be within reach not just of the few, but of every classroom, every library, every child. Parents and children will have time not only to work, but to read and play together. And the plans they make at their kitchen table will be those of a better home, a better job, the certain chance to go to college.
Our streets will echo again with the laughter of our children, because no one will try to shoot them or sell them drugs anymore. Everyone who can work, will work, with today's permanent under class part of tomorrow's growing middle class. New miracles of medicine at last will reach not only those who can claim care now, but the children and hardworking families too long denied.
We will stand mighty for peace and freedom, and maintain a strong defense against terror and destruction. Our children will sleep free from the threat of nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. Ports and airports, farms and factories will thrive with trade and innovation and ideas. And the world's greatest democracy will lead a whole world of democracies.
Our land of new promise will be a nation that meets its obligations, a nation that balances its budget, but never loses the balance of its values. A nation where our grandparents have secure retirement and health care, and their grandchildren know we have made the reforms necessary to sustain those benefits for their time. A nation that fortifies the world's most productive economy even as it protects the great natural bounty of our water, air, and majestic land.
And in this land of new promise, we will have reformed our politics so that the voice of the people will always speak louder than the din of narrow interests, regaining the participation and deserving the trust of all Americans.
Fellow citizens, let us build that America, a nation ever moving forward toward realizing the full potential of all its citizens. Prosperity and power, yes, they are important, and we must maintain them. But let us never forget: The greatest progress we have made, and the greatest progress we have yet to make, is in the human heart. In the end, all the world's wealth and a thousand armies are no match for the strength and decency of the human spirit.
Thirty-four years ago, the man whose life we celebrate today spoke to us down there, at the other end of this Mall, in words that moved the conscience of a nation. Like a prophet of old, he told of his dream that one day America would rise up and treat all its citizens as equals before the law and in the heart. Martin Luther King's dream was the American Dream. His quest is our quest: the ceaseless striving to live out our true creed. Our history has been built on such dreams and labors. And by our dreams and labors we will redeem the promise of America in the 21st century.
To that effort I pledge all my strength and every power of my office. I ask the members of Congress here to join in that pledge. The American people returned to office a President of one party and a Congress of another. Surely, they did not do this to advance the politics of petty bickering and extreme partisanship they plainly deplore. No, they call on us instead to be repairers of the breach, and to move on with America's mission.
America demands and deserves big things from us,- and nothing big ever came from being small. Let us remember the timeless wisdom of Cardinal Bernardin, when facing the end of his own life. He said, "It is wrong to waste the precious gift of time, on acrimony and division."
Fellow citizens, we must not waste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end. But the journey of our America must go on.
And so, my fellow Americans, we must be strong, for there is much to dare. The demands of our time are great and they are different. Let us meet them with faith and courage, with patience and a grateful and happy heart. Let us shape the hope of this day into the noblest chapter in our history. Yes, let us build our bridge. A bridge wide enough and strong enough for every American to cross over to a blessed land of new promise.
May those generations whose faces we cannot yet see, whose names we may never know, say of us here that we led our beloved land into a new century with the American Dream alive for all her children; with the American promise of a more perfect union a reality for all her people; with America's bright flame of freedom spreading throughout all the world.
From the height of this place and the summit of this century, let us go forth. May God strengthen our hands for the good work ahead, and always, always bless our America.#p#副标题#e#
【中文译文】:
克林顿第二次就职演说
同胞们:
藉此二十世纪最后一届总统就职演说之际,让我们睁开眼睛迎接下一世纪我们将面临的挑战。所幸的是,时间和机遇不仅将我们置身于一个新世纪的边缘,一个新的千周年,而且将我们置身于人类事业一个崭新新的、光辉的边缘——一个决定我们未来数十年方向和地位的时刻。我们必须使我们古老的民主永葆青春。在“希望之乡”这一古老憧憬的指引下,让我们着眼于新的“希望之乡”。
美国的希望源于十八世纪一种无畏的信念:人生来皆平等。在十九世纪,我们的国家横跨大陆,拯救了联邦,废除了恐怖的奴隶制的蹂躏。
这一信念得以流传和扩展。然后,在辛劳和胜利之中,这种希望奔上了世界的舞台,使本世纪成为美国的世纪。
这是怎样的一个世纪啊。美国成为世界上最强大的工业大国,它把世界从两次世界大战和旷日持久的冷战的暴虐中拯救出来,并且一再向全球上百万像我们一样渴望自由赐福的人们伸出援助之手。
在这一进程中,美国产生 了庞大的中产阶级和老年人保险制度,建立了无与伦比的学习中心,并对全民开放公立学校,分裂了原子且探索了太空,发明了计算机和微芯片,通过发起一场非裔美国人和少数民族的民权革命,及扩大妇女的公民权利,就业机会和人身尊严,而深掘了正义之泉。
现在,也是第三次,一个新世纪来到我们面前,这又是一个选择的时候,我们进入十九世纪时有一个选择,使得我们国家从一个海岸扩展到另一个海岸,我们进入二十世纪时又有一个选择,使得工业革命能符合我们的价值观,即自由经营,水土保持,和恪守人类正义,这些选择使得一切迥然不同。
在二十一世纪曙光来临之际,一个自由的民族必须做出选择,去打造信息时代和全球一体化的力量。去释放全民无尽的潜能,并且,去成就一个更完美的联邦国家。
上次我们在此相聚时,我们向这个新未来的进军似乎没有今天这么明确,我们那时曾宣誓 确立新的道路,复兴我们的国家。
在这四年中,我们感到悲剧带来的触动,挑战带来的兴奋,成就带来的增强,美国作为世界不可缺少的国家巍然挺立,再一次, 我们的经济是世界上最强大的经济,再一次,我们建设着更牢固的家庭,繁荣的社区,更好的教育机会,更清洁的环境,曾经似乎注定要恶化的问题现在也屈服于我们的努力,我们的街道更安全,我们的同胞有创记录的人数已从福利走向工作。
再一次,我们解决了当前关于政府角色问题的巨大争论。 今天我们可以宣告:政府不是问题的产生者,政府也不是问题的解决者,我们-美国人民-我们才是问题的解决者,我们的缔造者深深地了解这一点,他们给予我们的民主强壮的足以持续几个世纪。柔韧地足以在每一新的日子里迎接我们共同的挑战并推进我们共同的梦想。
同胞们,让我们建设这样的美国,一个永远前进,以充分发挥全民潜力的国家。是的,我们必须保持繁荣强大。但是,我们不能忘记:我们已取得的伟大成就,我们将取得的伟大的成就,就在人民心中。到最后,整个世界的财富和千支军队都无法与人类精神力量和精神文明相匹敌。
三十四年前,有一个人,他的一生为我们今天所歌颂,他就在那边,在广场的另一端对我们演讲,他的话打动了国民的良知。像是一个古时的预言家,他诉说着他的梦想:有一天美国终会站起来,在法律面前和人们心中所有公民都将得到平等对待。马丁·路德·金的梦是美国之梦。他的要求就是我们的要求,即不断努力实现我们生活信条。我们的历史就建立在这样的梦想和努力上。通过我们的梦想和努力,我们重赎二十一世纪美国的希望。
同胞们,我们不能浪费当前宝贵的时机。因为我们大家都在生命的同一旅途上,我们的旅途会有终点。但我们的美国之路必须走下去。
我们还看不到我们的后代的面孔,也永远不会知道他们的名字,但是当他们谈论到我们的时候,希望他们会说我们把祖国领进了新的世纪,把有活力的美国梦留给了所有的子孙
让我们从此地之峰,从世纪之巅前进。愿上帝给我们强有力的双手,做好未来的工作——并且,永远,永远保佑我们美国。
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我们不是这个故事的作者,是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空,并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。下面是读文网小编为大家整理的美国总统乔治 布什2001年就职演讲稿,希望大家能够从中有所收获!
January 20, 2001
President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:
The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation; and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story. A story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story. A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws; and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along; and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth; and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation; and this is my solemn pledge, "I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity." I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them; and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character. America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness. Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small. But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous. Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives; we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent; we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans; we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge; and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests; we will show purpose without arrogance; we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength; and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise. Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love. The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls. Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless. Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws. Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. I can pledge our nation to a goal, "When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side."#p#副标题#e#
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected. Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom. Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone. I will live and lead by these principles, "to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well." In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens. Citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?" Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, "our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity."
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose. Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官,卡特总统,布什总统,克林顿总统,尊敬的来宾们,我的同胞们,
这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的,但在美国是平常的。我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统,同时开始了新的历程。
首先,我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献,也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。
站在这里,我很荣幸,也有点受宠若惊。在我之前,许多美国领导人从这里起步;在我之后,也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。
在美国悠久的历史中,我们每个人都有自己的位置;我们还在继续推动着历史前进,但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史,是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史,是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史,但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。
这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺,这就是:每个人都有自身的价值,每个人都有成功的机会,每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命,那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退,但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。
在上个世纪的大部分时间里,美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子,把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家,民主不仅仅是一种信念,而是全人类的希望。民主,我们不会独占,而会竭力让大家分享。民主,我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225年过去了,我们仍有很长的路要走。
有很多公民取得了成功,但也有人开始怀疑,怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言,甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育,潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时,我们的分歧是如此之深,似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆,但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种分歧,也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一,是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此,我郑重宣誓:我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标,因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们,上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。
对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则,我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想,才能使我们心系一处,超越自己,放弃个人利益,并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民,只有接受这些原则,才能使我们的国家不丧失而更具美国特色今天,我们在这里重申一个新的信念,即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。美国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良,尊重他人,为人公平和宽宏大量。
有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道,因为在和平年代,我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是,对我们美国来说,我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业,那么和平将无人来领导;如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性,他们的天分将得不到发挥,理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当措施,任凭经济衰退,最大的受害者将是平民百姓。
我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任;在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺,我们将会享有共同的成就。
美国有强大的国力作后盾,将会勇往直前。
在大萧条和战争时期,我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇,克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在,我们正面临着选择,如果我们作出正确的选择,祖辈一定会激励我们;如果我们的选择是错误的,祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家,我们必须显示出我们的勇气,敢于面对问题,而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。
我们要共同努力,健全美国的学校教育,不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度,在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收,恢复经济,酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然,懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要阻止武器泛滥,使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。
反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白:美国仍将积极参与国际事务,力求世界力量的均衡,让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国,捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。
正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。
当我们静心思考,我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因,我们都必须承认,孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的,但并不能代替我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。
哪里有痛苦,我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说,需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人,而是我们的公民;不是负担,而是急需救助的对象。当有人陷入绝望时,我们大家都会因此变得渺小。
对公共安全和大众健康,对民权和学校教育,政府都应负有极大的责任。然而,同情心不只是政府的职责,更是整个国家的义务。有些需要是如此的迫切,有些伤痕是如此的深刻,只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺,都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性,因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。
我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界:当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上,我们决不会袖手旁观。#p#副标题#e#
正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。
鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊,而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益,但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。
我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择,而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道,通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务,我们将得到最终自由。
我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性;依赖于我们的公民义务,家庭纽带和基本的公正;依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面行动,正是它们指引我们走向自由。
在生活中,有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是,正如我们时代的一位圣人所言,每一天我们都被召唤带着挚爱去做一些小事情。一个民主制度最重要的任务是由大家每一个人来完成的。
我为人处事的原则包括:坚信自己而不强加于人,为公众的利益勇往直前,追求正义而不乏同情心,勇担责任而决不推卸。我要通过这一切,用我们历史上传统价值观来哺育我们的时代。
(同胞们),你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益;要捍卫既定的改革措施,使其不会轻易被攻击;要从身边小事做起,为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民,而不是旁观者,更不是臣民。你们应成为有责任心的公民,共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。
美国人民慷慨、强大、体面,这并非因为我们信任我们自己,而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了,无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了,无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。
在《独立宣言》签署之后,弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰?佩齐曾给托马斯?杰弗逊写信说:"我们知道,身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛,力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗?"
杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝,美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知,即我们这个时代的主题仍然是:我们国家无畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。
我们不是这个故事的作者,是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空,并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们正在通过大家的努力在履行着各自的职责。
带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念,今天我们重树这样的目标:使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨,去验证我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。
这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。
愿上帝保佑大家!愿上帝保佑美国!
谢谢大家!
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