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北京时间2013年1月22日凌晨,贝拉克侯赛因奥巴马宣誓就职第四十四任美利坚合众国总统并发表就职演说。下面是由读文网小编整理的奥巴马就职演讲稿(中英文对照),欢迎阅读。
MR. OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you so much. Vice President Biden, Mr. Chief
Justice, Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow
citizens:
谢谢,非常感谢大家。拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们。
Each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the
enduring strength of our Constitution. We affirm the promise of our democracy.
We recall that what binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or
the tenets of our faith or the origins of our names. What makes us exceptional –
what makes us American – is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a
declaration made more than two centuries ago:
每一次我们集会庆祝总统就职都是在见证美国宪法的持久力量。我们都是在肯定美国民主的承诺。我们重申,将这个国家紧密联系在一起的不是我们的肤色,也不是
我们信仰的教条,更不是我们名字的来源。让我们与众不同,让我们成为美国人的是我们对于一种理念的恪守。200多年前,这一理念在一篇宣言中被清晰阐述:
“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that
among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”
“我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的,人人生而平等。造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利,包括生存、自由和追求幸福的权利。”
Today we continue a never-ending journey, to bridge the meaning of those
words with the realities of our time. For history tells us that while these
truths may be self-evident, they have never been self-executing; that while
freedom is a gift from God, it must be secured by His people here on Earth. The
patriots of 1776 did not fight to replace the tyranny of a king with the
privileges of a few or the rule of a mob. They gave to us a Republic, a
government of, and by, and for the people, entrusting each generation to keep
safe our founding creed.
今天,我们继续着这一未竟的征程,架起这些理念与我们时代现实之间的桥梁。因为历史告诉我们,即便这些真理是不言而喻的,它们也从来不会自动生效。因为虽然自由是上帝赋予的礼物,但仍需要世间的子民去捍卫。1776年,美国的爱国先驱们不是只为了推翻国王的暴政而战,也不是为赢得少数人的特权,建立暴民的统治。先驱们留给我们一个共和国,一个民有、民治、民享的政府。他们委托每一代美国人捍卫我们的建国信条。
For more than two hundred years, we have.
在过去的200多年里,我们做到了。
Through blood drawn by lash and blood drawn by sword, we learned that no
union founded on the principles of liberty and equality could survive half-slave
and half-free. We made ourselves anew, and vowed to move forward together.
从奴役的血腥枷锁和刀剑的血光厮杀中我们懂得了,建立在自由与平等原则之上的联邦不能永远维持半奴隶和半自由的状态。我们赢得了新生,誓言共同前进。
Together, we determined that a modern economy requires railroads and
highways to speed travel and commerce; schools and colleges to train our
workers。
我们共同努力,建立起现代的经济体系。架设铁路与高速公路,加速了旅行和商业交流。建立学校与大学,培训我们的工人。
Together, we discovered that a free market only thrives when there are
rules to ensure competition and fair play.
我们一起发现,自由市场的繁荣只能建立在保障竞争与公平竞争的原则之上。
Together, we resolved that a great nation must care for the vulnerable, and
protect its people from life’s worst hazards and misfortune.
我们共同决定让这个伟大的国家远离危险,保护她的人民不受生命威胁和不幸的侵扰。
Through it all, we have never relinquished our skepticism of central
authority, nor have we succumbed to the fiction that all society’s ills can be
cured through government alone. Our celebration of initiative and enterprise;
our insistence on hard work and personal responsibility, these are constants in
our character.
一路走来,我们从未放弃对集权的质疑。我们同样不屈服于这一谎言:一切的社会弊端都能够只靠政府来解决。我们对积极向上与奋发进取的赞扬,我们对努力工作与个人责任的坚持,这些都是美国精神的基本要义。
But we have always understood that when times change, so must we; that
fidelity to our founding principles requires new responses to new challenges;
that preserving our individual freedoms ultimately requires collective action.
For the American people can no more meet the demands of today’s world by acting
alone than American soldiers could have met the forces of fascism or communism
with muskets and militias. No single person can train all the math and science
teachers we’ll need to equip our children for the future, or build the roads and
networks and research labs that will bring new jobs and businesses to our
shores. Now, more than ever, we must do these things together, as one nation,
and one people.
我们也理解,时代在变化,我们同样需要变革。对建国精神的忠诚,需要我们肩负起新的责任,迎接新的挑战。保护我们的个人自由,最终需要所有人的共同努力。
因为美国人不能再独力迎接当今世界的挑战,正如美国士兵们不能再像先辈一样,用步枪和民兵同敌人(法西斯主义与共产主义)作战。一个人无法培训所有的数学
与科学老师,我们需要他们为了未来去教育孩子们。一个人无法建设道路、铺设网络、建立实验室来为国内带来新的工作岗位和商业机会。现在,与以往任何时候相比,我们都更需要团结合作。作为一个国家,一个民族团结起来。
This generation of Americans has been tested by crises that steeled our
resolve and proved our resilience. A decade of war is now ending. An economic
recovery has begun. America’s possibilities are limitless, for we possess all
the qualities that this world without boundaries demands: youth and drive;
diversity and openness; an endless capacity for risk and a gift for reinvention.
My fellow Americans, we are made for this moment, and we will seize it – so long
as we seize it together.
这一代美国人经历了危机的考验,经济危机坚定了我们的决心,证明了我们的恢复力。长达十年的战争正在结束,经济的复苏已经开始。美国的可能性是无限的,因为我们拥有当今没有边界的世界所需要的所有品质:年轻与活力、多样性与开放、无穷的冒险精神以及创造的天赋才能。我亲爱的同胞们,我们正是为此刻而生,我们更要在此刻团结一致,抓住当下的机会。
For we, the people, understand that our country cannot succeed when a
shrinking few do very well and a growing many barely make it. We believe that
America’s prosperity must rest upon the broad shoulders of a rising middle
class. We know that America thrives when every person can find independence and
pride in their work; when the wages of honest labor liberate families from the
brink of hardship. We are true to our creed when a little girl born into the
bleakest poverty knows that she has the same chance to succeed as anybody else,
because she is an American, she is free, and she is equal, not just in the eyes
of God but also in our own.
因为我们,美国人民,清楚如果只有不断萎缩的少数人群体获得成功,而大多数人不能成功,我们的国家就无法成功。我们相信,美国的繁荣必须建立在不断上升的中产阶级的宽阔臂膀之上,我们知道美国的繁荣只有这样才能实现。只有当每个人都能找到工作中的自立与自豪时才能实现。只有当诚实劳动获得的薪水足够让家庭
摆脱困苦的悬崖时才能实现。我们忠诚于我们的事业,保证让一个出生于最贫穷环境中的小女孩都能知道,她有同其他所有人一样的成功机会。因为她是一个美国人,她是自由的、平等的。她的自由平等不仅由上帝来见证,更由我们亲手保护。
We understand that outworn programs are inadequate to the needs of our
time. We must harness new ideas and technology to remake our government, revamp
our tax code, reform our schools, and empower our citizens with the skills they
need to work harder, learn more, and reach higher. But while the means will
change, our purpose endures: a nation that rewards the effort and determination
of every single American. That is what this moment requires. That is what will
give real meaning to our creed.
我们知道,我们已然陈旧的程序不足以满足时代的需要。我们必须应用新理念和新技术重塑我们的政府,改进我们的税法,改革我们的学校,让我们的公民拥有他们所需要的技能,更加努力地工作,学更多的知识,向更高处发展。这意味着变革,我们的目标是:国家可以奖励每个美国人的努力和果断。这是现在需要的。这将给我们的信条赋予真正的意义。
We, the people, still believe that every citizen deserves a basic measure
of security and dignity. We must make the hard choices to reduce the cost of
health care and the size of our deficit. But we reject the belief that America
must choose between caring for the generation that built this country and
investing in the generation that will build its future. For we remember the
lessons of our past, when twilight years were spent in poverty, and parents of a
child with a disability had nowhere to turn. We do not believe that in this
country, freedom is reserved for the lucky, or happiness for the few. We
recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, any one of us, at
any time, may face a job loss, or a sudden illness, or a home swept away in a
terrible storm. The commitments we make to each other – through Medicare, and
Medicaid, and Social Security – these things do not sap our initiative; they
strengthen us. They do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the
risks that make this country great.
我们,人民,仍然认为,每个公民都应当获得基本的安全和尊严。我们必须做出艰难抉择,降低医疗成本,缩减赤字规模。但我们拒绝在照顾建设国家的这一代和投
资即将建设国家的下一代间做出选择。因为我们记得过去的教训:老年人的夕阳时光在贫困中度过,家有残障儿童的父母无处求助。我们相信,在这个国家,自由不只是那些幸运儿的专属,或者说幸福只属于少数人。我们知道,不管我们怎样负责任地生活,我们任何人在任何时候都可能面临失业、突发疾病或住房被可怕的飓风摧毁的风险。我们通过医疗保险、联邦医疗补助计划、社会保障项目向每个人做出承诺,这些不会让我们的创造力衰竭,而是会让我们更强大。这些不会让我们成为充满不劳而获者的国度,这些让我们敢于承担风险,让国家伟大。
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贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马,出生于1961年8月4日,美国民主党籍政治家,第44任美国总统,第一位非裔美国总统,同时拥有黑(卢欧族)白(英德爱混血)黄(切罗基族)血统。以下是读文网小编给大家分享了美国第44届当选总统奥巴马就职演讲稿中英文,希望大家有帮助。
My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.#p#副标题#e#
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
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President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.#p#副标题#e#
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.
We must act. We must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.
We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.
It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.
May He protect each and every one of us.
May He guide me in the days to come.
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布什(Bush)是欧美姓氏,在台湾被译为“布希”,在香港译为“布殊”。美国第41任和43任总统均姓布什。其中乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什(George Herbert Walker Bush)被称为老布什;乔治·沃克·布什 (George Walker Bush)被称为小布什,他们是父子关系。以下是读文网小编整理了布什就职演讲稿英文版,供你参考。
Thank you!
Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush , President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on
the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?"
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The yearsand changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
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乔治·沃克·布什(别名“小布什”),美国第43任总统(第54-55届)。于1995-2000年间担任第46任的德克萨斯州州长。布什于2001年担任美国总统,任内遭遇了2001年的9·11事件,随后于2001-2003年先后发动阿富汗战争、伊拉克战争等一系列反恐战争并取得较大成效,推行了1.3万亿元的减税计划、以及对于医疗保险和社会福利体制的改革和社会保守主义的政策以下是读文网小编整理了布什总统就职英文演讲稿,供你参考。
Thank you!
Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush , President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.#p#副标题#e#
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on
the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?"
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The yearsand changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
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2009年10月9日,奥巴马获诺贝尔和平奖。2010年,发生在墨西哥湾的漏油事件使他面临执政能力的严峻挑战。2012年11月6日,第57届总统大选中,奥巴马击败共和党候选人罗姆尼,成功连任。以下是读文网小编给大家分享了奥巴马第二次就职演讲稿,希望大家有帮助。
谢谢大家,拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们。
每一次我们集会庆祝总统就职都是在见证美国宪法的持久力量。我们都是在肯定美国民主的承诺。我们重申,将这个国家紧密联系在一起的不是我们皮肤的颜色,也不是我们信仰的教条,更不是我们族名的来源。让我们与众不同,让我们成为美国人的是我们对于一种理念的恪守。200多年前,这一理念在一篇宣言中被清晰阐述:
“我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的,人人生而平等。造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利,包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。”
奥巴马第二次就职演讲
今天,我们继续着这一未竟的征程,来架起这些理念与我们时代现实之间的桥梁。因为历史告诉我们,即使这些真理是不言而喻的,它们也从来不会自动生效。因为虽然自由是上帝赋予的礼物,但仍然需要世间的子民去捍卫。1776年,美国的爱国先驱们不是只为了推翻国王的暴政而战,也不是为赢得少数人的特权,建立暴民的统治。先驱们留给我们一个共和国,一个民有、民治、民享的政府。他们委托每一代美国人保卫我们的建国信条。
在过去的200百多年里,我们做到了。
从奴役的血腥绳索,和刀剑的血光厮杀中我们懂得了,建立在自由与平等原则之上的联邦不能永远维持半奴隶和半自由的状态。我们赢得了新生,誓言共同前进。
我们共同努力,建立起现代的经济体系。架设铁路与高速公路,加速了旅行和商业交流。建立学校与大学,培训我们的工人。
我们一起发现,自由市场的繁荣只能建立在保障竞争与公平竞争的原则之上。
我们共同下决心让这个伟大的国家远离危险,保护她的人民不受生命威胁和不幸侵扰。一路走来,我们从未放弃对集权的质疑。我们同样不屈服于这一谎言:一切的社会弊端都能够只靠政府来解决。我们对积极向上与奋发进取的赞扬,我们对努力工作与个人责任的坚持,这些都是美国精神的基本要义。
我们也理解,时代在变化,我们同样要变革。对建国精神的忠诚,需要我们肩负起新的责任,迎接新的挑战。保护我们的个人自由,最终需要所有人的共同努力。因为美国人不能再独力迎接当今世界的挑战,正如美国士兵们不能再像先辈一样,用步枪和民兵同敌人(法西斯主义与共产主义)作战。一个人无法培训所有的数学与科学老师,我们需要他们为了未来去教育孩子们。一个人无法建设道路、铺设网络、建立实验室来为国内带来新的工作岗位和商业机会。现在,与以往任何时候相比,我们都更需要团结合作。作为一个国家,一个民族团结起来。
这一代美国人经历了危机的考验,经济危机坚定了我们的决心,证明了我们的恢复力。长达十年的战争正在结束,经济的复苏已经开始。美国的可能性是无限的,因为我们拥有当今没有边界的世界所需要的所有品质:年轻与活力,多样性与开放,无穷的冒险精神以及创造的天赋才能。我亲爱的同胞们,我们正是为此刻而生,我们更要在此刻团结一致,抓住当下的机会。
因为我们,美国人民,清楚如果只有不断萎缩的少数人获得成功,而大多数人不能成功,我们的国家就无法成功。我们相信,美国的繁荣必须建立在不断上升的中产阶级的宽阔臂膀上,我们知道美国的繁荣只有这样才能实现。只有当每个人都能找到工作中的自立与自豪时才能实现。只有当诚实劳动的薪水足够让家庭摆脱困苦的悬崖时才能实现。我们忠诚于我们的事业,保证让一个生于最贫穷环境中的小女孩都能知道,她有同其他所有人一样的成功机会。因为她是一个美国人,她是自由的、平等的。她的自由平等不仅由上帝来见证,更由我们亲手保护。
我们知道,我们已然陈旧的程序不足以满足时代的需要。我们必须应用新理念和新技术重塑我们的政府,改进我们的税法,改革我们的学校,让我们的公民拥有他们所需要的技能,更加努力地工作,学更多的知识,向更高的地方发展。这意味着变革,我们的目标是:国家可以奖励每个美国人的努力和果断。
这是现在需要的。这将给我们的信条赋予真正的意义。
我们,人民,仍然认为,每个公民都应当获得基本的安全和尊严。我们必须做出艰难抉择,降低医疗成本,缩减赤字规模。但我们拒绝必须在照顾建设国家的这一代和投资即将建设国家的下一代间做出选择。因为我们记得过去的教训:老年人的夕阳时光在贫困中度过,家有残障儿童的父母无处求助。我们相信,在这个国家,自由不只是那些幸运儿的专属,或者说幸福只属于少数人。我们知道,不管我们是怎样负责任地生活,我们任何人在任何时候都可能面临失业、突发疾病或住房被可怕的飓风摧毁的风险。
我们通过医疗保险、联邦医疗补助计划、社会保障项目向每个人做出承诺,这些不会让我们的创造力衰竭,而是将会让我们强大。这些不会让我们成为充满不劳而获者的国度,这些让我们敢于承担风险,让国家伟大。
我们,人民,仍然相信,我们作为美国人的义务不只是对我们自己而言,还包括对子孙后代。我们将应对气候变化的威胁,认识到不采取措施应对气候变化就是对我们的孩子和后代的背叛。一些人可能仍在否定科学界压倒性的判断,但没有人能够避免火灾、严重旱灾、更强力风暴带来的灾难性打击。通向可再生能源利用的道路是漫长的,有时是困难的。但美国不能抵制这种趋势,我们必须引领这种趋势。我们不能把制造新就业机会和新行业的技术让给其他国家,我们必须声明这一承诺。这将是我们保持经济活力和国家财富(我们的森林和航道,我们的农田与雪峰)的方法。这将是我们保护我们星球的办法,上帝把它托付给我们照顾。这将为我们的建国之父们曾宣布的信条赋予意义。
我们,人民,仍然相信持久的安全与和平,不需要持续的战争。我们勇敢的男女士兵经受了战火的考验,他们的技能和勇气是无可匹敌的。我们的公民依然铭记着那些阵亡者,他们非常清楚我们为自由付出的代价。明白他们的牺牲将让我们永远对那些试图伤害我们的势力保持警惕。但我们也是那些赢得和平而不只是战争的人们的后代,他们将仇敌转变成最可靠的朋友,我们也必须把这些经验带到这个时代。
我们将通过强大的军力和法制保护我们的人民,捍卫我们的价值观。我们将展现试图和平解决与其它国家分歧的勇气,但这不是因为我们对面临的危险持幼稚的态度,而是因为接触能够更持久地化解疑虑和恐惧。美国将在全球保持强大的联盟,我们将更新这些能扩展我们应对海外危机能力的机构。因为作为世界上最强大的国家,我们在世界和平方面拥有最大的利益。我们将支持从亚洲到非洲、从美洲至中东的民主国家,因为我们的利益和良心驱使我们代表那些想获得自由的人们采取行动。我们必须成为贫困者、病患者、被边缘化的人士、异见受害者的希望来源,不仅仅是出于慈善,也是因为这个时代的和平需要不断推进我们共同信念中的原则:宽容和机遇,人类尊严与正义。
我们,人民,今天昭示的最明白的事实是——我们所有人都是生而平等的,这是依然引领我们的恒星。它引领我们的先辈穿越纽约塞尼卡瀑布城(女权抗议事件)、塞尔马(黑人权力事件)和石墙骚乱(同性恋与警察发生的暴力事件),引领着所有的男性和女性,留下姓名和没留姓名的人。在伟大的征程中,一路上留下足迹的人。曾经听一位牧师说,我们不能独自前行。马丁-路德-金说,我们个人的自由与地球上每个灵魂的自由不可分割。
继续先辈开创的事业是我们这代人的任务。直到我们的妻子、母亲和女儿的付出能够与她们的努力相称,我们的征途才会结束。我们的征途不会终结,我们要让同性恋的兄弟姐妹在法律之下得到与其他人同样的待遇。如果我们真正是生而平等的,那么我们对彼此的爱也应该是平等的。我们的征途没有结束,直到没有公民需要等待数小时去行使投票权。我们的征途不会结束,直到我们找到更好的方法迎接努力、有憧憬的移民,他们依旧视美国是一块充满机会的土地。直到聪颖年轻的学生和工程师为我们所用,而不是被驱逐出美国。我们的征途不会结束,直到我们所有的儿童,从底特律的街道到阿巴拉契亚的山岭,再到康涅狄格州纽镇安静的小巷,直到他们得到关心和珍视,永远避免受到伤害。
那是我们这一代的任务——让生存、自由和追求幸福的说辞、权力和价值切实体现在每个美国人的身上。我们的立国文本没有要求我们将每个人的生活一致化。这并不意味着,我们会以完全一样的方式去定义自由,沿着同样的道路通向幸福。进步不会终止几个世纪以来一直纠结的关于政府角色的争论,但这要求我们现在就采取行动。
目前是由我们角色,我们不能拖延。我们不能将绝对主义当作原则,或者以假象代替政纲,或将中伤视作理性的辩论。我们必须行动,要意识到我们的工作并不完美。我们必须行动,意识到今天的胜利是并不完全的。这些将有赖于未来4年、40年或是400年致力于这项事业的人,去推进当年在费城制宪会议大厅传承给我们的永恒精神。
这些是公民的誓词,代表着我们最伟大的希望。
你和我,作为公民,都有为这个国家设定道路的权力。
你和我,作为公民,有义务塑造我们时代的辩题,不仅是通过我们的选票,而且要为保卫最悠久的价值观和持久的理想发声。
现在让我们互相拥抱,怀着庄严的职责和无比的快乐,这是我们永久的与生俱来的权利。有共同的努力和共同的目标,用热情与奉献,让我们回答历史的召唤,将宝贵的自由之光带入并不确定的未来。
感谢你们,上帝保佑你们,愿上帝永远保佑美利坚合众国。
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约翰·费茨杰拉德·肯尼迪:美国第35任总统,美国著名的肯尼迪家族成员,他的执政时间从1961年1月20日开始到1963年11月22日在达拉斯遇刺身亡为止。以下是读文网小编整理了肯尼迪就职演讲稿(中英文),欢迎你阅读。
我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利,而是一次自由的庆典;它象征着结束,也象征着开始;意味着更新,也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。
现今世界已经很不同了,因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念,在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与,而是上帝所赐。
我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人,让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友,并且也告诉我们的敌人,这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人,他们出生在本世纪,经历过战争的锻炼,受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶,以我们的古代传统自豪,而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移,当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。
让每一个国家知道,不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏,我们将付出任何代价,忍受任何重负,应付任何艰辛,支持任何朋友,反对任何敌人,以确保自由的存在与实现。
这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。
对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦,我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结,则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂,我们则无可作为,因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下,是不敢应付强大挑战的。
对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家,我们要提出保证,绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后,却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点,但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由,并应记取,在过去,那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人,结果却被虎所吞噬。
对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们,我们保证尽最大努力助其自救,不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做,也不是由于我们要求他们的选票,而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人,也就不能保全那少数的富人。
对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保证:要把我们的美好诺言化作善行,在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道,我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道,西半球的事西半球自己会管。
至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会,在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中,它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言;不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛,加强其对于新国弱国的保护,并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。
最后,对于那些与我们为敌的国家,我们所要提供的不是保证,而是要求:双方重新着手寻求和平,不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。
我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时,我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力文章名人演讲稿——肯尼迪就职演讲稿(中英文)出自http://www.gkstk.com/article/1414465597187.html,转载请保留此链接!。
可是这两个强有力的国家集团,谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担,双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇,可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡,而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。
因此让我们重新开始,双方都应记住,谦恭并非懦弱的征象,而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。
让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题,而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。
让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议,并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。
让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球,治理沙漠,消除疾病,开发海洋深处,并鼓励艺术和商务。
让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令,去“卸下沉重的负担……(并)让被压迫者得自由。”
如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑,那么,让双方联合作一次新的努力吧,这不是追求新的权力均衡,而是建立一个新的法治世界,在那世界上强者公正,弱者安全,和平在握。
凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成,不会在最初的一千天中完成,不会在本政府任期中完成,甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。
同胞们,我们事业的最后成效,主要不是掌握在我手里,而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来,每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。
现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器,虽然武器是我们所需要的;不是号召我们去作战,虽然我们准备应战;那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争,“在希望中欢乐,在患难中忍耐”;这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。
我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人,来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力?
在世界的悠久历史中,只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩;我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人,而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。
所以,同胞们:不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么,而要问你们能为国家做些什么。
全世界的公民:不要问美国愿为你们做些什么,而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。
最后,不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民,请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧,我们行为的最后裁判者是历史,让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土,企求上帝的保佑与扶携,但我们知道,在这个世界上,上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。
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美国是世界公认的超级大国,那么你想知道曾经的美国总统布什就职发言是怎么样的吗?以下是读文网小编整理了美国总统布什就职演讲稿中英文版,供你参考。
Vice President Hu,thank you very much for your kind and generous remarks. Thank you for welcoming me and my wife , laura, here.
非常感谢胡锦涛同志热情洋溢的欢迎致词,非常感谢您再这里接待我和我的夫人劳拉。
I see she is keeping pretty good company with the Secretary of State, Collin Powell.
我发现她和国务卿科林。鲍威尔先生相处的非常好。
It is good to see you, Mr. Secretary.
很高兴看到你国务卿先生。
And I see my National Security Adviser, Ms.Codoleezza Rice, who once was the provost of Stanford University, so she is comfortable on the university campuses such as this.
我也看到了我的国家安全顾问康多莉萨.赖斯女士,她曾经是斯坦福大学的校长,因此她回到校园是再合适不过了。
Thank you for being here ,Codin.
谢谢你能来,康迪。
I am so grateful for the hospitality and honored for the reception at one of China’s and the world’s great universities.
非常感谢各位对我的热情接待,很荣幸能够来到中国,甚至是世界最伟大的学府之一。
The standards and the reputation of this university are known around the world, and I know what an achievement it is to be here. So congratulations.
清华大学的治学标准和声望闻名于世,我也知道能考入这所大学本身就是一个很大的成就,祝贺你们。
My visit to China comes an important anniversary, as the vice president mentioned.Thirty years ago this week an American president arrived in China on an trip designed to end decades of estrangement and confront centuries of suspicious. President Richard Nixon showed that two vastly different government could meet on the grounds of common interests in the spirit of mutual respect.
我这次访华恰逢一个重要的纪念日,副主席刚才也谈到了,30年前的这一周,一位美国总统来到了中国,他访华之旅的目的是为了结速两国之间长达数十年的隔阂。,和数百年的相互猜疑。尼克松总统向世界表明了两个有重大差异的国家,本着互惠互利,互相尊重的精神是能够站在一起的。
As they left the airport that day, Premier Zhou En-Lai said this to President Nixon: “you handshake came over the vastest ocean in the world-25years of no communication.
那天他们离开机场的时候,周恩来对尼克松总统说了这样一番话,他说:“你与我的握手越过了世界上最为辽阔的海洋,这个还有就是互不交往的25年。”
During the 30 years since, America and China have exchanged many handshakes of friendship and commerce. And as we have had more contact with each other ,the citizens of both countries have gradually learned more about each other.
30年以来,美国和中国握过多次友谊之手和商业之手。随着我们两国间接触的日益频繁,我们两国的国民也加深了对彼此的了解,这是非常重要的。
It was my honor to visit China in 1975.Some of you were not even born then. It shows how old I am.
我在1975年有幸访问过中国,那时候在座的有些人可能还没有出生,这也表明我是多么老了。
And a lot has changed in your country since then. China has made amazing progress in openness and enterprise and economic freedom. And this progress previews China’s great potential. China has joined the World Trade Organization, and as you live up to its obligations, they inevitably will bring changes to Chinese leagal system. A morden China will have a consistent rule of law to govern commerce and secure the rights of its people.
从那时以来,贵国发生了很多变化。中国在开发,企业,经济自由方面都取得了惊人的成绩。这一成绩显示了中国的巨大潜能。中国已经加入了世贸组织,在各位旅行其义务的同时这些义务势必给中国的法律制度带来变化。一个现代化的中国将有着统一的法制来规范他们的商业生活和保障人民的利益。
The new China you generation is building will need the profound wisdom of your traditions. The lure of materialism challenges society in our country- and in many successful countries.
你们这一代人正在建设的中国也需要深远传统的智慧结晶。物质利益的诱惑对我们的社会造成了挑战-在我们的国家给我们的社会造成了调整,在很多发达国家也是。
All these changes will lead to a stronger, more confident China, a China that can astonish and enrich the world, a China that you generation will help create.
所以的这些变化将导致中国更强大,更自信,这个中国将使世界瞩目,也将使世界更加丰富。
This is one of the mose exciting times in the history of your country, a time when even the grandest hopes seem in your reach. My nation offers you our respect and our friendship.
这个这个就是诸位这一代帮助创立的中国。现在使中国历史上非常令人振奋的一个时期,此时此刻连最宏伟的梦想似乎也唾手可得。我的国度,对中国表示尊敬和友谊。
Six years from now, athletes from America and all around the world will come to you country for the Olympic Games, and I am confident they will find a China that is becoming a Daguo, a leading nation, at peace with its people and at peace with the world.
再过六年,来自美国和世界各地的运动员将到贵国参加奥运会,我坚信,他们能够见到的中国是一个正在变成大国的中国,一个走在世界前沿的国家,一个民心安定,与世界和平共处的国家。
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下面是普金总统的就职英文演讲稿 ,希望读文网小编整理的对你有用,欢迎阅读:
Dear citizens of Russia,
Dear friends,
The words of the Presidential Oath have just now been spoken. Now I would like to stress the main idea of the Oath and say: the President’s obligations to look after the state and faithfully serve the people will henceforward be sacred for me and will be above all else as before.
As before, I consider that the help and backing of the citizens of Russia constitute the primary and most reliable support for the President’s work.
Today I would like to thank all those who placed such great trust in me by electing me to the post of head of Russian state and all those who, through their work, made their contribution to the results our country has achieved over these last four years.
As during the previous years, I will work actively, openly and honestly and will do all I can, all that is within my power to justify the hopes that millions of people have placed in me.
* * *
The last four years were not easy years for us all. To be frank, they were years of serious trials. Back then, in 2000, it seemed that we were facing a great number of simply irresolvable problems.
But the people of Russia demonstrated their best qualities as patriots and citizens during these critical moments, coming together in the struggle to ensure the country’s territorial integrity and keep our land united, creating a foundation for Russia’s economic growth through their labor and determined efforts.
Together we have achieved a lot and we have achieved it through our only own efforts.
It was we who achieved high economic growth rates, we who overcame difficult ideological confrontation and are now gradually forging a truly united nation.
It was we who stood firm against the attacks of international terrorism and saved the country from the very real threat of collapse.
Together we have made our Motherland a country that is open to the world, a country that seeks broad and equal cooperation, a country that has strengthened its positions on the international stage and has learned how to use peaceful means to stand up for its lawful interests in a rapidly changing world.
The main objective of the coming four years is now to transform the potential we have built up into a new development energy and to use it to bring about a fundamentally new quality of life for our people and a real, tangible increase in their prosperity.
It is often said here that the head of state in Russia answers and will always answer for everything. This is still the case. But today, although I have a deep awareness of my own personal responsibility, I nevertheless want to emphasize that Russia’s success and prosperity cannot and should not depend on one single person or one political party, or political force alone. We need a broad base for developing democracy in our country and for continuing the transformations we have begun.
It is my conviction that a mature civil society is the best guarantee that this development will continue.
Only free people in a free country can be genuinely successful. This is the foundation for both economic growth and political stability in Russia.
We will do all we can to ensure that everyone here can realize their talents and abilities, to ensure that a genuinely multiparty system develops and that personal freedoms are strengthened. We will make every effort to ensure that all people in Russia have access to good education and social and medical assistance, and that all people have lives free from want and are able to pass on the fruits of their own labor to their children. And, of course, that they could be proud of their strong but peace-loving country and its authority.
Dear friends,
We still have much, very much, to do – for our country, for ourselves and for our children. We have all the opportunities we need to achieve the goals we have set. We have the resources, we have our experience and we have complete understanding of our development priorities which have been tried and tested by the positive practical experience of the last four years. We have enormous creative energy and a people with great intellectual potential.
We all are the inheritors of Russia and its thousand years of history, the inheritors of this land that has given birth to exceptional sons and daughters, workers, warriors, and creators. They have passed down to us this huge, great state.
There is no doubt that we can draw strength from our past. But even the most glorious history is not enough to ensure us a better life. Today’s generations of Russians must reinforce this grandeur through their own acts .
Only then will our descendents be able to feel pride in these pages that we are writing in the history of our great nation.
Thank you for your attention.
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布什(Bush)是欧美姓氏,在台湾被译为“布希”,在香港译为“布殊”。美国第41任和43任总统均姓布什。其中乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什(George Herbert Walker Bush)被称为老布什;乔治·沃克·布什 (George Walker Bush)被称为小布什,他们是父子关系。以下是读文网小编整理了美国总统布什就职演讲稿英文,希望你喜欢。
Thank you!
Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush , President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on
the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?"
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The yearsand changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
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生活中与人交往,总免不了进行自我介绍。该怎么用英语进行自我介绍?下面是读文网小编为大家整理的简短的自我介绍英文演讲稿,仅供参考。
Hello~~!
My name is***.Thank you for giving me a chance for the interview.My basic materials are on the resume, do not need to explain it again。I will make a brief introduce on my job advantage and my value here.Working on administrative jobs for many years make me realize the importance of the secretarial job deeply. I like the job very much.In my opinion, the secretarial jobs are common but very important.It representes the image of a company. If someone want to do will in a job ,he or she must posesses a extreme strong sense of responsibility .I am willing to accompany with your company's development and progress. Your trust and my capability will bring us success ! Thanks!
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公司副总就职演讲稿该怎么写?读文网小编为大家整理了相关文章3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
总经理、各位同事:
首先非常感谢大家对我的信任,支持我就任常务副总这个职位,我深知这个位子的重要性,它包含着大家对我的信任与期望!
能够得到大家的信任是我的光荣,通信行业是一个技术含量比较高的行业,现在公司的领导及员工在公司总经理的带领下取得不菲的业绩和效益。在去年的经济危机中保持着稳健的发展步伐,这些离不开公司总经理的指导和公司全体员工的努力。今天我有幸站在这里接受这个职位我感到非常的荣幸,也非常感谢大家的支持与厚爱,你们的支持就是我最大的动力。
感到荣幸的同时我也感到了不小的压力,今天对于我来说是一个新的起点,一个新的挑战,一个新的机遇,我感觉自己现在像是一个考生,正面临着的考题就是如何把公司发展的更好,让公司取得更大的业绩和效益,让大家得到更多的红利。或者说我现在就像一个等着接力的运动员,前面的领导已经把蒸蒸日上的公司交到我的手里,我该怎样让公司在我这一棒跑的更快,发展的更好,这是对我的一种检阅,一种审视,一种挑战。我将在今后的工作中恪尽职守,踏踏实实,勤奋工作,毕全部精力以求不辱使命,我想,只有这样才能回报大家对我的信任和支持!
未来的时间,严格遵照公司章程和公司发展目标,以广州电力通信工程施工和电力通信维护为基础,以外省电力市场及集抄业务为辅,抓住机会,加强企业内部管理建设,提高企业平台,完成今年计划目标,为下一步公司的发展打下坚实基础。我想和在坐的各位同仁一道,共同奋斗,努力把公司的各项工作做好,完成既定的各项工作指标,这就是我的职责,义务和使命之所在。
我伸知自己的能力有限,水平不高,尽管如此我还是会倾尽我所有,尽我所能,为公司的发展贡献我全部的力量。我相信天道酬勤,勤能补拙,相信有付出必然会有收获。我想,只要我努力践行:“爱岗敬业、高效管理、拼搏进取、创新争雄“的企业精神,努力扎实地工作,工作就一定会有成效。我坚信,有公司总经理的正确领导有公司全体员工的不懈努力,我们的目标任务就可以完成,也一定可以完成。我希望在明年的这个时候,得到的掌声比现在更多,更热烈,因为你们的肯定就是给我最大的褒奖。
最后我要说的是:我将铭记今天,我将忠实履行我的诺言!
谢谢大家!
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2.企业领导就职演讲稿4篇
3.公司总经理就职演讲稿
4.就职演讲
5.总经理就职演讲稿6篇
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正式上任之前都会有就职演讲,你的演讲稿准备好了吗?读文网小编为大家整理了关于副校长就职演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的XX:
大家好!
首先我要对各位同仁的支持和信任表示诚挚的谢意!向关心和信任我的各位领导表示忠心的感谢!做为一名副校长,这对我来讲既是一种挑战更是一种责任,我为我能有机会为学校的工作尽一点绵薄之力而深感荣幸。然而,教职员工的信任和希望,对我是一种很大的压力,甚至有一种沉重感。
我觉得,我个人能力有限,我非常担心自己做不好工作,辜负大家的信任。老实说,心中一直有一种诚惶诚恐的感觉。有这种感觉的一个原因,是自己缺乏学校管理的经验。我希望通过调查研究,边学边干,边干边学,实实在在地为实中的明天做些本职工作。
我初步的想法是:
(一)加强学习。向书本学习,向同事们学习,向实践学习。懂得教育行政管理规律,力争做到干一行、爱一行、钻一行。
(二)加强团结。注意和周围的人、同事之间建立和谐的人际关系,努力营造同事间真心相处、说真话、做实事的积极氛围,调动各方面的积极性,以形成合力。
(三)加强调研。“没有调查研究,就没有发言权。”
(四)当好参谋和助手。作为一名副校长,必须做好一把手的助手。当好配角,重视学校领导班子的团结,做到互相尊重,互相配合,服从组织纪律;当好学校教育工作的服务员,为教育教学中心工作服务、为教学第一线的教师们服务,为广大学生服务。
(五)开拓创新。必须在学习和继承前任工作的基础上,不断地开拓前进。
总之,在今后的工作中,我将踏踏实实办事,兢兢业业工作,以三个服从严格要求自己。一是个性服从党性,二是热情服从原则,三是主观服从客观。努力做到主动不越位,服务不偏位,融洽不空位,具体说就是要摆正位置,当好公仆;胸怀全局,当好参谋;服从领导,当好助手;服务师生,当好桥梁。
同时,要以共同的目标团结人,以有效的管理激励人,以自身的行动帮助人,在以人为本的合谐氛围中开创工作的新局面,请大家一如既往的支持我帮助我。不当之处,敬请指教!谢谢大家!
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演讲时间限制为3分钟,你要怎么利用这3分钟呢?读文网小编为大家整理了3分钟的七年级英文演讲稿4篇,欢迎大家阅读。
As the song goes “ My future isn’t a dream .” I love the song which brings me confidence when singing it every time . I believe that all our dreams can come true if we have courage to pursue them .When I was young my father always asked me what I would be in the future . Sometimes I found it very hard to give a certain reply . “ I want to be a doctor .” “ I want to be a teacher .” and “ I ’d like to be a scientist !” Many of these answers are perhaps very childish and ridiculous . But I never think they are far away .
How time flies! Who is able to give a definition to his future ? I know clearly that those high buildings are based on solid foundation . As a student , I should have a reasonable aim , and study hard . My goal is to enter the best university for further study after middle school . I know it’s hard work , and I ’ll come across many difficulties and frustrations . But no matter what they are , I’ll keep working on it and never give up . My teacher says there ’s only one kind of people that are truly successful : those who are brave enough to put up with hardships . Even if I won’t achieve the goal , I have no regrets for what I have done , for I have struggled for my life .
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被选上当班长,证明你是有担当的人,那就不要辜负老师和同学们的期望。读文网小编为大家整理了关于高中班长的就职演讲稿范文3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的老师各位同学们:
大家好!
站在这个讲台上,我的心情无比的激动。作为我们5/6班的班长我感到十分的荣幸和自豪,作为班长我有很多话要说:
首先希望以后可以协助导员完成好本班工作。由于现在同学之间还没有足够了解,我想就以下几点谈谈我的想法:
第一、关于“带领班级,团结奋进”
我们都来自不同学校,有的出类拔萃,有的默默无闻。我们是平凡的人,也是特别的人,所以我们都是特别平凡的人。到了大学,同学们少了一分高中时的幼稚和鲁莽,多的是一分低调和拽的味道。可是既然来到了这个集体,就要丢弃一些自己的坏脾气,让心往一处想,劲往一处使。我们允许并提倡多样化的想法,但每个人都不要固执己见。我们的班级需要的是百家争鸣的盛况而非七嘴八舌的一盘散沙。希望大家以班级利益为初衷,以维护班级完美形象为目的,拧成一股绳,一起加油。作为你们的班长我不允许任何外来势力的侵犯,我相信我们的同学都是最棒的不会做没理的事情,那样就足够了我就有足够的勇气站出来为你们撑腰说话了。团结才能战胜一切。请大家和我一起捍卫我们的班级和我们的尊严!
第二、关于“大学学习,科科重要”
如果说高中生活天天都忙碌,那么大学就是最有学习氛围的时代了。面对n多科目、n本笔记,我们再没有时间在霓虹灯下看时光纷乱的剪影了。我们谁也不敢保证进了大学就是进了保险箱,所以我们自己必须努力。什么都得靠自己。时间一直走,自己已经长大了,当发现身旁再没有可拉的手时,就已经晚了。三年一晃而过,而我们都期待三年后接到理想的工作而激动。所以只有从现在起,努力,并持久。如果每个人都如此自觉而积极地学习,班中的学习气氛势必愈发浓厚,那么班级整体的层次就会提高,成绩便会呈整体上升趋势。保证每个人都不挂科,那也是我们每个人的心愿,我对大家充满信心希望大家不要让我失望。
第三、关于课余活动
专家说,过于痴狂的歌迷、球迷、影迷等最容易导致成绩下滑,所以请大家调整好心态,在张显个性、追求时尚的同时,以学业为重。进入大学课余活动随之增多那是必然的,我们都容易迷失自我,一味的追求能力的培养而忽视了大学的学习,学习和能力是互补的,就象我们的两条腿哪条短一点都不会协调的,都不会让我们走的很远。本学期我们一定会组织一些课余活动,但由于刚进入磨合期,对学校安排等还不够了解,在此不多说。不过还是想大家能够多提些有创意的建议,不给我和导员及各位班级干部“专权”的机会。
第四。关于“校规校纪”
这一方面我想说的是同学们对校规的遵守情况。面对校规,我们只有yes,没有no。因为里面还未出现不合理条目。衷心希望那些拽拽的老大们能够收敛一点个性,爱美的女生能以自然美的心态来上学,将学生的纯朴进行到底。
啰嗦了这么多,希望同学们又多了解我一点,多爱我们旅游无敌的中导5/6班一点,每天更团结一点。在中导5/6班灿烂的光环下骄傲地说:“不是完美的词语不够多,而是我们做的根本就很好。”
最后送给同学以及老师一段话:
既然已经选择了挑战,我只能前行。
既然一直梦想成功,我只能永不放弃。
我将面对勇敢,因为我已付出汗水。
我将无所畏惧,因为这是我一直追求。
谢谢大家!
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大一新生之间交流的开始就是自我介绍,用英文做自我介绍也是自己的一个特长的表现。下面是读文网小编为大家整理的大一新生英文自我介绍演讲稿,仅供参考。
Good morning, my name is jack, which is indeed a great honor to have the opportunity to interview, I would like to answer you may increase and I hope I can become a good performance today, the final register for the prestigious The University in September. Now I will briefly introduce myself, I am 21 years old, born in Heilongjiang Province, northeast of China, I curruently senior students in Beijing are mainly two uni.my packaging engineering.and I received my bachelor's degree, I graduated june.in the past four years, I spent most of my time to learn, I have been through CET4 / 6, so as to alleviate. I have a basic knowledge of the packaging and publication in the theory and practice.
In addition, I also took part in some of the packaging exhibition held in Beijing, which is our advantage here to learn, I have taken to visit a number of large factories and companies. Through these I have a profound understanding of the domestic packaging industry. Compared to developed countries, such as us, unfortunately, although we have made remarkable progress since 1978, China's packaging industry is still underdeveloped, chaos and instability, which the staff in this regard The awkard. But I have full confidence in a brighter future, if only we can maintain the economic growth pace still.
I think you might be interested in the reasons for itch in accordance with the law, what is my plan during graduate study life, I have to tell you that my life-long pursuit of legal pursuit of the goal, I think I have a major packaging and I won "t give up If I can continue my master's degree, I will combine law with my education predecessor. I will work hard in the thesefields, patents, trademarks, copyrights, and on that basis I have many years of research department of p & P, my character ? I can not describe, but I know that I am very optimistic and self-confidence. Sometimes I prefer to stay alone, reading, listening to music, but I do not lonely, I like to chat with my fellow students, almost all the talking, my favorite Pastime is valleyball, playing cards or surf the Web. University through life, I learned how to balance learning and entertainment. By the way, I am an actor of our amazing drama club. I have a few glorious memory on stage. This is my pride.
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