为您找到与易中天精彩演讲!真敢讲!相关的共200个结果:
师德需要培养,需要教育,更需要的是——每位教师的自我修养!读文网小编为大家整理了有关于师德师风的精彩演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
当鲜花绽放于阳光之下,
是绿叶最快乐的日子。
当果实成熟于金秋时节,
是园丁最欣慰的时刻。
我是一片绿叶,我是一名快乐的园丁,一名平凡的幼儿教师,陪伴在身边的,是一群群稚气的孩子,还有数不尽的责任和承诺。我用辛勤的汗水,浇灌出一棵棵幼苗,给他们人生起点上以方向和力量,让他们在无微不至的呵护下茁壮成长。
我自豪,我是一名光荣的幼儿教师!
我热爱幼教事业,因为孩子是那样的单纯,像一朵朵鲜花,纯洁无暇、诚实坦然。我最喜欢和他们做游戏,他们认真、投入、绝对遵守规则;他们一脸汗水,满身尘土,发自内心的快乐洋溢在脸庞,欢声笑语回荡在身旁。孩子最美,孩子最真!"吾爱童子身,莲花不染尘,骂之唯解笑,打亦不生嗔。"我愿永远和孩子在一起,永远保持圣洁的灵魂。
我热爱幼教事业,因为我深切地懂得参天大树始于弱不禁风的幼苗,我们在幼苗根茎上浇灌人生第一滴水,我们在幼苗的土壤里施下人生第一把肥。我们的一言一行,会影响孩子的一生。
对幼教工作的向往,促使我考入幼儿师范学院。在学校,我刻苦学习幼教理论知识、绘画、舞蹈和钢琴等专业技能,心中有一个坚定的信念,那就是--当我成为一名幼儿教师,站在孩子们面前时,要用最动听的琴声为他们伴奏,要用最美的舞姿教他们舞蹈,要在他们面前展现一个崭新的天地。不懈的努力让我以优异的成绩走出了校门,满怀着希望和热度,我踏进了这童话般的幼儿园。
每一个清晨,我用灿烂的微笑迎接孩子们和父母的到来;每一个黄昏,我以愉悦的心情将孩子们的手交到父母的手里,亲切地说一声:"明天见。"目送他们渐渐走远。多少个春夏秋冬,无数个风风雨雨,我们用博爱,滋润快乐,用智慧,开启文明,用鼓励,唤醒自信,用宽容,示范尊重,用无私,引导正义,用平凡,孕育伟大。
选择就意味着奉献,为了提高孩子们的学习兴趣,我常常加班加点,挑灯夜战,写出具有童心童趣的教案,做出精美有趣的教具。我深切地感受到,把最真挚的爱奉献给每一个孩子,回报的是孩子们更纯真的爱;在孩子们灿烂的欢笑声中,我感受到一种无与伦比的幸福。
黄志凯小朋友是我所带的中班学生中最调皮的一个。在一次集体课外活动中,我一直在不停地叮嘱他:不要乱跑。但他仍然跳上跳下,我拉住他,努力使他安静下来,他还是挣脱了我的手,朝大门方向跑去,我紧紧追着,他突然跌倒在地,我急忙把他抱在怀里,发现他嘴唇流血了,我的心一下子揪了起来,赶紧抱起他跑到医务室。医务室的大夫为他做了检查和包扎,我不断询问孩子的伤情是否会留下疤痕,以及以后要注意的事项。不几天,黄志凯痊愈了,父母非常感谢,还送来了感谢信,对我们细致的工作表达了诚挚的谢意。这件事,使我更感到自己肩负的责任,也认识到只要我们尽心尽力地爱护和照顾每一个孩子,就会赢得孩子的爱戴,父母的理解。
与孩子们相处的日子,如同长了翅膀般轻盈掠过,如同盛开的鲜花娇艳芬芳。正当我的事业一帆风顺时,一场空如其来的车祸降临到了我的身上。当我被送往医院,已是昏迷不醒——生命垂危,无情可怕的现实摆在了我的面前。5个多小时的手术让我同死神擦肩而过,手术后第二天,麻醉药已经散去,刚刚清醒的我强忍周身的疼痛问大夫:"我的腿受伤了吗?我还能跳舞吗?我还能唱歌吗?"医生肯定的说了一个字:"能!"我的心这才落下来,疼痛顿时也减少了许多。我无法想象离开幼儿园、失去孩子们的日子,因为我的心早已和他们融为一体。
得知我住院的消息后,父母带着孩子纷纷前来探望,孩子们伏在病床前,这个对我说:"老师,你打针不要哭,要勇敢一点!"那个说:"这是我妈妈买的水果可甜了,你尝尝。"听着这些童言稚语,我的心在颤动。那一刻,我觉得我是世界上最幸福的人!我微不足道的付出却得到了如此丰厚的回报--一颗颗盛满爱的童心。
我下定决心,为了早日回到孩子们身边,我要和伤痛赛跑。经过近半年的休养,我的身体已基本恢复。新学期的一天,当我怀着期待已久的心情来到幼儿园时,孩子们看见我,一下子围了上来。"老师,我们可想你了!""老师,你的病好了吗?能和我们一起做游戏吗?"看着他们,我的眼眶湿润了,感谢命运让我还能和他们在一起。
我用火热的心,书写靓丽的人生;我用满腔的情,唱响奉献的赞歌;我用执著的爱,创造青春的辉煌,我用坦荡的笑,展示无悔的选择。
我快乐,我是一名光荣的幼儿教师!
几年过去了,我所在的幼儿园伴随着企业的发展也发生了翻天覆地的变化,新的桌椅搬进了粉刷一新的教室,新添置的教具和游戏设施摆放在平整雅致的操场上,充满活力与激情的高学历青年教师充实进教师队伍,全园呈现出一派欣欣向荣的发展景象。我和其他青年教师一样,主动向上,同这片神奇的土地一样成熟,我也从一名普通的幼儿教师晋升为幼儿园的教学主任。
如今,我对自己的工作更多了一份眷恋,也更多了一份执著。在未来的岁月里,我将用真诚的爱成为孩子的支持者、合作者、引导者。我坚信,爱能让我改变一切,也能让我充满快乐!
多少祖国的花朵,需要辛勤浇灌;多少稚嫩的幼苗,需要精心修剪;多少天真的童心,需要温馨呵护。这是我们的责任,这是我们的事业。
绿叶,静静地吐露自己的幽香——不张扬;
绿叶,默默地映衬着红花——无怨言。
我是一名光荣的幼儿教师,作一片绿叶,这就是我无悔的选择!
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竞聘演讲的目的,就是要使听众对演讲者有充分的了解和认识,从而鉴别其是否能胜任该职位。读文网小编为大家整理了精彩的3篇竞聘演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位领导,各位同事:
大家好!
我叫***,去年我运气不错,有幸转业到市委办这个人才济济、团结又温暖的大家庭。今年是我的而立之年,常言道:三十而立。在充满生机与活力的新世纪,在日新月异的知识经济时代,在竞争激烈、挑战与机遇并存的今天,扪心自问,我能立什么?我深思过,迷惘过,也无奈过。古人讲:天生我材必有用。适奉这次难得的竞岗机会,我本着锻炼、提高的目的走上讲台,展示自我,接受评判,希望靠能力而不是靠运气为自己的而立之年留下点什么…… 站在大家面前有点单瘦的我,稳重而不死板,激进而不张扬,温和而不懦弱, 愚钝而不懒惰, 正直而不固执。我1989年9月考入空军飞行学院,学过飞行,后因视力下降停飞改做地面工作,干过排长、指导员、干事,大学文化,中共党员,2000年9月转业。在有206名军转干部参加的进政法系统考试中,我名列第二,原以为能谋个警察的差事也就心满意足了,没料到能非常荣幸地被选拔到首脑机关市委办工作,在此,我衷心感谢领导和同仁的厚爱。与大家共事一年来,我既有不小的压力,更有无穷的动力。
我没有辉煌的过去,只求把握好现在和将来。今天,我参加《新益阳》编辑部副主任职位的竞争,主要基于以下两个方面的考虑:
一方面我认为自己具备担任副主任的素质
一是有吃苦耐劳、默默无闻的敬业精神。我是一个农村伢子,深深懂得“宝剑锋从磨砺出,梅花香自苦寒来”的道理。当兵前,我参加过“双抢”,上山砍过柴禾;当兵后,经受过炎炎烈日下负重五十多斤日行军五十公里的考验,更经历了八年大西北恶劣自然环境和艰苦生活条件下的磨练,特别是严格的军营生活培养了我“流汗流血不流泪”和“特别能吃苦、特别能忍耐、特别能战斗、特别能奉献”的良好品质。我爱岗敬业,工作踏踏实实,兢兢业业,一丝不苟,不管干什么从不讲价钱,更不怨天忧人,干一行,爱一行,努力把工作做得最好。
二是有虚心好学、开拓进取的创新意识。爱因斯坦说过:热爱是最好的教师。我热爱文秘工作,平时爱读书看报,也浏览了一些有关政治、经济方面的书籍。到办公室工作后,我谦虚好学,不耻下问,系统学习了有关业务知识和各级各类文件精神,初步具备了一个文秘人员所必需的业务知识和政策水平。还自学了计算机知识,能够熟练地使用计算机进行网上操作、文字处理和日常维护等。我思想比较活跃,爱好广泛,接受新事物比较快,勇于实践,具有开拓精神;同时我朝气蓬勃,精力旺盛,工作热情高、干劲足,具有高昂斗志。
三是有严于律己、诚信为本的优良品质。我信奉诚实待人、严于律己的处世之道。我曾经多年在上百人的连队工作,既要维护连队干部的权威,又要和战士们打成一片,正因为具有良好的人格魅力和做人宗旨,同战友们建立了亲如兄弟的深厚感情,受到了战士们的爱戴,在我转业离队时,好多的战友因舍不得我离去而泪流满面,自发地敲锣打鼓为我送行。到市委办工作后,我在日常生活和工作中,不断加强个人修养和党性锻炼,以“老老实实做人、勤勤恳恳做事”为信条,严格要求自己,尊敬领导,团结同志,应该说得到了领导和同事的肯定。
四是有雷厉风行、求真务实的工作作风。 11年的军旅生涯,培养了我雷厉风行、求真务实的工作作风,养成了我遇事不含糊,办事不拖拉的工作习惯,造就了我不唯书、不唯上、只唯真、只唯实的工作态度。至今,我仍然清晰的记得离开部队时一位老首长语重心长对我讲的话:小蔡啊,你不管到哪工作,在什么岗位上,作为一个经过部队多年摔打的共产党人,做什么事不仅要上不愧党,下不欺民,更要对得起部队的培养和自己的良心。
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中秋节是我们中国人的团圆节,每到这一天,许多远离家乡的游子,纷纷赶回家中,与父母亲友欢聚一堂、把酒言欢。读文网小编为大家整理了中秋节学生精彩演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
老师们,同学们:
大家早上好!
每年农历的八月十五,是我国的传统佳节——中秋节,是仅次于春节的第二大传统节日,又被认为是我们中国人的团圆节。每到这一天,许多远离家乡的游子,纷纷赶回家中,与父母亲友欢聚一堂,把酒言欢。中秋的月最圆,最明,最美;中秋月如水如镜,诗情画意,充满浓浓的亲情。
现在,我想问问大家:你们了解中秋节的来历吗?
每年农历八月十五,就是我国传统的中秋佳节。这时是一年秋季的中期,所以被称为中秋。这也是我国仅次于春节的第二大传统节日。 “中秋”一词最早在周朝就已出现,而中秋节的盛行开始于宋朝。为什么叫“中秋” 呢?因为农历八月十五这一天是在三秋之中,所以称“中秋”。中秋节还有许多称呼:“八月节”、“八月半”、“月节”、“月夕”等等。
中秋节原是丰收的节日。过去,人们在丰收的季节里,总要大事庆祝一番,庆祝一年的好收成,享受丰收的喜悦。中秋时节云稀雾少,月光皎洁,民间除了要举行赏月、祭月、吃月饼祝福团圆等一系列活动,有些地方还有舞草龙,砌宝塔等活动。中秋节还有许多美好的传说,嫦娥奔月、吴刚折桂、玉兔捣药等等。这些无不寄托着人们对生活无限的热爱和对美好未来的向往。人们吟诵中秋节的诗词歌赋很多,最著名的当然要数宋代大文豪苏轼的“但愿人长久,千里共婵娟”
同学们,在这美好的日子里,你有何感想呢?我相信,很多人的答案是:想家,想念爸爸妈妈。
是的,每逢佳节倍思亲。中秋节这一份思念当然会更深切,尤其是一轮明月高挂的时刻。古往今来,多少文人学子在这美好的日子里,都会思念亲人,思念家乡,挂念着祖国,希望与亲人团圆,共享欢乐。
在这佳节到来之际,我倡议每位同学都做三件事:
第一,孝敬父母长辈,为自己小家的幸福和谐做能力所及的努力,小家安定才是祖国繁荣的前提!
第二,为那些不能回家辛苦耕耘在讲台上的老师发个短信,道一声:中秋快乐!
第三,为祖国的繁荣,国力强盛,为早日实现祖国统一立下壮志.请记住:少年强则中国强,你们是国家的希望!
最后我衷心地向忘我工作的全体教职员工,向勤奋学习的全体同学,向你们的家人和朋友提前道一声:中秋快乐!
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家乡今天崭新的面貌是咱们父辈用勤劳和智慧开创的,我们是否能躺在这个成就上维持现状,坐享幸福呢?读文网小编为大家整理了关于建设家乡的演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位评委、老师、亲爱的同学们:
大家下午好,我是###,今天我演讲的题目是:爱我家乡建设家乡。
我的家乡在XXXX,她是一个很小的乡镇,没有秦岭的威严冷峻,没有黄河一样宽广的河流,但在我心中家乡一直是最美的地方。
生在农村,长在农村,农村带给我的淳朴与乐趣是生活在钢筋混凝土森林中的人们永远无法体会的。农村是一个充满生机、充满希望的地方,在这里你能与大地最近的接触,你能呼吸到带着泥土清香的空气,喝到略带甜味、清冽的山泉水,体味一切生命的最初历程。
闭上眼睛,我能感受到家乡的四季。当东风吹过,春天来临的时候,积攒了一冬天的寒冷就要悄悄离开了,走在泥泞的乡间小路上路上,心里想着什么时候第一株小草会拱出地面呢?盼望着,盼望着,于是在某个不知名的早上欣然在墙边发现多了几点绿色,勤劳的人们便开始了耕作,种小麦、刨栽子、栽药材……几场春雨过后,放眼望去,大地上满是嫩绿。
风更加温和了,在皎洁的夜空下,呱呱的蛙鸣给人们编织了一个仲夏夜之梦。在童年的记忆中夏天是一年中最快乐的季节,家乡的每一个地方留下了我们的欢笑……
家乡的秋天更美,夏末初秋之际是色彩最丰富的时候,骑上自行车,徜徉在山间小路,绿色点缀在一片片红色与黄色中,犹如各种颜色泼在了画布上。躺在山坡上,展开双臂,拥抱阳光,拥抱美幻的世界。秋风萧瑟,片片落叶随风旋转,吹瘦了整个季节。家乡的亲人们又开始忙碌着收获,田地里满是他们的欢声笑语。那亲切的乡音混着刚刚翻起的泥土的清香弥漫在家乡的空气中,我便卯足了劲大口大口地呼吸着这丰收的气息。
家乡的冬天雪很大,漫天的雪花飘飘洒洒,在地上留了厚厚一层,掩盖了喧杂。冬天家乡的冬天是宁静的,要是稍有喧闹,那也是学校新盖的教学大楼中传来的琅琅的读书声。家乡的冬天是沉思的,似乎人们在回想着这一年的生活,谋划着一个丰收的来年。
一方水土养一方人,家乡给予了我它所能给予的一切,家乡的天空给了我深邃,家乡的山给了我沉稳,家乡的水给了我清灵,家乡的亲人们给了我淳朴。此时的家乡已是春意盎然,看着一座座新式的房屋如雨后春笋般露出那亲切的脸庞,我不由得想大声喊出深藏在我内心的声音:我爱你,我的家乡!
我要用您给我的深邃沉静我的思想,我要用您给我的沉稳扎实学习,我要用您给我的清灵勤奋思考,我要用您给我的淳朴艰苦奋斗,我要为您明天的繁荣努力!我爱你,我的家乡!
谢谢大家!
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少年兴则国兴,少年强则国强。我们要适应时代发展的要求,正确认识祖国的历史和现实,增强爱国的情感和振兴祖国的责任感。读文网小编为大家整理了有关爱国主义精彩演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位领导、各位老师,亲爱的同学们:
大家好!我是xx。很荣幸也很激动今天能站在这里演讲。
一次偶然的机会,让我走进神往已久的天下第一山——井冈山。也许她没有泰山的气势恢宏,没有庐山的风景俊秀,没有峨眉的清新无暇。可是当你走进她的时候,你就会不觉为她那段火红的历史而感染,就会被她那鲜血染红的山脉而征服。
今年是井冈山革命根据地创建80周年纪念年。井冈山既是中国红军的故乡,又是中国革命的摇篮;既是中国红色政权的源头,又是中国革命的发祥地。在艰苦卓绝的井冈山斗争中,毛泽东等一代伟人的文韬武略,革命志士的赤胆忠诚,他们以鲜血、以生命诠释着一种极其宝贵的精神——井冈山精神。这种宝贵的精神后来成为长征精神、延安精神、西柏坡精神等中国革命精神的历史源头。江泽民同志将井冈山精神高度概括为:坚定信念,艰苦奋斗,实事求是,敢闯新路,依靠群众,勇于胜利。
雄伟的井冈山,连着中国共产党辉煌的历史;永远的井冈山,写满了中国人民的光荣与梦想。井冈山不愧为“天下第一山”,她有着其她名山大川所没有的“红”:红,是八万先烈用鲜血换来的自由与幸福;红,是在险峻环境中开创出的第一个革命根据地;更红的是用鲜血和生命锻造出来的革命精神;她还有着无可比拟的“绿”:绿在黄洋界的奇峰险石,绿在五龙潭的怡人山水、在彩虹瀑的雄伟壮丽,更绿在历经敌人的刀与火,而依然挺拔的青青翠竹和永伴烈士们的苍劲松柏。红,是井冈的召唤,是先烈对我们的召唤;绿,是井冈的希望,是祖国对我们年轻一代的希望。
在井冈山上的红色之旅,每一个脚步似乎都承载了烈士们的记忆,每一个动作都昭示着历史对我们的寄语,每一种声音都一种无可比拟的红色文化对于我们的召唤。
在那个血与火的年代,革命先烈在解放事业中凭着一股勇气一身热血,为国家杀出一条血路,在黑暗面前没有半点的退缩,勇往直前。他们用鲜血染红大地,用生命换来光明,用对祖国的热爱、对事业的追求、对天下的情怀,无私地奋斗着。
作为新一代的青年学子,历史再现,缅怀着他们的英雄事迹,继承着他们的革命传统,学习先烈们的优良品德。我要用他们的信念鼓舞我前行,用他们的精神鞭笞自己成才,用他们的爱国热情点燃自己的报国之志。
作为改革开放大潮中的一代青年学子,要更加珍惜今天来之不易的和平生活,勤于思考、善于创造、甘于奉献,用我们的满腔热情投入到伟大祖国的建设事业中来。
作为一名外语专业的学生,爱国主义教育尤为重要。在与外国人交往中,我们更要不卑不亢、有礼有节。我们要抓住机遇,努力学好专业知识,把五千年的华夏文明进一步推向世界,让世界人民了解中国、了解更多的中华文化,让我们伟大的祖国屹立于世界强国之列。
同学们,在不久的将来我们都将成为社会主义的接班人。成为合格的接班人,就是要在任何时候都要胸怀宽广、志存高远,坚定理想信念,把个人的理想追求同国家民族的前途命运紧密联系在一起;就是要刻苦学习,勇于实践,不辜负先烈和人民对青年的重托,努力实现人生价值;就是要知荣明辱,奋发有为,与祖国共奋进,与时代齐发展。
同学们,今天我们在这里,举办这样一次爱国主义教育演讲比赛,让我们一起来回顾历史,缅怀先烈。牢记党和人民的重托,努力成为“四个新一代”的有为青年,自觉担负振兴中华和创建“和谐社会”的时代重任,用我们的无悔青春去铸造新时代的不朽丰碑!
谢谢大家!
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爱情,是心中的情丝绵延,是对爱的述说,是用文字堆积的感情!令你欢喜,令你忧!这就是爱情的魅力!它就像一根细细的红线,在无形中钩住了你的心。在无数个白昼之间转辗反侧,却甘之如饴!爱情,一笔一划皆入眼成痴、成情。读文网小编为大家整理了关于爱情的演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的老师、同学:
大家下午好!我是来自交通土木工程系路桥1003班的张海庆,今天我演讲的题目是爱情是无私的。爱情这个名词对于我们九零后的我们来说是一个比较敏感的话题了,而且在座的各位同学都希望有一份纯真的爱情。其实不光是我们对这个名词也很敏感,从古至今,男女老少都很敏感,可以这么说,只要有感情,有思想的人都很敏感。
那么爱情究竟是什么呢?爱情到底是自私的还是无私的?有人说是自私的,因为你得到了,别人就不能拥;也有人是这么说的,爱情是无私的,如果真爱一个热播,就应该给她自由,让他快乐!不管人们是怎样说的,总之,我认为爱情是无私的!最近在报纸上看到这样一个片段:主人公叫00的女孩和一个叫00的男孩,听到这两个名字感觉挺有默契。故事是这样的,00在读高三,而00读在上大学,而他们挺有感情,在高三时他们就保持着好朋友的关系,只是好朋友,其实对方都明白彼此都喜欢着对方。但由于谭亮考虑到怕影响到谭静的学习,所以只好先把爱苦苦收回。还是保持着以前那种关系。当他们彼此开始新的学业以后,那女孩给男孩说你是我心中的白马王子!永远都是!多情的男孩终于耐不住寂寞,变得主动,向女孩表白。但那女孩并没有答应,她说,我们现在是不同层次的人了,我感觉离你很遥远,高不可攀,因为你在上大学,我不能对不起你,最终没有答应。男孩问道,你要是得不到你心中的白马王子,那你觉得心中有意义吗?女孩坚定的回答道,有意义,永远都有意义,我是真心爱你的,就因该让你过自由得生活,去为自己的理想发展、奋斗,即使没有得到你,我会把你永远记在心里,永远都是我的白马王子,男孩流泪了!
爱情是无私的,这个片段是对爱情是无私的最好见证和诠释!
其实鉴证爱情的故事很多,梁山伯与祝英台、罗密欧与朱丽叶都是对爱情的最好见证和肯定,都证明了爱情的伟大和无私,虽然结局都不是很美好,但是彼此都为爱情付出了很多!甚至放弃了生命诸如此类,在天愿做比翼鸟,在地愿为连理枝;两情若是久长时,又岂在朝朝暮暮等这些都说明爱情无私的、伟大的。甚至是不屑于亲情和友情。我认为爱情不单单是男女之间的关系,他还包括了亲情和友情所以说爱情不屑于亲情和友情。但与之相反的也有,我曾经目睹了一个男人用高贵的手打了妻子一巴掌,试问这是爱情吗?
前一个片段把爱情表现的如此纯真和纯洁,而后一个则是在玷污爱情,玷污了无私、伟大、圣神和纯洁。爱情的摸样:
有时候,明明知道爱上她是一个错误,却还是死心塌地的爱了!
有时候,明明知道这样做事不好的,却还是执迷不悟的做了!
有时候,明明知道他的心不在你这,却心甘情愿的把心给了!
有时候,明明知道自己的付出得不到她的回头,却还是无怨无悔的付出着!
这是什么?这是爱情的力量,这是爱情的伟大和无私!
同学们,爱情就是这样,无私,毫无怨言的为对方付出!纵使没有结果!
记得有人这样说过,女人是用来爱的,爱她就要对她负责,就要用心去呵护她。
有人也说过,一个成功男人的背后有一个可爱的女人,这说明他把工作态度放在用来爱情上,对爱人的负责和呵护!
同学们,爱就要爱的轰轰烈烈,要知道女人是用来爱的!
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震撼人心的英语演讲必然离不开一份优秀的英语演讲稿,读文网小编为大家整理了英语精彩演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
Today, I have a speech for everyone, "I grew up with books." Book, allowing you more intelligent; books, textbooks can not tell you things. After reading a book, like a piece of mining wealth. As you book the most loyal friends, but also a one of your other textbooks, books, can tell you that learning, knowledge, life insights, the book that lets you knowledgeable.
What kind of books to choose, often vary from person to person. We can according to their own interests and hobbies, choose suitable reading materials. Of course, a person's interests and hobbies can be adopted to develop the study.
Book back to me a lot of inspiration. I "on its own success" in the know to step up a second time, when to have a normal heart; I am from the "little story of great wisdom" to know a lot of celebrities in the growth of experience and growth allow people to feel admiration for the story.
Book is your friend, your family. As long as you are willing to find that is willing to explore. You must be from the book of Revelation that many textbooks have not learned so much knowledge! Let us work together in the book world book of knowledge as small fish, like sea travel it together!
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一篇好的英语演讲稿能够打动评委的心灵,而且在演讲时也朗朗上口。读文网小编为大家整理了精彩英语励志演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
《Winston Churchill's Iron Curtain Speech》
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, “The Sinews of Peace”.
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
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老师为学生的学习,默默付出自己的青春和心血,那么你想对老师说些什么话语呢?下面读文网小编整理了老师我想对你说演讲稿,供你阅读参考。
老师,我对您说
老师,您就是太阳,
我就是月亮,
您照亮了整个学校。
学校就像我们的家,
您就像家里的爸爸妈妈一样,
爱我们,保护我们,帮我们成长。
妈妈辛辛苦苦的工作,
您也是辛辛苦苦。
老师您就是培育我们的园丁,
我们就是刚发芽的小苗,
您把我们培育成了一棵坚强茁壮的小树,
勇敢的小树,
遇到什么事都能自己解答。
小树弯了的时候,
您就会把我们扶直。
在春天里,您把我们种到土里。
夏天,我们会给您遮挡太阳。
秋天,我们会给您结许许多多的果实,您会吃饱饱一餐。 冬天,我们会变成您的柴,给您取暧,也给您做饭。
谢谢您老师!我们爱您!
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挫折,人人都有,这是不可否认的事实。然而面对挫折如何处理,就能看出不同的人生轨迹。下面读文网小编整理了面对挫折演讲稿,供你阅读参考。
大家好!在初三这一个忙碌的学年里能有这个机会让我在这里给大家演讲,实在是一件很荣幸的事。我们在初三这个跟革命相似岁月里,开始阶段已经让我们饱尝风霜,在这个对我们来说充满迷惘的学年,我们的脑中总是无时无刻地发出许多问号。我们走在这个人生的十字路口中,不禁会发出这样的感慨“现在该怎么办?”是啊,我们之中很多人无时无刻不在想这个问题,我们觉得很困惑,很无助,很后悔。困阔自己的前程,无助的是现在,后悔的是以前那段被遗忘的时光。我们又不得不问问自己“现在还来得及吗?”这真是个严重的问题。即使面前出现很多人告诉你来得及,但你还是会原地不动在在那里思考这个问题。
挫折,人人都有,这是不可否认的事实。然而,在失败后我们又应该怎样去面对呢?很幸运的,从小学老师就把方法的告诉我们了,我们全都听了,而且从小学到现在听到的也不止1000次了。但为什么我们之中很多人还是站在原地不动呢?因为我们没有认真的去面对每一次的失败,我们没有面对失败的经验。失败,固然可怕,父母会骂你,老师也会谴责你,同学们还会笑你。这一窝蜂的事一涌过来,我们束手无策,第一反应就是先放在一边,不管他,以后再说吧。但每一个失败都有相似之处,那就是,它们的效果都差不多。每一个失败都让你很失望,让你不敢面对。
漫长的人生失败总是不止一次吧?从第一次失败我们就走了这么一条不归路。假如没有人去纠正你,告诉你,第二次失败你也会走这条路吧?久而久之,这样怯懦的逃避成了一种习惯,过去做错的事总是那么不堪回首。当上进心向我们走来时,我们背着良心去用欺骗它打退它,很多时候它都来了,但我们总是不停地欺骗它,打退它,它也是个灵性的东西,我们给它的打击让它变得很怯懦,很怕我们,于是它慢慢的远离了我们。我们在失败的某时某刻似乎回忆起什么东西,但记不起它的名字,它的名字就叫上进心。提起上进心,人人都说它好,它到底好在哪里呢?它给我们自信,让我们勇往直前面对困难,它是我们忠诚的朋友。它给我们动力,让我们积极打开心中枷锁,前进,再前进,是我们通往成功之路的钥匙。它给我们无时无刻的关怀与提醒,奋起我们每一次思想上的飞跃。它和人类是如么好的一个朋友,我们既然如此对它,实在是惭愧。天上最美丽的是星星,人间最可贵的是友情,当我们把最真诚的心留给我们的朋友的时候,别忘了还有这样一位朋友。那我们应该怎么挽回这位老朋友呢?首先,我们必须重新和它交朋友。先树立起共同的爱好,例如,我们必须和它一样,勇敢面对失败,面对挫折。然后再发扬自己的优点,就是在失败中认真思考失败的原因,用正确的方法纠正。老朋友在你的作风下会暗暗留意你,一时它还不会动心,这时我们只要坚持在每一次失败中以同样的方法对待。“浪子回头金不唤!”它肯定会重新回到我们身边。这个时候我们还会再令它离我们而去吗?
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梦想是人类对于美好事物的一种憧憬和渴望,也是一种目标,那么大学生中国梦我的梦话题发言要说些什么内容才精彩?下面读文网小编整理了大学生中国梦我的梦演讲稿,供你阅读参考。
“一个人可以一无所有,但是不能没有梦想。”这句话,我一直记得。是的,正是因为有梦想,我们才经历坎坷依然前行,正是因为有梦想,我们才历经沧桑信心不改。
当鸦片战争击破“天朝上国”迷梦,当西方文明剧烈冲击“天不变,道亦不变”的心理,当中华民族面临“千年未有之变局”、面对“千年未有之强敌”,中华儿女就有一个梦想,一个民族复兴的梦想。
170多年来,无数中华儿女就执着于这个梦,为民族复兴上下求索。而今,在实现这个梦想的新的历史征程上,深情阐述“中国梦”, 他引用了三句诗“雄关漫道真如铁”、“人间正道是沧桑”、“长风破浪会有时”,将中华民族的昨天、今天和明天,熔铸于百余年中国沧桑巨变的历史图景,展现于几代人为民族复兴奋斗的艰辛历程,令人感慨、催人奋进。
2011年,姚明在退役发布会上感言:“感谢这个伟大进步的时代,使我有机会去实现自己的梦想和价值。”
今天,我们每个人未必像姚明那样尽情绽放了梦想,但我们都有自己的梦,也都或多或少地实现着自己的梦。
尽管我们的梦想实现未必尽如人意,有的人还在埋怨,收入还不够高,房子还不够大,工作还不够好,看病还不够方便,但与自己的过去相比,梦想的旅程都早已离开原点,梦想的花朵已然开始绽放。
也许,执着于自己的梦想久了,我们可能忘了梦想生长的土壤。也许,有的人认为,自己梦想的实现,得益于自己的奋斗,这个时代、我们国家并没有直接为自己做过什么。
然而,百余年前的中国人不敢有梦,百余年后的中国人都有自己的梦,其间的差别就在于“中国梦”。
当“中国梦”没有绽放,个人的梦又如何开花?从根本上说,我们每个人梦想生长的土壤,都深深植根于“中国梦”。我们每个人梦想的成长,都有“中国梦”的成长相伴。有了“中国梦”的茁壮,我们才有了做自己的梦的自由。
这170多年来,正是无数先贤先烈把自己的梦融入“中国梦”,正是一代代人执着坚韧地接续“中国梦”,“中国梦”才有今日之荣光。
这30多年来,我们能够改变自己的生活甚至命运,能够让自己的梦想次第开放,亿万农民工能够在神州大地上自由流动,市场的生机活力在最贫穷的地方也能够崭露头角。我们也不能忘记,这一切根本得益于“中国梦”的追逐,得益于党带领人民在追逐“中国梦”的进程中,创造了发展传奇。
“中国梦”与个人梦唇齿相依。我们追逐自己的梦,本身构成了“中国梦”的一块块基石。“中国梦”的建构,又为我们放飞自己的梦想提供了平台和土壤。
历史的接力棒已经交到我们手中,我们要大声宣言:勿忘昨天的苦难与辉煌,无愧今天的责任与使命,不负明天的梦想与追求。
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从1921年到现在,中国共产党建党一百周年了,我们感谢党,牢记党恩,那么怎样通过演讲感谢党恩?下面读文网小编整理了2021建党百年感恩党发言稿范文_感恩党的精彩演讲稿6篇,供你阅读参考。
各位领导、同志们:
大家好!我很荣幸能够站在演讲台上,我今天演讲的题目叫“感恩党,歌颂党”。
奉献、付出、使命、责任是您最高贵的品质。您像一株冰山雪莲,洁白无瑕;您像满山的杜鹃,温暖人间。“春蚕到死丝方尽,蜡炬成灰泪始干”是对您最好的形象阐释。您有一个响亮的名字——中国共产党。
20__年了,您已九十高寿了。回首往事,一百年前的中国正处在风雨如磐、长夜难明的黑暗年代,列强侵略、军阀混战、政治腐败、民不聊生,国家命运岌岌可危。在这样的时候,人们多么渴望有一个坚强的政治力量,能够领导中国人民走上强国富民的道路,您就在这种背景下诞生了。您诞生于灾难深重的中国,成长于艰苦斗争的环境,经过长期曲折的道路,终于取得了全国政权,开创了中国历史的新时代。90年来,您走过了极不平凡的历程,有过挫折,有过失误,但谁也无法否认,成就是巨大的,业绩是辉煌的。在您的带领下,中国经济飞速发展,总量跃居世界第七,高科技领域也取得突飞猛进的进展。人民的生活也基本上达到小康水平。九十年后,中国已巍峨屹立于世界的东方。
一百个寒暑,一百个足迹。一百年的风雨,一百年的辉煌。
您是雨后的阳光,为潮湿的大地带来了光明和希望。哪里有困难,哪里就有您瘦弱的身影;哪里需要帮助,哪里就有您温暖的双手;哪里发生纠纷,哪里就有您公正而正义的声音。您是中国人民坚强的臂膀,是中国的中流砥柱,是中国人民的脊梁。古语说得好,天将降大任于斯人也,必先苦其心志,劳其筋骨,饿其体肤,空乏其身,行拂乱其所为,所以动心忍性,曾益其所不能。就像云南省
德宏傣族景颇族自治州盈江县的地震一样,您始终在抗战的第一线指导抗震救灾和灾后重建工作,看望以及慰问受灾的各族群众。那可怕的自然灾害一次又一次无情的降临在了我们中国这片广袤无垠的土地上,举国上下无一不为之震惊。然而地震无情,人间有情,我们没有被这次的自然灾害所吓到,就如同20__年的汶川大地震以及20__年的舟曲泥石流。虽然在灾难面前,我们都是脆弱的。但是我们并没有畏惧,我们的各族人民在您和国家的带领下始终团结一致对抗各种艰难险阻,共同战胜了这些灾难。
有一种倒下,可以托起生命;有一种抉择,为人民点燃希望;有一种号召,可以振奋人心。“灾情就是命令,时间就是生命”、“任何困难都难不倒英雄的中国人民!”、“只要有一线希望,就要尽百倍地努力”、“必须举全国之力,以救人为核心,克服重重困难,把抗震救灾工作进行到底。”这一句句强力的号召,一直回荡在山谷、一直萦绕在灾区人们的心中、也一直激励着每一个中华儿女,这无不证实了您“始终保持同人民群众的血肉联系”,高山仰首,大海扬波,大地溢满了新世纪的朝晖。在这百花争艳,风景怡人的季节,迎来了您九十岁的生日。中国的儿女在此为您送上生日的祝福。您创造了历史,历史也选择了您。历史的您告诉我们:历史选择了您是正确的,只有您才能带领中国走在世界的前沿,只有您才能照亮黎明前的黑暗。您的身上闪烁着真理的光芒,展现着信念与理想。您用一切行动告诉了我们,您们的宗旨是:一切为人民服务。
岁月镌刻了您的足迹,困难加深了您的皱纹,但成功与胜利让您绽放了最美丽的笑容。您是我们的楷模,是我们学习的榜样。作为21世纪年青一代的我们未来任重道远,我们是您的子孙,您为人民服务的精神,将会被您的子孙一代代传承。我们将会跟随您的步伐,向着正确的方向一路前进,为中国的建设贡献自己的一份力量。
中国共产党——多么光荣的名字,您的名字将永远铭刻在中国儿女的心中,也将永远成为中国历史那最辉煌的一页!宏图已绘就,号角已吹响;壮志在心头,扬鞭在脚下。让我们追寻您的脚步,满怀豪情的再创新世纪的辉煌吧!
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讲稿作为演讲者在演讲时所依据的文稿,那么大一新生开学演讲稿怎样写?下面读文网小编整理了大一新生开学演讲稿,供你阅读参考。
各位老师,各位同学,大家好:
很荣幸在这样一个阳光普照,晴空万里的日子里和大家相聚在我们这美丽的城院里。首先,我代表城市学院对你们的到来表示热烈的欢迎。
在座的新生刚刚结束了维持13天辛苦而有意义的军训,话虽辛苦,但相信大家也必然乐在其中。在军训期间,有的同学收获很大,有的却想方设法逃避军训,什么也得不到。
大学生活也同样如此,你可以享受,你可以消磨。可能同学们一直以来听得都是“一分耕耘,一分收获”,可是,我觉得一分耕耘已经不可能有一分收获了,在这个社会,一分耕耘,零分收获,十分耕耘,才有一分收获。所以,我希望同学们上了大学之后,依然保持着高三时候那种刻苦学习的精神,当然,大学生活多姿多彩,活动丰富,你们还要有对活动的积极性,不要什么也不参与。
很多人上了大学很容易迷失自我,然后大学几年,就一晃而过,到后来自己回想,才发觉大学四年自己没有收获到什么。
下面,我为大家给几点个人建议:
(1)要懂得分配时间。大学,是一个自由的地方。上课得去上课,没课的时候自己就要懂得支配好,休息的时候就该休息,放松的时候就放松。要清楚自己这分钟该做什么?下分钟该做什么?怎样分配时间才最合理?还要,多抽点时间做运动锻炼身体。
(2)要学会分清主次。上面提过,大学的活动丰富多彩。日后,可能你们也会有自己进入的学生会部门。对于这些活动或要有积极性,但是要分清主次,不应该把学习的时间用到其他地方去,更不能让自己的身体成为过度透支的“银行”。
(3)要善于处理人际关系、大学,是个交朋友以及锻炼自己的交际能力的一个好平台。友谊是永久的财富。要建立良好的人际关系,在大学里收获友情的沃土。对于男女之间的感情,更要懂得如何处理,不要盲目地找感情寄托。
(4)别忘记常给家人打个电话。上了大学,跟高中就不一样了,你们离开父母的怀抱。不能经常回家,那么就要学会独立,也因此要多跟家人分享自己在学校的事情。
最后,祝愿大家大学生活过得充实不颓废,收获更多美丽,前程似锦。 谢谢大家。
看过“大一新生开学演讲稿”
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同学们,你对自己满意吗?你是不是很羡慕某些人,甚至幻想,我要是他多好啊!如果你有这样的想法,那么我来对你说:别人固然有他的优点,我自己也有我的长处,说不定还有人羡慕我想成为我呢!下面读文网小编为大家整理了活出自己的精彩演讲稿3分钟,欢迎大家阅读。
各位朋友,下午好!很高兴有机会与大家做交流,谈谈关于快乐的话题。
为什么选择这个话题呢?这与我所从事的工作有关。(自我介绍)我是一名心理咨询师,帮助来访者解决心理上的问题。比如:一个人刚刚失恋了,非常痛苦;一位母亲因为孩子不听话,极度的焦虑;……我的工作就是帮助求助者从不快乐的状态中走出来,或者降低不快乐的程度,让这种不快乐状态处于一种我们能接受的范围内,而不是我们痛苦得都活不下去了。我的工作决定了前来找我的人都是处于某种不快乐状态中的,当一个人很快乐的时候他是不会来找我的。可以说,我是一个经常跟不快乐打交道的人,所以我比一般人更加关注“快乐”这个问题。
一、每个人都有不快乐的时候
在医学上,把人分为心理正常的人和心理不正常的人两种。心理不正常的人也就是我们比较熟知的有精神障碍的人,也就是精神病人,疯子。他们需要到精神病院得到精神病医生的帮助和药物的治疗。心理正常的人又分为心理健康的人和心理不健康的人两种。心理健康与不健康是一个相对的概念,这好比我们身体的健康。(PPT)人的心理状态像水一样不停的波动,在某一时间段处于健康状态,在另一时间段又会处于不健康状态。这种波动变化本身是一种正常的状态。健康的时候,我们内心感觉满足、喜悦、平和、幸福、愉悦、快乐;不健康的时候,我们内心感觉焦虑、担心、失望、恐怖、猜疑、愤怒、无望、无助、无力、痛苦等等。
生活中我们所遇到的每一件事情都会引起我们情绪上的波动变化。
二、什么样的事情会让我们不快乐
大家分享:什么样的事情会让我们不快乐?
1、长得不漂亮,个子太矮,身材太胖,皮肤太黑;
2、学历不高,别人觉得你没有文化,懂得的太少;
3、工作不好,太辛苦,工资又少;
4、……
三、快乐是自己的选择
怎么让自己快乐起来呢?心理学家的研究给了我们答案。心理学家认为:快乐是一种心理的主观感受。因此,要不要快乐由你自己决定。
心理学上有个著名的ABC理论。A代表某个诱发事件;B代表某个特定的人对A这个诱发事件的看法;C代表在这个诱发事件之后,这个特定的人出现的情绪反应和行为表现。
ABC理论告诉我们快乐是我们自己的选择。许多事情我们是无法改变的,但是我们可以选择如何看待这件事,因而,我们就选择了或者快乐或是不快乐。所以快乐是我们自己的选择,不快乐也是我们自找的。
故事2:有一个老妈妈,她有两个儿子,大儿子是卖雨伞的,小儿子是卖冰棍的。晴天,老妈妈为大儿子发愁,因为晴天没人买雨伞。雨天,老妈妈又在替小儿子难过,因为雨天没人吃冰棍。这时,有人对老妈妈说:“晴天的时候你应该替小儿子高兴,因为很多人会买他的冰棍;雨天的时候你应该为大儿子高兴,因为他的雨伞成了抢手货。”老妈妈照着他的话去做了,从此以后,她真的变得很快乐。
四、什么样的选择决定什么样的生活
有三个人要被关进监狱三年,监狱长让他们每人提一个要求。
美国人爱抽雪茄,要了三箱雪茄。
法国人最浪漫,要一个美丽的女子相伴。
而犹太人说,他要一部与外界沟通的电话。
三年过后,第一个冲出来的是美国人,嘴里鼻孔里塞满了雪茄,大喊道:"给我火,给我火!"原来他忘了要火了。
接着出来的是法国人。只见他手里抱着一个小孩子,美丽女子手里牵着一个小孩子,肚子里还怀着第三个。
最后出来的是犹太人,他紧紧握住监狱长的手说:"这三年来我每天与外界联系,我的生意不但没有停顿,反而增长了200%,为了表示感谢,我送你一辆劳斯莱斯!"
提示:选择是一种实在而具体的行动。什么样的选择决定什么样的生活。今天的生活是由三年前我们的选择决定的,而今天我们的抉择将决定我们三年后的生活。
五、接受自己,享受当下
接受自己,欣赏自己。
许多人不喜欢自己,你喜欢自己吗?
练习:请你在5分钟时间内找出自己身上那些令自己满意或骄傲的地方;再找出令自己不满意的地方(注意:可以是性格、优缺点、特长、缺陷等)。
抽查:思考结果。
一个人如果连自己都不喜欢,如何能够快乐呢?自己都不喜欢的人,又如何希望别人能够喜欢你呢?
六、故事《塞翁失马焉知非福》给我们的启示
好与坏,互相转化;福与祸,前后相随。
这是中国古籍中的一则寓言。“塞”,什么是塞,塞就是长城;“塞翁”就是长城脚下的老翁;这名老翁是养马的,有一次他的马走失了,觉得倒霉极了。怎知过了一段时间,这匹马竟然带同另一匹野马一同返回家,他很高兴,因走失了的马不但自己回来了,而且还带回另一匹马回来,这是坏事变好事。
老翁的儿子要驯马,一见到野马便驯它,怎知野马一挣,老翁的儿子就从马背上跌了下来,跌伤了脚。老翁见状,不禁说道,这趟则是好事变坏事了,这匹野马弄伤了我儿子的脚。
过了一段时间,儿子的脚仍未痊愈,忽然皇帝在民间征兵,男丁要去打仗,但他的儿子因脚伤而可免役。那个时候征兵去打仗多是“古来征战几人回”,九死一生,儿子不用去打仗,不用去送命。
这故事说明什么呢?,塞翁失马,焉知非福,“焉知”是指你怎会知道这件事是好或是坏呢?塞翁失掉了马,你不知是好事或是坏事,它是一直在演变的。
其实我们在经历中经过很多例子。有些人去赌钱,因为赢了钱,心红了,想发达,结果输得一败涂地。有些人去炒楼,开始时顺顺利利,因此越炒越勇,最终又输掉了整副身家。有些人不敢去赌钱,他一进赌场便会输钱,表面上是坏事,实际上他不敢去赌钱是好事。
有一句话,天以微福来试人。天以微小的福来试你,其实有一个大祸跟着来,所以福来不用太高兴。天又会以微祸来试人,但是,福又会跟着来。这句话的意思与塞翁失马,焉知非福是一样的。
当一件事情来临时,可能是好事,也可能是坏事,我们都不应太执着,太高兴,应以平常心去对待之。我们要看它的发展,因为好事可能变成坏事,而坏事又可能生出好的结果,这不在我们意料之中。但是若我们有这思想准备,不要把好的事情看定是绝好的,或者是把坏的事情看定是绝对倒霉,我们不是这样看事情的。我们用发展变化的观点看待事物,看事物的结果,看它一浪一浪的推进,这个叫辩证法。所以说塞翁失马,焉知非福是一句充满辩证法的话。
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一名优秀的团员,都是勤俭节约,严于律己,关心他人的,那么在大学作为优秀团员代表,到底需要说些什么内容才合适呢?下面读文网小编整理了大学优秀团员演讲稿,供你阅读参考。
尊敬的各位领导、亲爱的同事们:
大家好!今天我能够站在这里,代表所有的优秀团员进行发言,感到非常的荣幸和自豪。
五月的春风情深意暖,五月的花海流溢飘香,和着春潮,伴着夏韵,在这花海灿烂夺目的季节里,我们迎来了“五四”运动九十三周年。每一年的“五四”都是值得我们纪念的日子,因为它赋予了我们广大青年要勇于肩负社会责任的历史使命感。灿烂的五月,散发着热情,青年团员的蓬勃朝气使我们的供电家园活力四射,广大员工的辛勤劳动使我们的整个供电系统运行更安全、更平稳;作为一名优秀共青团员,我一直严格执行团的章程和组织原则,为青年带好头,处处争先,争当青年团员的模范,积极支持团组织的工作。用先进的思想武装头脑,用积极向上的态度对待工作和生活。我们积极投身于团组织的各项活动和建设中,这一切的动力都来自于我们对共青团的热爱,更来自于我们对共青团中先进典型的敬佩。作为优秀团员我们更要树立共产主义远大理想,投身社会主义建设,自觉树立社会主义荣辱观,在学习生活中不断炼就自己,服务青年、服务社会的本领,努力使自己成为综合素质全面发展、具有优秀品质、良好素养的新时代团员青年。
在做好团组织工作之余,我认为:弘扬五四精神,实现自我价值,就是要立足岗位,将身边的每件小事扎扎实实地做好。身为一名小班组长,必须从自身工作角度出发,牢固树立“安全第一,以人为本”的理念。切实把安全工作放在首要位置,确保每项工作的安全措施得以完善,让“生命至高无上、责任重于泰山”的安全理念深入员工内心,并成为一种诚信和习惯。正确处理安全与生产、与稳定、与发展的关系。在任何形势、任何情况下,都要坚定不移地坚持先安全后生产的原则。想要成为一名优秀的五四青年,必须要提高本岗位业务水平,“实践是检验真理的唯一标准”,但在实践之前要有扎实的理论基础作为指导,所以我们要多学习岗位理论知识,把理论和实践相结合,不断进步,不断创新;只求自身的发展还是不够的,还要团结我们身边所有青年朋友加强岗位练兵以及岗位知识培训,使共青团组织在供电事业中切实起到中流砥柱的作用。
我们团组织的发展与进步源于我们全体团员青年的不懈努力,更离不开公司领导的不懈支持,当然我们在工作上还存在着很大的不足,在社会日新月异的发展面前,在知识经济的今天,因循守旧,得过且过,不思进取,注定要在转眼间被时代所淘汰。与时俱进,终身学习,敬业奉献,才是必由之路。在新的发展形势下,我们会一如继往的努力工作,为公司的进一步发展做出贡献。同事们,我们准备好了吗?在“保电就是保油”的宗旨下,开拓创新,放飞我们的梦想,点燃我们的激情,挥洒青春的力量。成绩属于过去,荣誉归于大家,未来在于创造,让我们携手共进,把供电公司建设得更加美好!
我的发言完毕,谢谢大家!
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用爱心搭起桥梁,用关心凝成温暖,用真心传递幸福,我的教育故事就是这么精彩。下面读文网小编整理了爱心教育故事演讲稿,供你阅读参考。
尊敬的领导、老师们:
大家好!今天,我演讲的题目是《尊重和善待每一位学生》。
我很荣幸,因为我从事的是太阳底下最光辉的事业。更幸运的是,我担任了班主任工作。在多年的班主任生涯中,有诸多说不完的故事。
在我眼里,每一个学生都是一朵含苞待放的花蕾,作为班主任,我们有责任让他们都绚丽的绽放,特别是那些“带刺的花蕾”我们更应多一些关爱和呵护。当了五年的班主任,我遇到过很多的“小刺头”,在他们身上,发生过许多令我辛酸也令我感动的故事。其中有一个故事给了我永远的鞭策和启迪。这事发生在我刚参加工作时,心里总有这样的感觉:他们怕我这个新老师吗?常言道“棍棒出孝子,严师出高徒”,我必须严厉点,要镇住他们。当时班里有一个出了名的“捣蛋大王”,他学习成绩差,经常欺负同学,全班同学都怕他。暗地里还给他起了个了不起的绰号:大捣蛋。一次,他又打了班里的同学,我不由分说将他揪到办公室,火冒三丈的我对他进行了一顿狠狠的批评。没想到,他不但不服气,还理直气壮地顶撞我,我忍无可忍打了他一个大耳光。谁知他居然骂骂咧咧地冲出了办公室。当时我被气急,感到自己受了莫大的委屈和耻辱。
这件事之后,我对他冷若冰霜。而他上课再也不听我讲课,经常变着花样给我捣乱。下课后,他更加变本加厉地欺负同学。当时,我对这个孩子既恨之入骨,又无计可施。
可后来的故事却改变了他,更醒悟了我。那次,我打开抽屉拿作业本,发现抽屉里有一张字条,上面写道:“老师,你一定非常非常地讨厌我、恨我吧,但我不讨厌你,因为我知道你恨我这块铁不能成钢,可我讨厌你对我毫不留情的训斥,讨厌你给我的大耳光”。课下,我把这张字条读了很多很多遍,内心深处有一种说不出的滋味。一张字条惊醒了总想给学生“下马威”的我,该是我好好反省的时候了。我决定找这位同学好好的谈一谈。
那天放学,我和这个我一直讨厌的学生进行了一次和颜悦色的谈话。我首先向他道歉,不该用粗暴的话语伤害他,更不该动手打他。对着我改变的新面孔,他有些不自在,又好像有点受宠若惊,一改往日那蛮横的样子,向我承认了自己的错误。说自己捣乱、欺负同学都是故意的,原因就是对我不满,想对我报复。他很真诚地表示以后不会这样了。还十分诚恳地对我说:“老师,我喜欢今天的你,相信我也会喜欢以后的你。”最后还问到:“老师,我给你惹了那么多麻烦,你还会喜欢我吗?”我当时毫不犹豫地回答:“我会,我会把你看成我最好的朋友”。
这件事已过去多年了,但他一直珍藏在我心底。这张给了我教育的纸条我也一直珍藏着,它时刻提醒我最可恶的孩子也有他最可爱的一面,每个孩子都是鲜活、灵动的个体,有着各自独特的性格。作为一名班主任,应用自己的和颜悦色,用亲切的目光,用慈爱的双手给每一个学生以自尊、自信、关爱和鼓励,只有这样,学生才会“亲其师,信其道”。
因为有了这个故事,在以后的班主任工作中,我以火热的情怀辛勤工作,以平等、尊重和真诚的爱心去打开每一个孩子的心门,不让任何一个孩子成为遗憾。我深切地感受到:作为一名教师,要尊重和善
待我们身边的每一位学生。只有充满爱的教育,才是真正的教育!这就是我的教育故事,我愿播种下平凡的点滴,收获孩子不平凡的人生!
谢谢大家!
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竞聘的压力很大,如果想压倒对手获得成功,一篇精彩的竞聘演讲稿是必备的。竞聘演讲是时间限制的,你要在这五分钟里将你的中心表达清楚。下面读文网小编为大家整理了竞聘演讲稿范文,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位领导、同志们,你们好!
首先感谢组织上给我这样一次机会参加竞争上岗。对我个人来讲,我想这不仅是一次竞争,更是一次对自己的检验、学习和锻炼。下面我就把自己竞争办公室主任的一些想法,向各位领导和同志们汇报一下。
从部队退伍后,市总工会是我唯一的工作单位,在座的各位也是最亲密的同事、朋友。在工会工作的24年中,各位领导和同志们给了我莫大的关心和帮助,使我从一个对工会工作一无所知的青年,到现在成长为领导一个部室的中层干部。我深深地感到,个人的每一点成长、进步,都得益于工会机关的良好的氛围和环境;体现了领导和同志们对我的厚爱和关心。在总工会这个大家庭里工作,感觉踏实,也很温暖。是对工会这个大家庭的热爱,激发了我竞争办公室的勇气;是因为有了你们——在座各位的支持,才树立了我竞争办公室主任的信心。特别是现在的总工会,政通人和、心齐气顺。在这样的一种氛围里工作,有这么好的工作环境,没有理由不好好工作,没有理由不再拼上几年。
竞争办公室主任我有以下优势:
(一)部队生活的锻炼和多年从事机关工作,使我养成了做好办公室工作必备的政治意识、大局意识、纪律意识和扎实的工作作风
(二)为人正直、诚实,能善待每一位同志
(三)身体素质好,精力充沛,能吃苦耐劳
(四)在农村、部队受过锻炼,又有较长时间的工会工作经历,特别是接管事业部近四年积累了丰富的管理经验,有较强的组织协调能力。
如果我当选,我将把领导和同志们的期望铭刻在心,按照“管好自己、带好队伍、搞好服务”的工作思路开展工作,团结带领办公室全体人员,争创一流业绩,树立良好形象,以优异的工作成绩回报领导和同志们的信任。
一、加强学习。办公室是工会的参谋部、情报部、督导部,是沟通上下,联系左右的枢纽。要发挥好参谋服务协调作用,就得不断地加强学习提高自身素质。同时抓好办公室全体人员的学习,以适应办公室工作的要求。
二、开拓创新。形势发展日新月异,如果办公室工作因循守旧,就难以跟上领导的思路和工会工作发展的节奏。因此,必须不断开拓创新。要创新工作方法,提高工作效率。改革后勤服务管理,提高服务质量,在总结以前好的制度的基础上,根据不同情况,不同条件,不断完善,不断创新,使之更加科学、规范。
三、精心搞好服务。服务是办公室工作的天职,在这方面要团结同志,调动大家积极性,按照“及时、热情、超前、立体”的标准来要求自己,不断强化服务意识,提高服务质量努力做到“不以事小而不为,不以事杂而乱为,不以事急而盲为,不以事难而怕为”,尽心尽力地为领导和市总工会的全体同志服好务。
四是廉洁奉公,维护好工会形象。办公室是工会的窗口。办公室主任公道、正派、廉洁与否,直接影响着工会整体形象。公道正派,心无杂念,是做好办公室工作的重要前提。有私心、缺乏公共意识、整体意识就要出问题。为此,我将会按照党纪国法和工会的规章制度严格要求自己,努力做到慎独,慎微,不辜负领导和同志们的信任。
工作中,将在严格执行各项规章制度的同时,尽最大能力满足领导和同志们的工作需要,为工会工作的开展提供有效的后勤保障,确保工会各项工作正常、有序、高效运转。 实事求是地讲,在这次竞争上岗中,相信包括我在内的每位同志都对自己的进步充满憧憬。我本人也希望能获得成功,同时我也不断地告诫自己,作为一名党员,就要把自己的一切交给党和人民,让群众来评判,由组织来选择。我会坚决服从工作需要和组织安排。无论结果如何,我都将以此为新的起点,更加严格地要求自己,以更优异的工作成绩,回报领导和同志们的关心和厚爱。 谢谢大家。
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