为您找到与华盛顿总统就职演讲稿相关的共200个结果:
美国,面对我们共同的危险,在这个艰困的冬天,让我们记得这些永恒的话语。下面是奥巴马总统的就职演讲稿,希望读文网小编整理的对你有用,欢迎阅读:
各位同胞:
今天我站在这里,为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑,对各位的信任心怀感激,对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务,也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。
四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言,这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表,或是在乌云密布,时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候,美国能箕裘相继,不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景,也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心,也忠於创建我国的法统。
因此,美国才能承继下来。因此,这一代美国人也必须承继下去。
现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心,我国正在与四处蔓延的暴力和憎恨作战。我们的经济元气大伤——这既是某些人贪婪且不负责任的後果,也是大众未能做出艰难的选择,对国家进入新时代做准备不足所致。许多人失去房子,丢了工作,生意萧条。我们的医疗太昂贵,学校教育让人失望。每天都有更多证据显示,我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌,威胁我们的星球。
这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的,是举国信心尽失——持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退,也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。
今天我要告诉各位,我们面临的挑战是真的,挑战非常严重,且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易,或在短时间内解决。但是,美国要了解,这些挑战会被解决。
在这一天,我们聚在一起,因为我们选择希望而非恐惧,有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。
在这一天,我们来此宣示,那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结,那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。
我们仍是个年轻的国家,但借用圣经的话,摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了,重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了,选择我们更好的历史,实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利,那种高贵的理念:就是上帝的应许,我们每个人都是平等的,每个人都是自由的,每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。
再次肯定我们国家的伟大,我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来,必须努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的,那些偏好逸乐胜过工作,或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相反,走这条路的始终是勇於冒险的人,做事的人,成事的人,其中有些人很出名,但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄,在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我们,迈向繁荣与自由。
为了我们,他们携带很少的家当,远渡重洋,追寻新生活。
为了我们,他们胼手胝足,在西部安顿下来;忍受风吹雨打,筚路蓝缕。
为了我们,他们奋斗不懈,在康科特和盖茨堡,诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。
前人不断的奋斗与牺牲,直到双手皮开肉绽,我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大於所有个人企图心总和的整体,超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。
这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时,我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新,我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比,一样是必需品。我们的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定,这段时期肯定已经过去。由今天开始,我们必须振作起来,拍掉身上的灰尘,再度开始重塑美国。
我们无论朝何处望去,都有工作必须完成。经济情势需要大胆、迅速的行动,我们将有所行动,不光是创造新工作,更要奠定成长的新基础。我们将造桥铺路,为企业兴建电力网格与数位线路,将我们联系在一起。我们将让科学回归合适的用途,运用科技的奇蹟来提高医疗品质并降低费用。我们将利用太阳能、风力和土壤作为汽车的燃料和工厂的能源。我们将让中小学及大专院校转型,因应新时代的需要。这些我们可以作到。我们也将会作到。
现在,有人质疑我们的雄心,暗示说我们的体系无法承受太多的大计画。这些人的记性不好。因为他们忘记了这个国家已经完成的成就,当创造力朝同一个目标发展,不受约束的男男女女可以完成何等成就,必要的是勇气。
怀疑者无法理解的是他们的主张已经站不住脚,长期以来折磨我们的陈腐政治争议已经行不通。我们今天的问题不是政府太大或太小,而是有无功效,是否能帮助家庭找到薪水不错的工作,支付得起照顾费用,有尊严的退休。哪个方向能够提供肯定的答案,我们就往那里走。答案是否定的地方,计画就会停止。所有我们这些管理大众金钱的人都将负起责任,花钱要精明,改掉恶习,正大光明作事情,只有这样我们才能重建政府与人民间最重要的信任。
我们眼前的问题也不是说市场的力量是善或恶。市场创造财富和增加自由的力量无与伦比,但是这场危机提醒我们没有监督时,市场发展将失控,当市场只偏爱有钱人时,国家无法永续繁荣。我们经济成功的依据,不只是国内生产毛额的规模,还有繁荣可及的范围,以及我们将机会拓展给每个愿意打拚的人,不是因为施舍,而是因为这就是达到我们共同利益最稳健的途径。
至於我们的共同防卫,让我们必须在自由和理想之间作一抉择,是错误的,我们拒绝接受。我们建国诸父在我们难以想像的危难之中。拟具了确保法治和人权的宪章,被一代代以鲜血扩大充实的宪章。这些理想依然照亮这个世界,我们不会为了便宜行事而扬弃它。同样地,今日在观看此情此景的其他民族和政府,从最宏伟的都城到家父出生的小村庄,我要说:任何一个国家、男、女、和孩童,只要你在追求一个和平且有尊严的未来,美国就是你的朋友,我们准备再次带领大家。
回想先前的世代力抗法西斯主义和共产主义,靠的除了飞弹和战车之外,还有强固的联盟和持久的信念。他们知道单单力量本身不足以让我们自保,也不能让我们为所欲为。相反地,他们知道我们的力量因为谨慎使用而增强,我们的安全源自我们理想的正当性,我们所树立楷模的力量,以及谦逊和克制所具有的调和特质。#p#副标题#e#
我们是这些遗产的保存者。在这些原则的再次指引下,我们可以面对那些新的威胁,这些威胁有赖国与国间更大的合作与谅解方能因应。我们将开始以负责任的方式把伊拉克还给它的人民,并在阿富汗建立赢来不易的和平。我们会努力不懈地与老朋友和昔日的对手合作,以减轻核子威胁,和地球的暖化。我们不会为我们的生活方式而道歉,也会毫不动摇地保护它,对那些想要藉由带来恐怖与杀害无辜以遂其目的者,我们现在告诉你,我们的精神强过你们,无法摧折,你们不可能比我们长久,我们必定打败你们。
因为我们知道,我们拼凑组合而成的遗产是我们的强处,而非弱点。我们是由_和穆斯林,犹太教徒和印度教徒,以及非信徒组成的国家。我们由取自世界四面八方的各种语文和文化所形塑。而且由於我们曾尝过内战和种族隔离的苦果,并且在走出那黑暗时期之後变得更坚强和团结,这让我们不得不相信旧日的仇恨终究会过去,部族之间的界线很快就会泯灭。随着世界越来越小,我们共通的人性也会彰显,而美国必须扮演引进新和平时代的角色。
对穆斯林世界,我们寻求一种新的前进方式,以共同的利益和尊重为基础。那些想播植冲突并把自己社会的问题怪罪於西方的领袖,须知你的国民藉以判断你的,是你能建立什麽,而非你能毁坏什麽。那些靠着贪腐欺骗和箝制异己保住权势的人,须知你门站在历史错误的一边,而只要你愿意松手,我们就会帮忙。
那些穷国的人民,我们保证会和你们合作,让们的农场丰收,让清流涌入,滋补饿坏的身体,喂养饥饿的心灵。而对那些和我们一样比较富裕的国家,我要说,我们不能再对国界以外的苦痛视而不见,也不能再消耗世上的资源而不计後果。因为世界已经变了,我们也要跟着改变。
在我们思索眼前道路的此际,我们以谦虚感激的心想到,有些勇敢的美国同胞正在遥远的沙漠和山岭上巡逻。今天他们有话要对我们说,就和躺在阿灵顿(公墓)的英雄们世世代代轻声诉说的一样。我们尊荣他们,不只因为他们扞卫我们的自由,更因为他们代表着服务的精神;愿意在比自己更大的事物上找寻意义。而在此刻,能够界定一个世代的此刻,必须常驻你我心中的,正是这种精神。
即使政府能做和必须做,这个国家最终仍得靠美国人民的信念与决心。在堤防决堤时,是人们的善心,让他们招待陌生人。是工作人员的无私,让他们宁可减工时,也不愿看到朋友失业,陪伴我们度过最黑暗时期。是消防员的勇气,让他们冲进满是浓烟的楼梯间。是父母心甘情愿培育孩子,最终决定我们的命运。
我们的挑战也许是新的,我们迎接挑战的工具也许是新的,但我们赖以成功的价值观─辛勤工作和诚实、勇气和公平竞争、容忍和好奇心、忠实和爱国心─这些都是固有的。这些价值是真实的,是我们历史上进步的沉默力量。我们有必要找回这些真实价值。我们现在需要一个勇於负责的新时代,每一个美国人都体认到我们对自己、对国家、对世界负有责任,我们不是不情愿地接受这些责任,而是欣然接受,坚信没有什麽比全力以赴完成艰难的工作,更能得到精神上的满足,更能找到自我。
这是公民的代价和承诺。
这是我们信心的来源,体认上帝召唤我们创造不确定的命运。
这是我们的自由和信条的真谛,为什麽不同种族和信仰的男女老幼能在这个大草坪上共同庆祝,为什麽一个人的父亲在不到六十年前也许还不能进当地的餐厅用餐,现在却能站在你们面前做最神圣的宣誓。
让我们记住这一天,记住我们是谁、我们走了多远。在美国诞生这一年,在最寒冷的几个月,在结冰的河岸,一群爱国人士抱着垂死的同志。首都弃守,敌人进逼,雪沾了血。在那时,我们革命的成果受到质疑,我们的国父下令向人民宣读这段话:
“让这段话流传后世,在深冬,只剩下希望和美德,这个城市和这个国家,面临共同危险,站起来迎向它。”
美国,面对我们共同的危险,在这个艰困的冬天,让我们记得这些永恒的话语。怀着希望和美德,让我们再度冲破结冰的逆流,度过接下来可能来临的暴风雪。让我们孩子的孩子继续流传下去,说我们受到考验时,我们拒绝让旅程结束,我们不回头,也不踌躇;眼睛注视着远方,上帝的恩典降临我们,我们带着自由这个伟大的礼物,安全送达未来的世世代代。
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以下是读文网小编给大家整理的美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿,希望能帮到你!
President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.
We must act. We must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.
We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.
It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.
May He protect each and every one of us.
May He guide me in the days to come.
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让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。下面是读文网小编为大家整理的美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(英文版),希望大家能够从中有所收获!
胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:
今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾,不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧,它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信,在目前危急时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神,来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝,这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠,人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺,但就在我们见到这种情景的时候,宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了,他们固执己见而又无能为力,因而已经认定失败了,并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉,将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的,他们是努力过,然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败,他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱,他们只得求助于讲道,含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光,而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
如今,货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱;幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦,在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到,我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉,而是为自己和同胞们服务,那么,我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的,我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准,来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念;我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为,它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱,信心,只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些,就不可能有信心。
但是,复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来,现在就行动起来。
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气,这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成,就象对待临战的紧要关头一样,但同时,在有了人手的情况下,我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
我们齐心协力,但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡,我们必须在全国范围内重新分配,使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。
明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力,会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声,有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输,通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成,但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动,立即行动。
最后,为了重新开始工作,我们需要两手防御,来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来;一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制:一定要杜绝投机;一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
以上这些,朋友们,就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案,并且,我要向18个州请求立即的援助。
通过行动,我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦,使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易,虽然很重要,但现在在时间和必要性上,次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议,作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易,但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路,是即时之路,是保证复苏功效持久之路。
在国际政策方面,我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重,因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务,尊重与他国协约的国家。
如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话,我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题,我们是互相依存的,我们不可以只索取,我们还必须奉献。我们前进时,必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队,愿意为共同的原则而献身,因为,没有这些原则,就无法取得进步,领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备,并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产,因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议,为了更伟大的目标,我们所有的人,以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务,非战乱,不停止。
有了这样的誓言,我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务,致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动,这样的目标,在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单,实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况,只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想,正因为如此,我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等,能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏,紧迫起来。
让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托,即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
在此举国奉献之际,我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人,愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。
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以下读文网小编整理的美国总统尼克松就职演讲稿,供大家参考,希望大家能够有所收获!
Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:
I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.
Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.
This can be such a moment.
Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.
In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.
For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.
Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.
What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.
The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.
If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.
This is our summons to greatness.
I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.
The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.
We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.
We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.
No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.
Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."
Our crisis today is the reverse.
We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.
We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.
To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.
To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.
When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.
Greatness comes in simple trappings.
The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.
To lower our voices would be a simple thing.
In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.
We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.
For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.
Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.
Those left behind, we will help to catch up.
For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.
As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.
In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.
In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.
We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.
The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.
But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.
Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.
What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.
To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.
With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.
I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.
The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.
Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.
The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.
As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.
No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.
This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.
As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.
Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.
After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.
Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.
We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.
We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.
Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.
As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.
With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.
But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.
Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.
I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.
I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.
I also know the people of the world.
I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.
I know America. I know the heart of America is good.
I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.
I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.
Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:
The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.
Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.
As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.
In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:
"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."
In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.
We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.
Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.
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下面是美国总统克林顿两届就职演讲稿,希望读文网小编整理的对你有用,欢迎阅读:
The Second Inaugural Address by Bill Clinton
January 20, 1997
My fellow citizens :
At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the challenges that await us in the next century. It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs, a moment that will define our course, and our character, for decades to come. We must keep our old democracy forever young. Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new promise.
The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal. It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.
Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the American Century.
And what a century it has been. America became the world's mightiest industrial power; saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war; and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.
Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age; built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all; split the atom and explored the heavens; invented the computer and the microchip; and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women.
Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose. We began the 19th century with a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast. We began the 20th century with a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency. Those choices made all the difference.
At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.
When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today. We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.
In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement. America stands alone as the world's indispensable nation. Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment. Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.
And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government. Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution. We,- the American people, we are the solution. Our founders understood that well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.
As times change, so government must change. We need a new government for a new century - humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves; a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less. Yet where it can stand up for our values and interests in the world, and where it can give Americans the power to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less. The preeminent mission of our new government is to give all Americans an opportunity,- not a guarantee, but a real opportunity to build better lives.
Beyond that, my fellow citizens, the future is up to us. Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship. And we need a new sense of responsibility for a new century. There is work to do, work that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read; hiring people off welfare rolls; coming out from behind locked doors and shuttered windows to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime; taking time out of our own lives to serve others.
Each and every one of us, in our own way, must assume personal responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation. Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a new century. For any one of us to succeed, we must succeed as one America.
The challenge of our past remains the challenge of our future, will we be one nation, one people, with one common destiny, or not? Will we all come together, or come apart?
The divide of race has been America's constant curse. And each new wave of immigrants gives new targets to old prejudices. Prejudice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or political conviction are no different. These forces have nearly destroyed our nation in the past. They plague us still. They fuel the fanaticism of terror. And they torment the lives of millions in fractured nations all around the world.
These obsessions cripple both those who hate and, of course, those who are hated, robbing both of what they might become. We cannot, we will not, succumb to the dark impulses that lurk in the far regions of the soul everywhere. We shall overcome them. And we shall replace them with the generous spirit of a people who feel at home with one another.
Our rich texture of racial, religious and political diversity will be a Godsend in the 21st century. Great rewards will come to those who can live together, learn together, work together, forge new ties that bind together.
As this new era approaches we can already see its broad outlines. Ten years ago, the Internet was the mystical province of physicists; today, it is a commonplace encyclopedia for millions of schoolchildren. Scientists now are decoding the blueprint of human life. Cures for our most feared illnesses seem close at hand.
The world is no longer divided into two hostile camps. Instead, now we are building bonds with nations that once were our adversaries. Growing connections of commerce and culture give us a chance to lift the fortunes and spirits of people the world over. And for the very first time in all of history, more people on this planet live under democracy than dictatorship.
My fellow Americans, as we look back at this remarkable century, we may ask, can we hope not just to follow, but even to surpass the achievements of the 20th century in America and to avoid the awful bloodshed that stained its legacy? To that question, every American here and every American in our land today must answer a resounding "Yes."
This is the heart of our task. With a new vision of government, a new sense of responsibility, a new spirit of community, we will sustain America's journey. The promise we sought in a new land we will find again in a land of new promise.#p#副标题#e#
In this new land, education will be every citizen's most prized possession. Our schools will have the highest standards in the world, igniting the spark of possibility in the eyes of every girl and every boy. And the doors of higher education will be open to all. The knowledge and power of the Information Age will be within reach not just of the few, but of every classroom, every library, every child. Parents and children will have time not only to work, but to read and play together. And the plans they make at their kitchen table will be those of a better home, a better job, the certain chance to go to college.
Our streets will echo again with the laughter of our children, because no one will try to shoot them or sell them drugs anymore. Everyone who can work, will work, with today's permanent under class part of tomorrow's growing middle class. New miracles of medicine at last will reach not only those who can claim care now, but the children and hardworking families too long denied.
We will stand mighty for peace and freedom, and maintain a strong defense against terror and destruction. Our children will sleep free from the threat of nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. Ports and airports, farms and factories will thrive with trade and innovation and ideas. And the world's greatest democracy will lead a whole world of democracies.
Our land of new promise will be a nation that meets its obligations, a nation that balances its budget, but never loses the balance of its values. A nation where our grandparents have secure retirement and health care, and their grandchildren know we have made the reforms necessary to sustain those benefits for their time. A nation that fortifies the world's most productive economy even as it protects the great natural bounty of our water, air, and majestic land.
And in this land of new promise, we will have reformed our politics so that the voice of the people will always speak louder than the din of narrow interests, regaining the participation and deserving the trust of all Americans.
Fellow citizens, let us build that America, a nation ever moving forward toward realizing the full potential of all its citizens. Prosperity and power, yes, they are important, and we must maintain them. But let us never forget: The greatest progress we have made, and the greatest progress we have yet to make, is in the human heart. In the end, all the world's wealth and a thousand armies are no match for the strength and decency of the human spirit.
Thirty-four years ago, the man whose life we celebrate today spoke to us down there, at the other end of this Mall, in words that moved the conscience of a nation. Like a prophet of old, he told of his dream that one day America would rise up and treat all its citizens as equals before the law and in the heart. Martin Luther King's dream was the American Dream. His quest is our quest: the ceaseless striving to live out our true creed. Our history has been built on such dreams and labors. And by our dreams and labors we will redeem the promise of America in the 21st century.
To that effort I pledge all my strength and every power of my office. I ask the members of Congress here to join in that pledge. The American people returned to office a President of one party and a Congress of another. Surely, they did not do this to advance the politics of petty bickering and extreme partisanship they plainly deplore. No, they call on us instead to be repairers of the breach, and to move on with America's mission.
America demands and deserves big things from us,- and nothing big ever came from being small. Let us remember the timeless wisdom of Cardinal Bernardin, when facing the end of his own life. He said, "It is wrong to waste the precious gift of time, on acrimony and division."
Fellow citizens, we must not waste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end. But the journey of our America must go on.
And so, my fellow Americans, we must be strong, for there is much to dare. The demands of our time are great and they are different. Let us meet them with faith and courage, with patience and a grateful and happy heart. Let us shape the hope of this day into the noblest chapter in our history. Yes, let us build our bridge. A bridge wide enough and strong enough for every American to cross over to a blessed land of new promise.
May those generations whose faces we cannot yet see, whose names we may never know, say of us here that we led our beloved land into a new century with the American Dream alive for all her children; with the American promise of a more perfect union a reality for all her people; with America's bright flame of freedom spreading throughout all the world.
From the height of this place and the summit of this century, let us go forth. May God strengthen our hands for the good work ahead, and always, always bless our America.
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我们在未来的六年当中,我将会继续的把捍卫国家权益、人民权益视为最重要的工作任务。接下来由读文网小编为大家推荐俄罗斯第六任总统普京就职演讲稿,希望对你有所帮助!
对于我来说刚刚我已经郑重的向全俄罗斯的民众宣誓,我将把捍卫国家的利益还有人民的人权,全心全意的为人民服务,永远视为我最为神圣而至上的这样一个职责,我不会辜负我们俄罗斯民众几百万人对我的这样一份厚爱和期待。我将用我毕生的精力去捍卫俄罗斯、服务人民而努力。我们在一起经历很多,我们共同走过以前这个特别困难的那一段历史,也正是由于这些困难呢,我们所有的这些人变得更加的团结,我们永远是站在一起,那么现在我们取得了一些成绩,我想说这都是我们大家通力合作的结果,我非常想感谢所有的人,所有那些为了我们的国家发展,人民生活更好而做出贡献的人们。那么现在呢,俄罗斯在过去这些年当中我们的经济已经有了很明显的改善,社会各方面也有了一定的改善,在梅德韦杰夫上任总统他执政期间呢,俄罗斯社会各个方面都取得了一定的成绩,所以我要感谢他。
我也是要祝愿梅德韦杰夫他在新的这样一个岗位上,能够取得新的成绩。我们在未来的六年当中,我将会继续的把捍卫国家权益、人民权益视为最重要的工作任务。那么在经济方面保持经济的大幅增长,这一项目标是离不开大家所有人的通力合作和努力的,我们一直想把重振俄罗斯的雄风,让俄罗斯在世界的舞台上能够得到超级大国这样一个地位。我们也要捍卫俄罗斯的民主,扩大人权的自由还有经济的自由,我们俄罗斯是一个有自己的特点,因为它是多民族的有多宗教信仰,所以我想对于这样一个国家来说,捍卫这个国家的凝聚力是一个非常重要的一个任务。那么只有在非常稳定的、非常良好的这样一个文化和社会的基础下我们才能渡过一个又一个的难关。
我想说如果我们每一个人都能够热爱我们的祖国,热爱我们的人民,把俄罗斯变成世界大国使人民生活得更好的这条道路上,我们就会走得更顺。俄罗斯是一个民主的国家,在这样的一个国家内,我希望通过我的努力能够让每个人都能够各尽其职,各思其能。我非常相信、确认我跟我的这些同仁们我们有共同的目标,那就是让俄罗斯能够大部的发展,能够让国家更加的公正、更加的公平,那么我们的国家在历史上创造了很多这样辉煌的一页又一页,正是由于这样辉煌的历史我们的人民才能创造一个又一个的奇迹,我很感谢在座的各位,谢谢大家。
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下面是读文网小编为大家整理的普金总统的就职俄文演讲稿,希望大家能够从中有所收获!
важаемые граждане России!
Дорогие друзья!
Только что в соответствии с Конституцией мною были произнесены слова президентской присяги. Сейчас я еще раз хочу вернуться к главному ее смыслу и сказать: обязанности Президента хранить государство и верно служить народу и впредь будут для меня святы, и впредь будут для меня превыше всего.
Как и раньше, буду исходить из того, что помощь и поддержка граждан Российской Федерации являются самой главной и самой надежной опорой в деятельности ее Президента.
И сегодня хотел бы поблагодарить всех, кто оказал мне высокое доверие и честь, избрав на пост главы государства российского. Всех, кто в течение прошедших четырех лет вносил свою долю труда в общие результаты нашей страны.
Как и в предыдущие годы, буду работать активно, открыто и честно, сделаю все, что смогу, все, что в моих силах, чтобы оправдать надежды миллионов людей.
Прошедшие годы были для нас всех нелегкими. Прямо скажу: они были временем серьезных испытаний. Тогда, в 2000 году, очень многие проблемы казались просто неразрешимыми.
Но в критических ситуациях народ России проявил свои самые лучшие патриотические, гражданские качества. И когда боролся за территориальную целостность, за единство страны. И когда упорным трудом создавал основы для роста экономического потенциала России.
Вместе мы сумели очень многое. И достигли всего этого только сами.
Это мы сами добились высоких темпов развития нашей экономики. Преодолели непростое идеологическое противостояние и сейчас становимся, постепенно становимся, единой нацией.
Это мы сами остановили агрессию международного терроризма. Избавили страну от реальной угрозы распада.
Это мы вместе сделали нашу Родину открытой страной. Страной, готовой к широкому, равноправному сотрудничеству с другими государствами. Страной, укрепляющей свои позиции на международной арене и умеющей мирными средствами отстаивать свои законные интересы в быстро меняющемся мире.
Теперь главная цель ближайшего четырехлетия – превратить уже накопленный нами потенциал в новую энергию развития. Достичь за счет этого принципиально лучшего качества жизни наших людей. Добиться реального, ощутимого роста их благосостояния.
Мы часто повторяем: в России глава государства отвечал и будет отвечать за все. Это по-прежнему так. Но сегодня, глубоко понимая меру собственной, личной ответственности, хочу подчеркнуть: успех и процветание России не могут и не должны зависеть от одного человека или от одной политической партии, одной политической силы. Мы должны иметь широкую базу поддержки для того, чтобы продолжать преобразования в стране.
Убежден: лучшей гарантией такой преемственности является зрелое гражданское общество.
Только свободные люди в свободной стране могут быть по-настоящему успешными. Это основа и экономического роста России, и ее политической стабильности.
И мы будем делать все, чтобы каждый человек смог проявить свой талант и свои способности. Чтобы в стране развивалась реальная многопартийность, укреплялись личные свободы граждан. Чтобы люди в России могли получать хорошее образование, достойную социальную и медицинскую помощь. Чтобы они жили в достатке и могли завещать детям результаты своего собственного труда.
И, конечно, могли гордиться авторитетом сильной, но миролюбивой страны.
Дорогие друзья!
Нам еще многое, очень многое предстоит сделать – и для страны, и для себя, и для наших детей. Сейчас для достижения поставленных целей у нас есть все возможности. Есть ресурсы, свой собственный опыт, полное понимание приоритетов развития, основанное на позитивном прошлом ближайших прошедших четырех лет. И есть огромный потенциал, огромная энергия, интеллектуальный потенциал нашего народа.
Мы с вами – наследники тысячелетней России. Родины выдающихся сынов и дочерей: тружеников, воинов, творцов. Они оставили нам с вами в наследство огромную, великую державу.
Наше прошлое, безусловно, придает нам силы. Но даже самая славная история сама по себе не обеспечит нам лучшей жизни. Это величие должно быть подкреплено. Подкреплено новыми делами сегодняшних поколений граждан нашей страны.
И только тогда наши потомки будут гордиться теми страницами, которые мы с вами впишем в биографию великой России.
Спасибо вам за внимание.
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下面是普金总统的就职英文演讲稿 ,希望读文网小编整理的对你有用,欢迎阅读:
Dear citizens of Russia,
Dear friends,
The words of the Presidential Oath have just now been spoken. Now I would like to stress the main idea of the Oath and say: the President’s obligations to look after the state and faithfully serve the people will henceforward be sacred for me and will be above all else as before.
As before, I consider that the help and backing of the citizens of Russia constitute the primary and most reliable support for the President’s work.
Today I would like to thank all those who placed such great trust in me by electing me to the post of head of Russian state and all those who, through their work, made their contribution to the results our country has achieved over these last four years.
As during the previous years, I will work actively, openly and honestly and will do all I can, all that is within my power to justify the hopes that millions of people have placed in me.
* * *
The last four years were not easy years for us all. To be frank, they were years of serious trials. Back then, in 2000, it seemed that we were facing a great number of simply irresolvable problems.
But the people of Russia demonstrated their best qualities as patriots and citizens during these critical moments, coming together in the struggle to ensure the country’s territorial integrity and keep our land united, creating a foundation for Russia’s economic growth through their labor and determined efforts.
Together we have achieved a lot and we have achieved it through our only own efforts.
It was we who achieved high economic growth rates, we who overcame difficult ideological confrontation and are now gradually forging a truly united nation.
It was we who stood firm against the attacks of international terrorism and saved the country from the very real threat of collapse.
Together we have made our Motherland a country that is open to the world, a country that seeks broad and equal cooperation, a country that has strengthened its positions on the international stage and has learned how to use peaceful means to stand up for its lawful interests in a rapidly changing world.
The main objective of the coming four years is now to transform the potential we have built up into a new development energy and to use it to bring about a fundamentally new quality of life for our people and a real, tangible increase in their prosperity.
It is often said here that the head of state in Russia answers and will always answer for everything. This is still the case. But today, although I have a deep awareness of my own personal responsibility, I nevertheless want to emphasize that Russia’s success and prosperity cannot and should not depend on one single person or one political party, or political force alone. We need a broad base for developing democracy in our country and for continuing the transformations we have begun.
It is my conviction that a mature civil society is the best guarantee that this development will continue.
Only free people in a free country can be genuinely successful. This is the foundation for both economic growth and political stability in Russia.
We will do all we can to ensure that everyone here can realize their talents and abilities, to ensure that a genuinely multiparty system develops and that personal freedoms are strengthened. We will make every effort to ensure that all people in Russia have access to good education and social and medical assistance, and that all people have lives free from want and are able to pass on the fruits of their own labor to their children. And, of course, that they could be proud of their strong but peace-loving country and its authority.
Dear friends,
We still have much, very much, to do – for our country, for ourselves and for our children. We have all the opportunities we need to achieve the goals we have set. We have the resources, we have our experience and we have complete understanding of our development priorities which have been tried and tested by the positive practical experience of the last four years. We have enormous creative energy and a people with great intellectual potential.
We all are the inheritors of Russia and its thousand years of history, the inheritors of this land that has given birth to exceptional sons and daughters, workers, warriors, and creators. They have passed down to us this huge, great state.
There is no doubt that we can draw strength from our past. But even the most glorious history is not enough to ensure us a better life. Today’s generations of Russians must reinforce this grandeur through their own acts .
Only then will our descendents be able to feel pride in these pages that we are writing in the history of our great nation.
Thank you for your attention.
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只有这样,我们的后代才能为今天我们为这个伟大国家所书写的历史而感到骄傲。以下读文网小编整理的俄罗斯普金总统就职的演讲稿,供大家参考,希望大家能够有所收获!
亲爱的俄罗斯公民们,亲爱的朋友们,
总统宣誓的誓词刚才已经说过了,现在我想强调一下誓词的主要思路:总统的责任是守护这个国家并且忠诚地服务于人民,对我来说这一责任将是神圣不可侵犯的,并且我将会向以前一样将其置于至高无上的地位。
像之前一样,我认为俄罗斯公民的帮助和支持构成了总统工作最首要也是最值得信赖的的依靠。
今天我想感谢那些对我付出如此之信任,将我选举为俄罗斯国家元首的人们;我想感谢那些在过去四年里通过他们的工作而对我们国家所取得的成果做出贡献的人们。
就像过去那些年一样,我将会积极、公开并诚实地工作;我将在职权范围内尽我最大的能力来证明成千上万的人民有理由将他们的希望交给我。
对我们所有人来说,过去四年并不容易。坦白地说,这四年就是一系列严峻的考验。回想2000年,当时我们面对的好像是许许多多根本不可能解决的问题。
但是在这些危急关头,俄罗斯人民表现出了作为爱国者和公民最崇高的品质,共同斗争以保证我们祖国的领土完整保持我们国家的团结统一,并通过他们的辛勤劳动和坚定努力为俄罗斯经济的发展创造了坚实的基础。
我们共同取得了很多成就,并且我们取得这些成就完全是通过我们自己的努力。
是我们实现了高经济增长率,是我们克服了困难的的意识形态对抗,是我们正逐地渐锻造出一个真正团结统一的国家。
是我们坚定地对抗国际恐怖主义袭击,是我们在崩溃的边缘拯救了这个国家。
我们共同将我们的祖国打造成了一个面向世界的国家,一个寻求广泛平等合作的国家,一个巩固了其国际地位的国家,一个学会了在飞速变化的当今世界中如何用和平手段来维护其合法权益的国家。
现在接下来四年,我们的主要目标是将我们挖掘出来的潜力转化为新的发展动力,并通过这些努力为我们的人民带来基础性的高质量的生活,带来真正的实质性的繁荣。
在这里,我们经常说,俄罗斯的国家元首可以并且,也一直会回应所有的一切。当然这仍是如此。但是今天,尽管我对我的个人责任有着深刻地认识,我还是想强调,俄罗斯的成功和兴旺不能也不应该仅仅依靠某个个人,某个政党甚至单纯是政治力量本身。我们需要一个广阔的基础从而实现我们国家的民主发展,从而能够继续我们已经开始进行的转型。
我确信一个成熟的民权社会是持续发展的最佳保障。
只有自由的国家里自由的人民才能真正取得成功。这不仅是俄罗斯经济增长的基础,也是政治稳固的基础。
我们将尽我们最大的努力,让每个人都能够意识到自己的天赋和才能,从而确保真正多党制的发展,确保个人自由得到加强。我们将尽每一份努力确保俄罗斯的所有人民都能享受到良好的教育和社会医疗保障;确保全体人民都能过上免于匮乏之苦的生活,都能将他们的劳动果实传给他们的子女;当然也将确保他们都将为自己强大但是爱好和平的祖国而自豪,为我们祖国的大国风范而自豪。
亲爱的朋友们,
我们仍然还有很多很多工作要做,为了我们的祖国,为了我们自己,为了我们的孩子们。我们具有所有的完成既定目标所需的机会。我们有资源,我们有经验,并且通过过去四年中积极良好实践经验的尝试和试验,我们也对我国发展中的优先权问题有着完整详尽的理解。我们有着极大的创造力,有这样聪明智慧潜力的人民。
我们都是俄罗斯和她上千年历史的继承人,我们继承的这片土地孕育了杰出的子女,杰出的工人、战士和开创者。他们将这个广袤而伟大的国家传承给了我们。
毫无疑问,我们可以从我们的过去获取力量。但是即便是最辉煌的历史也不足以保证我们拥有更美好的生活。俄罗斯的当今一代必须通过自己的行动来延续我们的辉煌。
只有这样,我们的后代才能为今天我们为这个伟大国家所书写的历史而感到骄傲。
谢谢大家。
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让我们携手面对挑战,共同开创希望的新时代,创造我国“第二个汉江奇迹”!下面是读文网小编为大家整理的韩国总统朴槿惠就职演讲稿,希望大家能够从中有所收获!.
尊敬的各位国民、700万海外侨胞们:
我今天站在这里,满怀开创希望新时代的决心与憧憬,正式就任大韩民国第十八任总统。
感谢各位国民赋予我如此重大的历史使命,感谢出席就职仪式的李明博总统、各位前任总统,以及世界各国的恭贺使节和海内外来宾们。
作为大韩民国的总统,我将顺应民意,实现我国经济复兴、国民幸福、文化昌盛的伟大梦想,为建设一个国富民安的大韩民国而不懈努力。
尊敬的各位国民!今天的大韩民国是各位用鲜血与汗水孕育而成的。各位以坚强的意志与魄力完成了我国工业与民主化建设,实现了伟大的历史变革。“汉江奇迹”的出现正是因为有你们,那些在德国矿山里,在中东沙漠中,在零下几十度的战争前线坚守的人们,千千万万为家庭与祖国奉献一生的我国国民。感谢你们!
尊敬的各位国民!在风云激荡的近代史中,大韩民国在苦难与逆境中奋发崛起,走向现代。然而当前全球经济危机余波未平,朝鲜核问题悬而未决,资本主义市场面临新的挑战。克服危机需要努力开拓新的道路,这谈何容易!但是我相信我们的国民,相信我国国民在困难时期所迸发出的坚强、勇气与活力。
让我们携手面对挑战,共同开创希望的新时代,创造我国“第二个汉江奇迹”!在希望的新时代里,个人的幸福推动国家综合实力的提升,而一个强大的国家则永远属于建设她的国民。
尊敬的各位国民!新一届政府将通过经济复兴、国民幸福、文化昌盛三大梦想的实现开创一个新的时代。首先,为实现经济复兴,政府将大力推进创造经济和经济民主化的建设。其次,为实现国民幸福,政府将进一步增加社会福利,确保人人老有所养、少有所乐。最后,在文化昌盛方面,将加强精神文化建设,营造一个文化气息浓郁的社会环境。
尊敬的各位国民!我不能容忍任何威胁到我国国民生命安全与大韩民国国家安全的行为。朝核试验是对民族生存与未来发展的挑战,最终的受害者必将是朝鲜本身。希望朝鲜尽快弃核,选择和平与共同发展的未来道路。不要再将资源耗费于核武器与导弹研发,不要再继续与世界为敌、自取孤立,希望朝鲜尽快融入到国际社会中,担负起应尽的责任,寻求共同发展。
尊敬的各位国民!从今天起,我将正式履行大韩民国第十八任总统的职责。总统肩负着治理国家的重任,而国民是国家命运的真正主宰。希望各位国民与我一起,为祖国的建设献计献策。
新一届政府即将扬帆起航,国家发展与国民幸福紧密相连。唯有政府与国民相互信任、相互扶持,未来的路才能越走越好。我将全力打造一个公开透明、务实有为的政府,坚决维护民众对政府的信赖。
尊敬的各位国民,希望各位在做好本职工作的同时,对他人、对社会多一份温情与责任。这是我们不变的传统美德与民族精神,也是资本主义社会迷失途中的指向标。
尊敬的各位国民!希望各位与我一起,与政府一起,共同开创希望的新时代,重现新时代的“汉江奇迹”!
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在韩国历史中挑战与抗争连续不断。在近五千年的历史长河中,处于列强夹缝之中的韩半岛战胜了重重苦难,捍卫了民族的尊严与固有文化。以下读文网小编整理的韩国总统卢武铉就职演讲稿(中韩文对照),供大家参考,希望大家能够有所收获!
존경하는 국민 여러분,
尊敬的国民们:
오늘 저는 대한민국의 제16대 대통령에 취임하기 위해 이 자리에 섰습니다. 국민 여러분의 위대한 선택으로, 저는 대한민국의 새 정부를 운영할 영광스러운 책임을 맡게 되었습니다. 국민 여러분께 뜨거운 감사를 올리면서, 이 벅찬 소명을 국민 여러분과 함께 완수해 나갈 것임을 약속드립니다.아울러 이 자리에 참석해 주신 김대중 대통령을 비롯한 전임 대통령 여러분, 고이즈미 준이치로 일본총리를 비롯한 세계 각국의 경축사절과 내외 귀빈 여러분께도 심심한 감사를 드립니다.
今天我在这里宣誓就任大韩民国第十六届总统。仰赖国民们的鼎立支持,我荣幸地肩负起主持大韩民国新政府的光荣职责。为此,我谨向国民们表示最衷心的感谢!并保证与国民们并肩奋斗去完成这一神圣的使命。同时,向前来出席典礼的金大中总统等各位前任总统、日本首相小泉纯一郎等各国贵宾,以及国内外各位来宾表示诚挚的谢意。
특별히 이 자리를 빌려, 대구 지하철 참사희생자 여러분의 명복을 빌면서, 유가족 여러분께도 깊은 위로를 드립니다. 다시는 이런 불행이 되풀이되지 않게, 재난관리체계를 전면적으로 점검하고 획기적으로 개선해 안전한 사회를 만들도록 최선을 다하겠습니다.
我要借此机会,向大邱市地铁火灾死难者表示沉痛的哀悼,并向其家属表示诚挚的慰问。我们要全面检讨与彻底改革灾害管理体系,竭尽全力建设一个安全的社会以避免类似不幸再次发生。
국민 여러분,
国民们:
우리의 역사는 도전과 극복의 연속이었습니다. 열강의 틈에 놓인 한반도에서 한 고난을 이겨내고, 반만년 동안 민족의 자존과 독자적 문화를 지켜왔습니다. 해방 이후에는 분단과 전쟁과 가난을 딛고 반세기만에 세계 열 두번째의 경제 강국을 건설했습니다.
在韩国历史中挑战与抗争连续不断。在近五千年的历史长河中,处于列强夹缝之中的韩半岛战胜了重重苦难,捍卫了民族的尊严与固有文化。在解放后,经受了国土分裂、战争和贫穷,在短短的半个世纪里把韩国建设成为居世界第12位的经济强国。
우리는 농경시대에서 산업화를 거쳐 지식정보화 시대에 성공적으로 진입했습니다. 그러나 지금 우리는 다시 세계사적 전환점에 직면했습니다. 도약이냐 후퇴냐, 평화냐 긴장이냐의 갈림길에 서 있습니다. 이럴수록 우리는 평화를 지키고 더욱 굳건히 뿌리내리게 해야 합니다.
我们从农耕时代,经过产业化,成功地跨进了知识信息化时代。但是,现在我们再次面临世界历史的转折点,处在是腾飞还是后退?是和平还是紧张的岔路口上。世界安全形势动荡不安,伊拉克局势非常紧迫,特别是国际社会对北韩核问题的忧虑日益加深。形势越是紧张,我们越要捍卫和平,并更坚定地加以坚持。
대외 경제환경도 어려워지고 있습니다. 선진국들은 끝없이 새로운 영역을 개척하며 뻗어가고 있습니다. 후발국들은 무섭게 추격해 옵니다. 우리는 새로운 성장동력과 발전전략을 요구받고 있습니다. 우리 사회 내부에도 국가의 명운을 결정지을 많은 문제들이 가로놓여 있습니다. 이들 과제는 국민 여러분의 지혜와 결단을 기다리고 있습니다.
外部经济环境也越来越困难。发达国家不断拓展占据新的领域,而发展中国家又紧追不舍。形势要求我们具有新的成长动力和发展战略。在我们社会内部也存在着许多左右国家命运的问题。解决这些问题需要国民的智慧与决断。
이 모든 도전을 극복해야 합니다. 우리는 해낼 수 있습니다. 우리 국민이 힘을 합치면 못할 것이 없습니다. 그런 저력으로 우리는 외환위기를 세계에서 가장 빨리 벗어났습니다. 지난해애는 월드컵 4강 신화를 창조했습니다. 대통령 선거의 모든 과정을 통해 참여 민주주의의 꽃을 피웠습니다.
必须战胜这些挑战。我们一定能够成功。韩国国民团结一致是无往而不胜的。靠国民们万众一心的力量,我们在世界上最先战胜了金融危机,去年又创造世界杯四强的神话,并在总统选举的全过程中绽放出参与民主主义的灿烂之花。
존경하는 국민여러분,
尊敬的国民们:
이제 우리의 미래는 한반도에 갇혀 있을 수 없습니다. 우리 앞에는 동북아 시대가 도래하고 있습니다. 근대 이후 세계의 변방에 머물던 동북아가, 이제 세계경제의 새로운 활력으로 떠올랐습니다. 21세기는 동북아 시대가 될 것이라는 세계 석학들의 예측이 착착 현실로 나타나고 있습니다. 동북아의 경제규모는 세계 5분의 1을 차지합니다. 한·중·일 3국에만 유럽연합의 4배가 넘는 인구가 살고 있습니다.
我们的未来不能只囿于韩半岛之内。东北亚时代正在向我们走来。近代曾一度处于世界边缘的东北亚,现在已经成为世界经济新的活力。“21世纪将成为东北亚时代”的世界资深学者的预言正在逐步变成现实。东北亚的经济规模是世界的五分之一,仅韩、中、日三国的人口就是欧盟的4倍多。
우리 한반도는 동북아의 중심에 자리잡고 있습니다. 한반도는 중국과 일본, 대륙과 해양을 연결하는 다리입니다, 이런 지정학적 위치가 지난날에는 우리에게 고통을 주었습니다. 그러나 오늘날에는 오히려 기회를 주고 있습니다. 21세기 동북아 시대의 중심적 역할을 우리에게 요구하고 있는 것입니다.
我们韩半岛位于东北亚的中心。韩半岛是连接中国与日本,大陆与海洋的桥梁。这样的地缘政治位置在过去给我们带来了痛苦,而今天又给我们带来了机遇,要求我们发挥21世纪东北亚地区中心的作用。
우리는 고급 두뇌와 창의력, 세계 일류의 정보화 기반을 갖고 있습니다. 인천공항, 부산항, 광양항과 고속철도 등 하늘과 바다와 땅의 물류기반도 구비해 가고 있습니다. 21세기 동북아 시대를 주도적으로 열어나갈 수 있는 기본적 조건을 갖추어 가고 있습니다. 한반도는 동북아의 물류와 금융의 중심지로 거듭날 수 있습니다.
我们具有大量的精英、非凡的创造力和世界一流的信息化基础设施,建设了诸如仁川国际机场、釜山港口、光阳港口、高速铁路等完善的海陆空物流基础设施,具备了主导21世纪东北亚时代向前飞速发展的基本条件。韩半岛必将成为东北亚物流与金融中心。
동북아 시대는 경제에서 출발합니다. 동북아에 `번영의 공동체`를 이룩하고 이를 통해 세계의 번영에 기여해야 합니다. 그리고 언젠가는 평화의 공동체로 발전해야 합니다. 지금의 유럽연합과 같은 평화와 공생의 질서가 동북아에도 구축되게 하는 것이 저의 오랜 꿈입니다. 그렇게 되어야 동북아시대는 완성됩니다. 그런 날이 가까워 지도록 저는 혼신의 노력을 다할 것임을 굳게 약속드립니다.
东北亚时代将先从经济方面开始。要在东北亚建立“繁荣共同体”,进而对世界繁荣作出贡献,同时又要不失时机地发展成为“和平共同体”。在东北亚建立像欧盟一样的和平与共荣的秩序是我由来已久的梦想。只有这样,东北亚时代才会真正到来。我庄严承诺,将竭尽全力争取这一天早日到来。
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新一届政府即将扬帆起航,国家发展与国民幸福紧密相连。接下来由读文网小编为大家推荐韩国总统朴槿惠的就职演讲稿(中韩英对照),希望对你有所帮助!
尊敬的各位国民、700万海外侨胞们:
我今天站在这里,满怀开创希望新时代的决心与憧憬,正式就任大韩民国第十八任总统。
感谢各位国民赋予我如此重大的历史使命,感谢出席就职仪式的李明博总统、各位前任总统,以及世界各国的恭贺使节和海内外来宾们。
作为大韩民国的总统,我将顺应民意,实现我国经济复兴、国民幸福、文化昌盛的伟大梦想,为建设一个国富民安的大韩民国而不懈努力。
尊敬的各位国民!今天的大韩民国是各位用鲜血与汗水孕育而成的。各位以坚强的意志与魄力完成了我国工业与民主化建设,实现了伟大的历史变革。“汉江奇迹”的出现正是因为有你们,那些在德国矿山里,在中东沙漠中,在零下几十度的战争前线坚守的人们,千千万万为家庭与祖国奉献一生的我国国民。感谢你们!
尊敬的各位国民!在风云激荡的近代史中,大韩民国在苦难与逆境中奋发崛起,走向现代。然而当前全球经济危机余波未平,朝鲜核问题悬而未决,资本主义市场面临新的挑战。克服危机需要努力开拓新的道路,这谈何容易!但是我相信我们的国民,相信我国国民在困难时期所迸发出的坚强、勇气与活力。
让我们携手面对挑战,共同开创希望的新时代,创造我国“第二个汉江奇迹”!在希望的新时代里,个人的幸福推动国家综合实力的提升,而一个强大的国家则永远属于建设她的国民。
尊敬的各位国民!新一届政府将通过经济复兴、国民幸福、文化昌盛三大梦想的实现开创一个新的时代。首先,为实现经济复兴,政府将大力推进创造经济和经济民主化的建设。其次,为实现国民幸福,政府将进一步增加社会福利,确保人人老有所养、少有所乐。最后,在文化昌盛方面,将加强精神文化建设,营造一个文化气息浓郁的社会环境。
尊敬的各位国民!从今天起,我将正式履行大韩民国第十八任总统的职责。总统肩负着治理国家的重任,而国民是国家命运的真正主宰。希望各位国民与我一起,为祖国的建设献计献策。
新一届政府即将扬帆起航,国家发展与国民幸福紧密相连。唯有政府与国民相互信任、相互扶持,未来的路才能越走越好。我将全力打造一个公开透明、务实有为的政府,坚决维护民众对政府的信赖。
尊敬的各位国民,希望各位在做好本职工作的同时,对他人、对社会多一份温情与责任。这是我们不变的传统美德与民族精神,也是资本主义社会迷失途中的指向标。
尊敬的各位国民!希望各位与我一起,与政府一起,共同开创希望的新时代,重现新时代的“汉江奇迹”!
#p#副标题#e#朴槿惠就职演讲韩文
존경하는 국민 여러분! 700만 해외동포 여러분!
저는 오늘 대한민국의 제18대 대통령에 취임하면서 희망의 새 시대를 열겠다는 각오로 이 자리에 섰습니다.
저에게 이런 막중한 시대적 소명을 맡겨주신 국민 여러분께 깊이 감사드리며, 이 자리에 참석해주신 이명박 대통령과 전직 대통령, 그리고 세계 각국의 경축사절과 내외 귀빈 여러분께도 감사드립니다.
저는 대한민국의 대통령으로서 국민 여러분의 뜻에 부응하여 경제부흥과 국민행복, 문화융성을 이뤄낼 것입니다.
부강하고, 국민 모두가 함께 행복한 대한민국을 만드는 데 저의 모든 것을 바치겠습니다.
국민 여러분! 오늘의 대한민국은 국민의 노력과 피와 땀으로 이룩된 것입니다.
하면 된다는 국민들의 강한 의지와 저력이 산업화와 민주화를 동시에 이룬 위대한 성취의 역사를 만들었습니다.
한강의 기적으로 불리는 우리의 역사는 독일의 광산에서, 열사의 중동 사막에서, 밤새 불이 꺼지지 않은 공장과 연구실에서, 그리고 영하 수십도의 최전방 전선에서 가족과 조국을 위해 헌신하신 우리 국민들이 계셔서 가능했습니다.
저는 오늘의 대한민국을 만드신 모든 우리 국민들께 진심으로 경의를 표합니다.
존경하는 국민 여러분! 격동의 현대사 속에서 수많은 고난과 역경을 극복해 온 우리 앞에 지금 글로벌 경제 위기와 북한의 핵무장 위협과 같은 안보위기가 이어지고 있습니다.
글로벌 금융위기 이후 자본주의 역시 새로운 도전에 직면해 있습니다.
이번 도전은 과거와는 달리 우리가 스스로 새로운 길을 개척해야만 극복해나갈 수 있습니다.
새로운 길을 개척하는 것은 쉽지 않은 일입니다.
그러나 저는 우리 대한민국의 국민을 믿습니다.
역동적인 우리 국민의 강인함과 저력을 믿습니다.
이제 자랑스런 우리 국민 여러분과 함께 희망의 새 시대, '제 2의 한강의 기적'을 만드는 위대한 도전에 나서고자 합니다.
국민 개개인의 행복의 크기가 국력의 크기가 되고, 그 국력을 모든 국민이 함께 향유하는 희망의 새 시대를 열겠습니다.
존경하는 국민 여러분! 저는 오늘 국가발전과 국민행복이 선순환하는 새로운 미래를 만들기 위해 우리가 나아갈 방향을 제시하고자 합니다.
새 정부는 '경제부흥'과 '국민행복', 그리고 '문화융성'을 통해 새로운 희망의 시대를 열어갈 것입니다.
첫째, 경제부흥을 이루기 위해 창조경제와 경제민주화를 추진해가겠습니다.
세계적으로 경제의 패러다임이 바뀌고 있습니다.
창조경제는 과학기술과 산업이 융합하고, 문화와 산업이 융합하고, 산업간의 벽을 허문 경계선에 창조의 꽃을 피우는 것입니다.
기존의 시장을 단순히 확대하는 방식에서 벗어나 융합의 터전 위에 새로운 시장, 새로운 일자리를 만드는 것입니다.
창조경제의 중심에는 제가 핵심적인 가치를 두고 있는 과학기술과 IT산업이 있습니다.
저는 과학기술을 세계적인 수준으로 끌어올릴 것입니다.
그리고 이러한 과학기술들을 전 분야에 적용해 창조경제를 구현하겠습니다.
새 정부의 미래창조과학부는 이와 같은 새로운 패러다임에 맞춰 창조경제를 선도적으로 이끌어 나갈 것입니다.
창조경제는 사람이 핵심입니다.
이제 한 사람의 개인이 국가의 가치를 높이고, 경제를 살려낼 수 있는 시대입니다.
지구촌 곳곳에서 활약하고 있는 수많은 우리 인재들이 국가를 위해 헌신할 수 있도록 기회를 부여하겠습니다.
또한 국내의 인재들을 창의와 열정이 가득한 융합형 인재로 키워 미래 한국의 주축으로 삼겠습니다.
창조경제가 꽃을 피우려면 경제민주화가 이루어져야만 합니다.
공정한 시장질서가 확립되어야만 국민 모두가 희망을 갖고 땀 흘려 일할 수 있다고 생각합니다, 열심히 노력하면 누구나 일어설 수 있도록 중소기업 육성정책을 펼쳐서 대기업과 중소기업이 상생할 수 있도록 하는 것이 제가 추구하는 경제의 중요한
목표입니다.
소상공인과 중소기업들을 좌절하게 하는 각종 불공정행위를 근절하고 과거의 잘못된 관행을 고쳐서, 어느 분야에서 어떤 일에 종사하던 간에 모두가 최대한 역량을 발휘할 수 있도록 적극 지원할 것입니다.
그런 경제 주체들이 하나가 되고 다함께 힘을 모을 때 국민이 행복해지고, 국가 경쟁력이 높아질 수 있습니다.
저는 그 토대 위에 경제부흥을 이루고, 국민이 행복한 제 2의 한강의 기적을 이루겠습니다.
국민 여러분! 국가가 아무리 발전한다 해도 국민의 삶이 불안하다면 아무 의미가 없을 것입니다.
노후가 불안하지 않고, 아이를 낳고 기르는 것이 진정한 축복이 될 때 국민 행복시대는 만들어지는 것입니다.
어떤 국민도 기초적인 삶을 영위할 수 없을지 모른다는 두려움이 있어서는 안됩니다.
국민맞춤형의 새로운 복지패러다임으로 국민들이 근심 없이 각자의 일에 즐겁게 종사하면서 자신의 역량을 발휘하고, 국가발전에 기여할 수 있도록 할 것입니다.
저는 개인의 꿈을 이루고 희망의 새 시대를 여는 일은 교육에서 시작된다고 생각합니다.
교육을 통해 개인의 잠재된 능력을 최대한 끌어낼 수 있도록 적극 지원하고, 국민 개개인의 능력을 주춧돌로 삼아 국가가 발전하게 되는 새로운 시스템을 만들어야 합니다.
아는 사람은 좋아하는 사람만 못하고, 좋아하는 사람은 즐기는 사람만 못하다고 했습니다.
배움을 즐길 수 있고, 일을 사랑할 수 있는 국민이 많아질 때, 진정한 국민행복 시대를 열 수 있습니다.
어느 나라나 가장 중요한 자산은 사람입니다, 개인의 능력이 사장되고, 창의성이 상실되는 천편일률적인 경쟁에만 매달려있으면 우리의 미래도 얼어붙을 것입니다.
저는 어릴 때부터 모든 학생들의 잠재력을 찾아내는 일이 국가 발전의 원동력이 될 것이라고 믿습니다.
앞으로 학생 개개인의 소질과 능력을 찾아내서 자신만의 소중한 꿈을 이루어가고, 그것으로 평가받는 교육시스템을 만들어서 사회에 나와서도 훌륭한 인재가 되도록 할
것입니다.
학벌과 스펙으로 모든 것이 결정되는 사회에서는 개인의 꿈과 끼가 클 수 없고, 희망도 자랄 수 없습니다.
개개인의 꿈과 끼가 열매를 맺을 수 있도록 우리 사회를 학벌위주에서 능력위주로 바꿔가겠습니다.
또한, 국민의 생명과 안전을 지키는 것은 국민 행복의 필수적인 요건입니다.
대한민국 어느 곳에서도, 여성이나 장애인 또는 그 누구라도 안심하고 살아갈 수 있는 안전한 사회를 만드는데 정부 역량을 집중할 것입니다.
힘이 아닌 공정한 법이 실현되는 사회, 사회적 약자에게 법이 정의로운 방패가 되어 주는 사회를 만들겠습니다.
존경하는 국민 여러분! 21세기는 문화가 국력인 시대입니다.
국민 개개인의 상상력이 콘텐츠가 되는 시대입니다.
지금 한류 문화가 세계인들의 사랑을 받으면서 기쁨과 행복을 주고 있고, 국민들에게 큰 자긍심이 되고 있습니다.
이것은 우리 대한민국의 5천 년 유·무형의 찬란한 문화유산과 정신문화의 바탕 위에서 이루어진 것입니다.
새 정부에서는 우리 정신문화의 가치를 높이고, 사회 곳곳에 문화의 가치가 스며들게 하여 국민 모두가 문화가 있는 삶을 누릴 수 있도록 하겠습니다.
문화의 가치로 사회적 갈등을 치유하고, 지역과 세대와 계층 간의 문화격차를 해소하고, 생활 속의 문화, 문화가 있는 복지, 문화로 더 행복한 나라를 만들겠습니다.
다양한 장르의 창작활동을 지원하고, 문화와 첨단기술이 융합된 콘텐츠산업 육성을 통해 창조경제를 견인하고, 새 일자리를 만들어 나갈 것입니다.
인종과 언어, 이념과 관습을 넘어 세계가 하나되는 문화, 인류평화발전에 기여하고 기쁨을 나누는 문화, 새 시대의 삶을 바꾸는 ‘문화융성’의 시대를 국민 여러분과 함께 열어가겠습니다.
국민 여러분! 국민행복은 국민이 편안하고 안전할 때 꽃 피울 수 있습니다.
저는 국민의 생명과 대한민국의 안전을 위협하는 그 어떤 행위도 용납하지 않을 것입니다.
최근 북한의 핵실험은 민족의 생존과 미래에 대한 도전이며, 그 최대 피해자는 바로 북한이 될 것이라는 점을 분명히 인식해야 할 것입니다.
북한은 하루빨리 핵을 내려놓고, 평화와 공동발전의 길로 나오기 바랍니다.
더 이상 핵과 미사일 개발에 아까운 자원을 소모하면서 전 세계에 등을 돌리며 고립을 자초하지 말고, 국제사회의 책임있는 일원으로 함께 발전하게 되기를 기대합니다.
현재 우리가 처한 안보 상황이 너무도 엄중하지만 여기에만 머물 수는 없습니다.
저는 한반도 신뢰프로세스로 한민족 모두가 보다 풍요롭고 자유롭게 생활하며, 자신의 꿈을 이룰 수 있는 행복한 통일시대의 기반을 만들고자 합니다.
확실한 억지력을 바탕으로 남북 간에 신뢰를 쌓기 위해 한 걸음 한 걸음 나아가겠습니다.
서로 대화하고 약속을 지킬 때 신뢰는 쌓일 수 있습니다.
북한이 국제사회의 규범을 준수하고 올바른 선택을 해서 한반도 신뢰프로세스가 진전될 수 있기를 바랍니다.
제가 꿈꾸는 국민행복시대는 동시에 한반도 행복시대를 열고, 지구촌 행복시대를 여는 데 기여하는 시대입니다.
앞으로 아시아에서 긴장과 갈등을 완화하고 평화와 협력이 더욱 확산될 수 있도록 미국, 중국, 일본, 러시아 및 아시아, 대양주 국가 등 역내 국가들과 더욱 돈독히 신뢰를 쌓을 것입니다.
나아가 세계 이웃들의 아픔을 함께 고민하고, 지구촌 문제 해결에도 기여하는 대한민국을 만들겠습니다.
존경하는 국민 여러분! 저는 오늘 대한민국의 제 18대 대통령의 임무를 시작합니다.
이 막중한 임무를 부여해주신 국민 여러분과 함께 새로운 희망의 시대를 반드시 열어나갈 것입니다.
나라의 국정 책임은 대통령이 지고, 나라의 운명은 국민이 결정하는 것입니다.
우리 대한민국이 나가는 새로운 길에 국민 여러분이 힘을 주시고 활력을 불어넣어 주시길 바랍니다.
우리는 지금, 국가와 국민이 동반의 길을 함께 걷고, 국가 발전과 국민 행복이 선순환의 구조를 이루는 새로운 시대의 출발선에 서 있습니다.
우리가 그 길을 성공적으로 가기 위해서는 정부와 국민이 서로를 믿고 신뢰하면서 동반자의 길을 걸어가야만 합니다, 저는 깨끗하고 투명하고 유능한 정부를 반드시 만들어서 국민 여러분의 신뢰를 얻겠습니다.
정부에 대한 국민의 불신을 씻어내고 신뢰의 자본을 쌓겠습니다.
국민 여러분께서도 각자의 위치에서 자신뿐만 아니라 공동의 이익을 위해 같이 힘을 모아 주실 것을 부탁드립니다, 어려운 시절 우리는 콩 한쪽도 나눠먹고 살았습니다.
우리 조상은 늦가을에 감을 따면서 까치밥으로 몇 개의 감을 남겨두는 배려의 마음을 가지고 살았습니다.
계와 품앗이라는 공동과 공유의 삶을 살아온 민족입니다.
그 정신을 다시 한 번 되살려서 책임과 배려가 넘치는 사회를 만들어 간다면, 우리 모두가 꿈꾸는 국민 행복의 새 시대를 반드시 만들 수 있습니다.
그것이 방향을 잃은 자본주의의 새로운 모델이 될 것이며, 세계가 맞닥뜨린 불확실성의 미래를 해결하는 모범적인 해답이 될 수 있을 것입니다.
국민 여러분께서도 저와 정부를 믿고, 새로운 미래로 나가는 길에 동참하여 주십시오.
우리 국민 모두가 또 한 번 새로운 한강의 기적을 일으키는 기적의 주인공이 될 수 있도록 함께 힘을 합쳐 국민행복, 희망의 새 시대를 만들어 갑시다.
감사합니다
#p#副标题#e#朴槿惠就职演讲英文
Inauguration Address by President Park Geun-hye
Feb 25, 2013
My fellow Koreans and seven million fellow compatriots overseas,
As I take office as the 18th-term President of the Republic of Korea, I stand before you today determined to open a new era of hope.
I am profoundly grateful to the Korean people for entrusting this historic mission to me. I also thank President Lee Myung-bak, former Presidents, dignitaries who have come from abroad to celebrate this occasion, and other distinguished guests for their presence.
As President of the Republic of Korea, I will live up to the will of the people by achieving economic rejuvenation, the happiness of the people, and the flourishing of our culture.
I will do my utmost to building a Republic of Korea that is prosperous and where happiness is felt by all Koreans.
Fellow citizens,
The Republic of Korea as we know it today has been built on the blood, toil, and sweat of the people.
We have written a new history of extraordinary achievement combining industrialization and democratization based on the unwavering “can do” spirit of our people and matching resolve.
The Korean saga that is often referred to as the “Miracle on the Han River” was written on the heels of our citizens who worked tirelessly in the mines of Germany, in the torrid deserts of the Middle East, in factories and laboratories where the lights were never turned off, and in the freezing frontlines safeguarding our national defense.
This miracle was only possible due to the outstanding caliber of our people and their unstinting devotion to both family and country.
I pay my heartfelt tribute to all fellow Koreans who have made the Republic of Korea what it is today.
Fellow citizens,
Throughout the vortex of our turbulent contemporary history we always prevailed over countless hardships and adversities.
Today, we are confronted anew with a global economic crisis and outstanding security challenges such as North Korea’s nuclear threat.
At the same time, capitalism confronts new challenges in the aftermath of the global financial crisis. The tasks we face today are unlike any we have confronted before. And they can only be overcome by charting a new pathway by ourselves.
Forging a new path is seldom an easy task.
But I have faith in the Korean people.
I believe in their resilience and the potential of our dynamic nation.
And so I pledge to embark on the making of a “Second Miracle on the Han River” premised on a new era of hope hand-in-hand with the Korean people.
I will usher in a new era of hope whereby the happiness of each citizen becomes the bedrock of our nation’s strength which in turn is shared by and benefits all Koreans.
Economic Revival
My fellow countrymen,
Today, I would like to propose a new way forward fostered on a mutually reinforcing cycle of national advancement and the happiness of our people.
The new administration will usher in a new era of hope premised on a revitalizing economy, the happiness of our people, and the blossoming of our culture.
To begin with, economic revitalization is going to be propelled by a creative economy and economic democratization.
Across the world, we are witnessing an economic paradigm shift.
A creative economy is defined by the convergence of science and technology with industry, the fusion of culture with industry, and the blossoming of creativity in the very borders that were once permeated by barriers.
It is about going beyond the rudimentary expansion of existing markets, and creating new markets and new jobs by building on the bedrock of convergence.
At the very heart of a creative economy lie science technology and the IT industry, areas that I have earmarked as key priorities.
I will raise our science and technology to world-class levels. And a creative economy will be brought to fruition by applying the results of such endeavors across the board.
The new administration’s Ministry of Future Planning and Science will be tasked to lead the emergence of a creative economy in tandem with this new paradigm.
People are the nucleus of a creative economy. We live in an age where a single individual can raise the value of an entire nation and even help in rescuing the economy.
New opportunities to serve their country will be opened to numerous talented Koreans thriving across the global village. And to those who are equally enabled at the home front, efforts will be enhanced to allow them to become convergence leaders imbued with creativity and passion as pillars of a future Korea.
In order for a creative economy to truly blossom, economic democratization must be achieved.
I believe strongly that only when a fair market is firmly in place ,can everyone dream of a better future and work to their fullest potential.
One of my critical economic goals is to ensure that anyone that works hard can stand on their own two feet and where, through the support of policies designed to strengthen small and medium-sized enterprises, such businesses can prosper alongside large companies.
By rooting out various unfair practices and rectifying the misguided habits of the past which have frustrated small business owners and small and medium-sized enterprises, we will provide active support to ensure that everyone can live up to their fullest potential, regardless of where they work or what they do for a living.
It is precisely when the major players in our economy come together as one and pool their strengths that we can bring happiness to the people and enhance our nation’s competitiveness.
It is on this foundation that I will breathe new energy into our economy and realize a “Second Miracle on the Han River” that culminates in the happiness of the Korean people.
Happiness of the People
Fellow Koreans,
No matter how much the country advances, such gains would be meaningless if the lives of the people remained insecure.
A genuine era of happiness is only possible when we aren’t clouded by the uncertainties of aging and when bearing and raising children is truly considered a blessing.
No citizen should be left to fear that he or she might not be able to meet the basic requirements of life.
A new paradigm of tailored welfare will free citizens from anxieties and allow them to prosper in their own professions, maximize their potentials, and also contribute to the nation’s development.
I believe that enabling people to fulfill their dreams and opening a new era of hope begins with education.
We need to provide active support so that education brings out the best of an individual’s latent abilities and we need to establish a new system that fosters national development through the stepping stones of each individual’s capabilities.
There is a saying that someone you know is not as good as someone you like, and someone you like is not as good as someone you enjoy being with.
The day of true happiness will only come when an increasing number of people are able to enjoy what they learn, and love what they do.
The most important asset for any country is its people.
The future holds little promise when individual ability is stifled and when the only name of the game is rigid competition that smothers creativity.
Ever since childhood, I have held the conviction that harnessing the potential of every student will be the force that propels a nation forward.
Our educational system will be improved so that students can discover their talents and strengths, fulfill their precious dreams and are judged on that bases. This will enable them to make the best use of their talent upon entering society.
There is no place for an individual’s dreams, talents or hopes in a society where everything is determined by one’s academic background and list of credentials.
We will transform our society from one that stresses academic credentials to one that is merit-based so that each individual’s dreams and flair can bear fruit.
It goes without saying that protecting the lives and ensuring the safety of the people is a critical element of a happy nation.
The new government will focus its efforts on building a safe society where women, people with disabilities, or anyone else for that matter, can feel at ease as they carry on with their lives, no matter where they are in the country.
We will build a society where fair laws prevail rather than the heavy hand of power and where the law serves as a shield of justice for society’s underprivileged.
A Flourishing Culture
Fellow Koreans!
In the 21st century, culture is power. It is an era where an individual’s imagination becomes creative contents.
Across the world, the “Korean Wave” is welcomed with great affection that not only triggers happiness and joy but one that instills abiding pride in all Koreans.
This is a result of a foundation created by the convergence of both tangible and intangible heritages of five thousand years of Korea’s cultural splendor as well as our spiritual ethos.
The new administration will elevate the sanctity of our spiritual ethos so that they can permeate every facet of society and in so doing, enable all of our citizens to enjoy life enriched by culture.
We will harness the innate value of culture in order to heal social conflicts and bridging cultural divides separating different regions, generations, and social strata.
We will build a nation that becomes happier through culture, where culture becomes a fabric of daily life, and a welfare system that embodies cultural values.
Creative activities across wide-ranging genres will be supported, while the contents industry which merges culture with advanced technology will be nurtured. In so doing, we will ignite the engine of a creative economy and create new jobs.
Together with the Korean people we will foster a new cultural renaissance or a culture that transcends ethnicity and languages, overcomes ideologies and customs, contributes to the peaceful development of humanity, and is connected by the ability to share happiness.
My Fellow Koreans,
Happiness can only flourish when people feel comfortable and secure. I pledge to you today that I will not tolerate any action that threatens the lives of our people and the security of our nation.
North Korea’s recent nuclear test is a challenge to the survival and future of the Korean people, and there should be no mistake that the biggest victim will be none other than North Korea itself.
I urge North Korea to abandon its nuclear ambitions without delay and embark on the path to peace and shared development.
It is my sincere hope that North Korea can progress together as a responsible member of the international community instead of wasting its resources on nuclear and missile development and continuing to turn its back to the world in self-imposed isolation.
There is no doubt that we are faced today with an extremely serious security environment but neither can we afford to remain where we are.
Through a trust-building process on the Korean Peninsula I intend to lay the groundwork for an era of harmonious unification where all Koreans can lead more prosperous and freer lives and where their dreams can come true.
I will move forward step-by-step on the basis of credible deterrence to build trust between the South and the North.
Trust can be built through dialogue and by honoring promises that have already been made. It is my hope that North Korea will abide by international norms and make the right choice so that the trust-building process on the Korean Peninsula can move forward.
The era of happiness that I envision is one that simultaneously unlocks an era of happiness on the Korean Peninsula while also contributing to ushering in an era of happiness throughout the global community.
To ease tensions and conflicts and further spread peace and cooperation in Asia, I will work to strengthen trust with countries in the region including the United States, China, Japan, Russia and other Asian and Oceanic countries.
Moreover, I envision a Korea that shares more deeply the travails of others while also contributing to the resolution of key global issues.
Fellow citizens!
Today I assume my duties as the 18th-term President of the Republic of Korea. Let me assure you that I will journey with the people who have bestowed this tremendous responsibility upon me to truly open a new era of hope.
The responsibility for governing the nation falls on the shoulders of the President, and the fate of the nation is determined by the people. I ask for your strength and support as we take the Republic of Korea on a new path.
We stand on the threshold of a new era where our nation and people must walk in unison and where the nation’s development and the people’s happiness jointly form a virtuous cycle.
The success of our journey hinges on mutual confidence and trust between the government and the people, and their ability to move forward in partnership.
I will earn the trust of the people by ensuring that our government remains clean, transparent and competent. I will endeavor to shed popular distrust of government and strive to elevate the capital of trust.
I humbly ask for your support, wherever you may be, not only in the service of your own individual interests, but also in answering the call of the common good.
In the needy days of our past, we shared with each other whatever we had. Even in the midst of their hardship, our ancestors had the generosity of mind to leave aside a few persimmons for the magpies during the harvest season. We are a people that had long led a life of communal sharing.
Reviving that spirit once again and building a society flowing with responsibility and consideration for others will allow us to be confident that a new era of happiness that all of us dream of is truly within our reach.
Such a spirit will offer a new model for capitalism that is in search of a new compass and set an example for addressing the uncertain future that confronts our world.
I ask that you place your trust in me and my government, and join us along the path to a new future.
Let us all work together towards a new era of happiness and hope, so that we can all become partners in another miracle or a new chapter in the “Miracle on the Han River.”
Thank you very much.
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贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马,出生于1961年8月4日,美国民主党籍政治家,第44任美国总统,第一位非裔美国总统,同时拥有黑(卢欧族)白(英德爱混血)黄(切罗基族)血统。以下是读文网小编给大家分享了美国第44届当选总统奥巴马就职演讲稿中英文,希望大家有帮助。
My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.#p#副标题#e#
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
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President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.#p#副标题#e#
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.
We must act. We must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.
We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.
It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.
May He protect each and every one of us.
May He guide me in the days to come.
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布什(Bush)是欧美姓氏,在台湾被译为“布希”,在香港译为“布殊”。美国第41任和43任总统均姓布什。其中乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什(George Herbert Walker Bush)被称为老布什;乔治·沃克·布什 (George Walker Bush)被称为小布什,他们是父子关系。以下是读文网小编整理了美国总统布什就职演讲稿英文,希望你喜欢。
Thank you!
Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush , President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on
the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?"
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The yearsand changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
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美国是世界公认的超级大国,那么你想知道曾经的美国总统布什就职发言是怎么样的吗?以下是读文网小编整理了美国总统布什就职演讲稿中英文版,供你参考。
Vice President Hu,thank you very much for your kind and generous remarks. Thank you for welcoming me and my wife , laura, here.
非常感谢胡锦涛同志热情洋溢的欢迎致词,非常感谢您再这里接待我和我的夫人劳拉。
I see she is keeping pretty good company with the Secretary of State, Collin Powell.
我发现她和国务卿科林。鲍威尔先生相处的非常好。
It is good to see you, Mr. Secretary.
很高兴看到你国务卿先生。
And I see my National Security Adviser, Ms.Codoleezza Rice, who once was the provost of Stanford University, so she is comfortable on the university campuses such as this.
我也看到了我的国家安全顾问康多莉萨.赖斯女士,她曾经是斯坦福大学的校长,因此她回到校园是再合适不过了。
Thank you for being here ,Codin.
谢谢你能来,康迪。
I am so grateful for the hospitality and honored for the reception at one of China’s and the world’s great universities.
非常感谢各位对我的热情接待,很荣幸能够来到中国,甚至是世界最伟大的学府之一。
The standards and the reputation of this university are known around the world, and I know what an achievement it is to be here. So congratulations.
清华大学的治学标准和声望闻名于世,我也知道能考入这所大学本身就是一个很大的成就,祝贺你们。
My visit to China comes an important anniversary, as the vice president mentioned.Thirty years ago this week an American president arrived in China on an trip designed to end decades of estrangement and confront centuries of suspicious. President Richard Nixon showed that two vastly different government could meet on the grounds of common interests in the spirit of mutual respect.
我这次访华恰逢一个重要的纪念日,副主席刚才也谈到了,30年前的这一周,一位美国总统来到了中国,他访华之旅的目的是为了结速两国之间长达数十年的隔阂。,和数百年的相互猜疑。尼克松总统向世界表明了两个有重大差异的国家,本着互惠互利,互相尊重的精神是能够站在一起的。
As they left the airport that day, Premier Zhou En-Lai said this to President Nixon: “you handshake came over the vastest ocean in the world-25years of no communication.
那天他们离开机场的时候,周恩来对尼克松总统说了这样一番话,他说:“你与我的握手越过了世界上最为辽阔的海洋,这个还有就是互不交往的25年。”
During the 30 years since, America and China have exchanged many handshakes of friendship and commerce. And as we have had more contact with each other ,the citizens of both countries have gradually learned more about each other.
30年以来,美国和中国握过多次友谊之手和商业之手。随着我们两国间接触的日益频繁,我们两国的国民也加深了对彼此的了解,这是非常重要的。
It was my honor to visit China in 1975.Some of you were not even born then. It shows how old I am.
我在1975年有幸访问过中国,那时候在座的有些人可能还没有出生,这也表明我是多么老了。
And a lot has changed in your country since then. China has made amazing progress in openness and enterprise and economic freedom. And this progress previews China’s great potential. China has joined the World Trade Organization, and as you live up to its obligations, they inevitably will bring changes to Chinese leagal system. A morden China will have a consistent rule of law to govern commerce and secure the rights of its people.
从那时以来,贵国发生了很多变化。中国在开发,企业,经济自由方面都取得了惊人的成绩。这一成绩显示了中国的巨大潜能。中国已经加入了世贸组织,在各位旅行其义务的同时这些义务势必给中国的法律制度带来变化。一个现代化的中国将有着统一的法制来规范他们的商业生活和保障人民的利益。
The new China you generation is building will need the profound wisdom of your traditions. The lure of materialism challenges society in our country- and in many successful countries.
你们这一代人正在建设的中国也需要深远传统的智慧结晶。物质利益的诱惑对我们的社会造成了挑战-在我们的国家给我们的社会造成了调整,在很多发达国家也是。
All these changes will lead to a stronger, more confident China, a China that can astonish and enrich the world, a China that you generation will help create.
所以的这些变化将导致中国更强大,更自信,这个中国将使世界瞩目,也将使世界更加丰富。
This is one of the mose exciting times in the history of your country, a time when even the grandest hopes seem in your reach. My nation offers you our respect and our friendship.
这个这个就是诸位这一代帮助创立的中国。现在使中国历史上非常令人振奋的一个时期,此时此刻连最宏伟的梦想似乎也唾手可得。我的国度,对中国表示尊敬和友谊。
Six years from now, athletes from America and all around the world will come to you country for the Olympic Games, and I am confident they will find a China that is becoming a Daguo, a leading nation, at peace with its people and at peace with the world.
再过六年,来自美国和世界各地的运动员将到贵国参加奥运会,我坚信,他们能够见到的中国是一个正在变成大国的中国,一个走在世界前沿的国家,一个民心安定,与世界和平共处的国家。
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乔治·沃克·布什(别名“小布什”),美国第43任总统(第54-55届)。于1995-2000年间担任第46任的德克萨斯州州长。布什于2001年担任美国总统,任内遭遇了2001年的9·11事件,随后于2001-2003年先后发动阿富汗战争、伊拉克战争等一系列反恐战争并取得较大成效,推行了1.3万亿元的减税计划、以及对于医疗保险和社会福利体制的改革和社会保守主义的政策以下是读文网小编整理了布什总统就职英文演讲稿,供你参考。
Thank you!
Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush , President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.#p#副标题#e#
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on
the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?"
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The yearsand changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
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