为您找到与关于廉洁的精彩演讲稿相关的共200个结果:
无论历史如何变迁,无论时代怎样发展,廉洁清正永远是时代的呼唤,勤政廉政永远是人民的期盼。读文网小编为大家整理了关于廉洁文化的校园演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位领导,各位评委,老师们,同学们:
下午好!我演讲的题目是《廉洁修身是我们一生的功课》。
说到廉洁,我们总能想起这样几个人:铁面无私的包青天,刚正不阿的海瑞,执法为民的任长霞,以及两袖清风的孔繁森……他们都是世人敬仰的清正廉洁的楷模。
廉能生威,廉能聚心,廉洁是社会的发展的取向。古往今来,“廉则国昌,腐则国灭”。一个廉洁的社会有助于形成良好的社会风气,促进社会的和谐与经济发展的良性循环;反之,腐败现象的频繁发生将会导致一个社会承受沉重的政治代价和经济代价。廉洁,也是人生应该追求的方向,否则连睡觉都不会踏实,何谈人生意义呢。
当今,在市场经济体系下社会财富日益积累,生活质量也在相应提高。但我们仍然不能忘记每天廉洁修身,把握道德的根本,这样才能清晰而明确地看清自己的人生方向。
因为在静静的温习中,我们会摒弃积累已久的私欲和贪念,从而使思想得到净化,深深地扎进了道德的土壤里。这样生命的意义被开启,我们从而进入了生活的本质中——一以一生的廉洁修身丰盈自己的人生。
但生活中总会有遗憾,阳光下总会有零星的碎影。生活中那些忘记温习功课的人便在思想的坍塌中空虚了甚至毁掉了自己的一生。
官场上的中饱私囊,金钱交易腐蚀了不少官员,中空了他们的脊梁。甚至还有官商勾结,大搞地下煤矿。于是煤矿失事屡屡发生,换来的是他们手中的钱,充满了血腥的钱。听!那累累白骨,地下亡魂在向为私欲钱财而埋没良心的人怒斥着!
学术作假抽空了知识人员应有的良知。偷窃他人研究成果作为己用为的是学术上的功利荣誉。但是这些“南郭先生”最终在社会的公明下,罪行昭示,无地自容。在法律的权威下他们得到了应有的教训,在监狱里度日,一生英名断送了。
曾经纯洁的校园中,当选学生干部“贿选”收授礼物后给予对方关照的现象屡屡发生。或是利用职权谋取不正当的利益,或是考试作弊,欺瞒他人。原本清新的芬芳的校风在这些现象中变得浑浊。
以上的事例从其失败的根源来说是思想意志上的腐败变质,继而以外在行为来表现。官员自身思想蜕化变质,私欲膨胀,理想信念的丧失使其坠入腐败的深渊中。学者的功利之心促使其背离了研究宗旨,趋于名利,跌入作假的错误中。学生思想松懈,受外界影响较大,自律能力不够强,走入了思想变质期。
因此,加强廉洁修身教育,每天学习并定时温习这一功课显得极为重要。它是净化人心杂念,纯净社会风气的良药。
请牢记廉洁修身绝不是短暂而行的产物。它需要我们用一生的精力去培育,呵护,守护。它是净化我们的思想的功课,是告知生命意义的功课,是拓展生命厚度的功课。
请不要认为我们离廉洁修身很远或是我们很难做到。我们身处在如此竞争激烈的社会中,早已不能做“两耳不闻窗外事,一心只读圣贤书”的书生了。而是需要我们走进社会中,融入社会中去,慢慢地领略修身中的含义。
请严格监督自己的品德修行,用具体的法规去要求自己的行为,使之符合社会的要求。在社会的轨道上加强品德修养,努力做到诚信,不弄虚作假,真真实实地做人。那时我们会发现:廉洁修身并不是一件遥不可及的事。我们完全有能力做到的。只要我们能坚持不懈地改正我们的思想,提高道德素养。
所以请每一天从忙碌中抽出时间来温习,这样我们会走得更加有力和自信!我们不再迷茫,前进的方向依旧清晰!
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师德需要培养,需要教育,更需要的是——每位教师的自我修养!读文网小编为大家整理了有关于师德师风的精彩演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
当鲜花绽放于阳光之下,
是绿叶最快乐的日子。
当果实成熟于金秋时节,
是园丁最欣慰的时刻。
我是一片绿叶,我是一名快乐的园丁,一名平凡的幼儿教师,陪伴在身边的,是一群群稚气的孩子,还有数不尽的责任和承诺。我用辛勤的汗水,浇灌出一棵棵幼苗,给他们人生起点上以方向和力量,让他们在无微不至的呵护下茁壮成长。
我自豪,我是一名光荣的幼儿教师!
我热爱幼教事业,因为孩子是那样的单纯,像一朵朵鲜花,纯洁无暇、诚实坦然。我最喜欢和他们做游戏,他们认真、投入、绝对遵守规则;他们一脸汗水,满身尘土,发自内心的快乐洋溢在脸庞,欢声笑语回荡在身旁。孩子最美,孩子最真!"吾爱童子身,莲花不染尘,骂之唯解笑,打亦不生嗔。"我愿永远和孩子在一起,永远保持圣洁的灵魂。
我热爱幼教事业,因为我深切地懂得参天大树始于弱不禁风的幼苗,我们在幼苗根茎上浇灌人生第一滴水,我们在幼苗的土壤里施下人生第一把肥。我们的一言一行,会影响孩子的一生。
对幼教工作的向往,促使我考入幼儿师范学院。在学校,我刻苦学习幼教理论知识、绘画、舞蹈和钢琴等专业技能,心中有一个坚定的信念,那就是--当我成为一名幼儿教师,站在孩子们面前时,要用最动听的琴声为他们伴奏,要用最美的舞姿教他们舞蹈,要在他们面前展现一个崭新的天地。不懈的努力让我以优异的成绩走出了校门,满怀着希望和热度,我踏进了这童话般的幼儿园。
每一个清晨,我用灿烂的微笑迎接孩子们和父母的到来;每一个黄昏,我以愉悦的心情将孩子们的手交到父母的手里,亲切地说一声:"明天见。"目送他们渐渐走远。多少个春夏秋冬,无数个风风雨雨,我们用博爱,滋润快乐,用智慧,开启文明,用鼓励,唤醒自信,用宽容,示范尊重,用无私,引导正义,用平凡,孕育伟大。
选择就意味着奉献,为了提高孩子们的学习兴趣,我常常加班加点,挑灯夜战,写出具有童心童趣的教案,做出精美有趣的教具。我深切地感受到,把最真挚的爱奉献给每一个孩子,回报的是孩子们更纯真的爱;在孩子们灿烂的欢笑声中,我感受到一种无与伦比的幸福。
黄志凯小朋友是我所带的中班学生中最调皮的一个。在一次集体课外活动中,我一直在不停地叮嘱他:不要乱跑。但他仍然跳上跳下,我拉住他,努力使他安静下来,他还是挣脱了我的手,朝大门方向跑去,我紧紧追着,他突然跌倒在地,我急忙把他抱在怀里,发现他嘴唇流血了,我的心一下子揪了起来,赶紧抱起他跑到医务室。医务室的大夫为他做了检查和包扎,我不断询问孩子的伤情是否会留下疤痕,以及以后要注意的事项。不几天,黄志凯痊愈了,父母非常感谢,还送来了感谢信,对我们细致的工作表达了诚挚的谢意。这件事,使我更感到自己肩负的责任,也认识到只要我们尽心尽力地爱护和照顾每一个孩子,就会赢得孩子的爱戴,父母的理解。
与孩子们相处的日子,如同长了翅膀般轻盈掠过,如同盛开的鲜花娇艳芬芳。正当我的事业一帆风顺时,一场空如其来的车祸降临到了我的身上。当我被送往医院,已是昏迷不醒——生命垂危,无情可怕的现实摆在了我的面前。5个多小时的手术让我同死神擦肩而过,手术后第二天,麻醉药已经散去,刚刚清醒的我强忍周身的疼痛问大夫:"我的腿受伤了吗?我还能跳舞吗?我还能唱歌吗?"医生肯定的说了一个字:"能!"我的心这才落下来,疼痛顿时也减少了许多。我无法想象离开幼儿园、失去孩子们的日子,因为我的心早已和他们融为一体。
得知我住院的消息后,父母带着孩子纷纷前来探望,孩子们伏在病床前,这个对我说:"老师,你打针不要哭,要勇敢一点!"那个说:"这是我妈妈买的水果可甜了,你尝尝。"听着这些童言稚语,我的心在颤动。那一刻,我觉得我是世界上最幸福的人!我微不足道的付出却得到了如此丰厚的回报--一颗颗盛满爱的童心。
我下定决心,为了早日回到孩子们身边,我要和伤痛赛跑。经过近半年的休养,我的身体已基本恢复。新学期的一天,当我怀着期待已久的心情来到幼儿园时,孩子们看见我,一下子围了上来。"老师,我们可想你了!""老师,你的病好了吗?能和我们一起做游戏吗?"看着他们,我的眼眶湿润了,感谢命运让我还能和他们在一起。
我用火热的心,书写靓丽的人生;我用满腔的情,唱响奉献的赞歌;我用执著的爱,创造青春的辉煌,我用坦荡的笑,展示无悔的选择。
我快乐,我是一名光荣的幼儿教师!
几年过去了,我所在的幼儿园伴随着企业的发展也发生了翻天覆地的变化,新的桌椅搬进了粉刷一新的教室,新添置的教具和游戏设施摆放在平整雅致的操场上,充满活力与激情的高学历青年教师充实进教师队伍,全园呈现出一派欣欣向荣的发展景象。我和其他青年教师一样,主动向上,同这片神奇的土地一样成熟,我也从一名普通的幼儿教师晋升为幼儿园的教学主任。
如今,我对自己的工作更多了一份眷恋,也更多了一份执著。在未来的岁月里,我将用真诚的爱成为孩子的支持者、合作者、引导者。我坚信,爱能让我改变一切,也能让我充满快乐!
多少祖国的花朵,需要辛勤浇灌;多少稚嫩的幼苗,需要精心修剪;多少天真的童心,需要温馨呵护。这是我们的责任,这是我们的事业。
绿叶,静静地吐露自己的幽香——不张扬;
绿叶,默默地映衬着红花——无怨言。
我是一名光荣的幼儿教师,作一片绿叶,这就是我无悔的选择!
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竞聘演讲的目的,就是要使听众对演讲者有充分的了解和认识,从而鉴别其是否能胜任该职位。读文网小编为大家整理了精彩的3篇竞聘演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位领导,各位同事:
大家好!
我叫***,去年我运气不错,有幸转业到市委办这个人才济济、团结又温暖的大家庭。今年是我的而立之年,常言道:三十而立。在充满生机与活力的新世纪,在日新月异的知识经济时代,在竞争激烈、挑战与机遇并存的今天,扪心自问,我能立什么?我深思过,迷惘过,也无奈过。古人讲:天生我材必有用。适奉这次难得的竞岗机会,我本着锻炼、提高的目的走上讲台,展示自我,接受评判,希望靠能力而不是靠运气为自己的而立之年留下点什么…… 站在大家面前有点单瘦的我,稳重而不死板,激进而不张扬,温和而不懦弱, 愚钝而不懒惰, 正直而不固执。我1989年9月考入空军飞行学院,学过飞行,后因视力下降停飞改做地面工作,干过排长、指导员、干事,大学文化,中共党员,2000年9月转业。在有206名军转干部参加的进政法系统考试中,我名列第二,原以为能谋个警察的差事也就心满意足了,没料到能非常荣幸地被选拔到首脑机关市委办工作,在此,我衷心感谢领导和同仁的厚爱。与大家共事一年来,我既有不小的压力,更有无穷的动力。
我没有辉煌的过去,只求把握好现在和将来。今天,我参加《新益阳》编辑部副主任职位的竞争,主要基于以下两个方面的考虑:
一方面我认为自己具备担任副主任的素质
一是有吃苦耐劳、默默无闻的敬业精神。我是一个农村伢子,深深懂得“宝剑锋从磨砺出,梅花香自苦寒来”的道理。当兵前,我参加过“双抢”,上山砍过柴禾;当兵后,经受过炎炎烈日下负重五十多斤日行军五十公里的考验,更经历了八年大西北恶劣自然环境和艰苦生活条件下的磨练,特别是严格的军营生活培养了我“流汗流血不流泪”和“特别能吃苦、特别能忍耐、特别能战斗、特别能奉献”的良好品质。我爱岗敬业,工作踏踏实实,兢兢业业,一丝不苟,不管干什么从不讲价钱,更不怨天忧人,干一行,爱一行,努力把工作做得最好。
二是有虚心好学、开拓进取的创新意识。爱因斯坦说过:热爱是最好的教师。我热爱文秘工作,平时爱读书看报,也浏览了一些有关政治、经济方面的书籍。到办公室工作后,我谦虚好学,不耻下问,系统学习了有关业务知识和各级各类文件精神,初步具备了一个文秘人员所必需的业务知识和政策水平。还自学了计算机知识,能够熟练地使用计算机进行网上操作、文字处理和日常维护等。我思想比较活跃,爱好广泛,接受新事物比较快,勇于实践,具有开拓精神;同时我朝气蓬勃,精力旺盛,工作热情高、干劲足,具有高昂斗志。
三是有严于律己、诚信为本的优良品质。我信奉诚实待人、严于律己的处世之道。我曾经多年在上百人的连队工作,既要维护连队干部的权威,又要和战士们打成一片,正因为具有良好的人格魅力和做人宗旨,同战友们建立了亲如兄弟的深厚感情,受到了战士们的爱戴,在我转业离队时,好多的战友因舍不得我离去而泪流满面,自发地敲锣打鼓为我送行。到市委办工作后,我在日常生活和工作中,不断加强个人修养和党性锻炼,以“老老实实做人、勤勤恳恳做事”为信条,严格要求自己,尊敬领导,团结同志,应该说得到了领导和同事的肯定。
四是有雷厉风行、求真务实的工作作风。 11年的军旅生涯,培养了我雷厉风行、求真务实的工作作风,养成了我遇事不含糊,办事不拖拉的工作习惯,造就了我不唯书、不唯上、只唯真、只唯实的工作态度。至今,我仍然清晰的记得离开部队时一位老首长语重心长对我讲的话:小蔡啊,你不管到哪工作,在什么岗位上,作为一个经过部队多年摔打的共产党人,做什么事不仅要上不愧党,下不欺民,更要对得起部队的培养和自己的良心。
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廉洁是中华民族的传统美德,廉洁自律,是我们新一代的责任,是我们年轻人的使命。读文网小编为大家整理了廉洁自律的演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
各位领导、各位评委、朋友们:
大家好!
我叫XXX,很高兴能够在这秋高气爽的季节里和大家探讨“清正廉洁、争先创优”这个话题,我的演讲题目是《以廉为镜正己身,以勤为舟传美德》。
游路尽头处,顾盼浏览中,有多少清正廉洁、务实开拓的清官受到人民的爱戴;踱来荡去间,趋退俯仰时,有多少克己奉公、刚正严明的廉吏得到百姓的褒扬。碾去岁月的尘埃,追忆先贤的伟绩,他们的光辉形象铸成了永恒的民族灵魂,他们的雄伟英姿构成了坚贞的中华脊梁。
“清如秋菊何妨瘦,廉似梅花不畏寒”,无论历史如何变迁,无论时代怎样发展,廉洁永远是时代的需要,正气永远是人民的期盼。
古时如春秋时宋国执政大臣子罕的“不贪为宝”,三国时吴国广西郁林太守陆绩的“压船廉石”,南北朝时的中书通事舍人顾协的“棒打赂者”,东汉杨震“天知,地知,我知,你知,何谓无知”的“深夜拒金”,宋朝赵卞出任成都转运使时随身携带的“一琴一鹤”,宋时在朝中身居要职的刘温臾的“厚谢婉拒”,明朝于谦入京城时的“两袖清风”,清代直隶巡抚于成龙的“立檄拒礼”……无不折射出古代廉吏洁身自好的高尚节操。
滔滔的黄河奔涌不息,时代的车轮滚滚向前。弹指间我们已跨入一个崭新的时代,在我们中国共产党带领全国各族人民革命、建设、改革的历史征程中,清廉勤政、亲民爱民是我们战胜艰难险阻、完成历史使命、实现民族发展的一条主线。一代又一代的共产党员始终恪守“全心全意为人民服务”的人生信条,清清白白做人,明明白白当官,他们廉洁奉公的浩然正气,在历史的长河中熠熠生辉。党的好儿子、好干部孔繁森,人民的好公仆、好书记郑培民,还有焦裕禄、牛玉儒、汪洋湖等等,这一个个响亮的名字,已成为时代的号角,召唤着任长霞、龙清秀等一个个优秀的党员干部在清政廉政的道路上前仆后继,他们严于律己的崇高品德影响着一代又一代的后人。
“无欲则刚,刚则能强,强则能直,直则能勇,刚强直勇,你就会一身正气;无欲则公,公则能正,正则能廉,廉则能明,公正廉明,你就会两袖清风”。这不仅是时代赋予我们广大干部的光荣使命,更是对我们的殷切期盼。作为新时代的党员干部,要把廉洁作为一面镜子,时刻提醒着自己,照耀着自己,抵得住诱惑、守得住清贫、耐得住寂寞,两袖清风、一身正气。要把廉洁勤政作为传颂美德的方舟,传颂廉洁勤政为民的党员风范,铸就清廉务实的党员铮骨,培育出刚健峻拔的民族品格,塑造出自信、自谦、自律的廉洁精神。
太阳熊熊燃烧,因为它选择了辉煌!梅花凌寒怒放,因为它选择了坚强!大山直插苍穹,因为它选择了刚毅!我们每个人的生命都是曲精心铺就的乐章,这乐章的主旋律是高贵或低贱,是幸福或痛苦,全在于我们自己的选择。愿每一位领导干部都坚定不移地选择“全心全意为人民服务”作为主旋律,让生命的乐章轰轰烈烈、可歌可泣、流传千古!
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中秋节是我们中国人的团圆节,每到这一天,许多远离家乡的游子,纷纷赶回家中,与父母亲友欢聚一堂、把酒言欢。读文网小编为大家整理了中秋节学生精彩演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
老师们,同学们:
大家早上好!
每年农历的八月十五,是我国的传统佳节——中秋节,是仅次于春节的第二大传统节日,又被认为是我们中国人的团圆节。每到这一天,许多远离家乡的游子,纷纷赶回家中,与父母亲友欢聚一堂,把酒言欢。中秋的月最圆,最明,最美;中秋月如水如镜,诗情画意,充满浓浓的亲情。
现在,我想问问大家:你们了解中秋节的来历吗?
每年农历八月十五,就是我国传统的中秋佳节。这时是一年秋季的中期,所以被称为中秋。这也是我国仅次于春节的第二大传统节日。 “中秋”一词最早在周朝就已出现,而中秋节的盛行开始于宋朝。为什么叫“中秋” 呢?因为农历八月十五这一天是在三秋之中,所以称“中秋”。中秋节还有许多称呼:“八月节”、“八月半”、“月节”、“月夕”等等。
中秋节原是丰收的节日。过去,人们在丰收的季节里,总要大事庆祝一番,庆祝一年的好收成,享受丰收的喜悦。中秋时节云稀雾少,月光皎洁,民间除了要举行赏月、祭月、吃月饼祝福团圆等一系列活动,有些地方还有舞草龙,砌宝塔等活动。中秋节还有许多美好的传说,嫦娥奔月、吴刚折桂、玉兔捣药等等。这些无不寄托着人们对生活无限的热爱和对美好未来的向往。人们吟诵中秋节的诗词歌赋很多,最著名的当然要数宋代大文豪苏轼的“但愿人长久,千里共婵娟”
同学们,在这美好的日子里,你有何感想呢?我相信,很多人的答案是:想家,想念爸爸妈妈。
是的,每逢佳节倍思亲。中秋节这一份思念当然会更深切,尤其是一轮明月高挂的时刻。古往今来,多少文人学子在这美好的日子里,都会思念亲人,思念家乡,挂念着祖国,希望与亲人团圆,共享欢乐。
在这佳节到来之际,我倡议每位同学都做三件事:
第一,孝敬父母长辈,为自己小家的幸福和谐做能力所及的努力,小家安定才是祖国繁荣的前提!
第二,为那些不能回家辛苦耕耘在讲台上的老师发个短信,道一声:中秋快乐!
第三,为祖国的繁荣,国力强盛,为早日实现祖国统一立下壮志.请记住:少年强则中国强,你们是国家的希望!
最后我衷心地向忘我工作的全体教职员工,向勤奋学习的全体同学,向你们的家人和朋友提前道一声:中秋快乐!
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家乡今天崭新的面貌是咱们父辈用勤劳和智慧开创的,我们是否能躺在这个成就上维持现状,坐享幸福呢?读文网小编为大家整理了关于建设家乡的演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位评委、老师、亲爱的同学们:
大家下午好,我是###,今天我演讲的题目是:爱我家乡建设家乡。
我的家乡在XXXX,她是一个很小的乡镇,没有秦岭的威严冷峻,没有黄河一样宽广的河流,但在我心中家乡一直是最美的地方。
生在农村,长在农村,农村带给我的淳朴与乐趣是生活在钢筋混凝土森林中的人们永远无法体会的。农村是一个充满生机、充满希望的地方,在这里你能与大地最近的接触,你能呼吸到带着泥土清香的空气,喝到略带甜味、清冽的山泉水,体味一切生命的最初历程。
闭上眼睛,我能感受到家乡的四季。当东风吹过,春天来临的时候,积攒了一冬天的寒冷就要悄悄离开了,走在泥泞的乡间小路上路上,心里想着什么时候第一株小草会拱出地面呢?盼望着,盼望着,于是在某个不知名的早上欣然在墙边发现多了几点绿色,勤劳的人们便开始了耕作,种小麦、刨栽子、栽药材……几场春雨过后,放眼望去,大地上满是嫩绿。
风更加温和了,在皎洁的夜空下,呱呱的蛙鸣给人们编织了一个仲夏夜之梦。在童年的记忆中夏天是一年中最快乐的季节,家乡的每一个地方留下了我们的欢笑……
家乡的秋天更美,夏末初秋之际是色彩最丰富的时候,骑上自行车,徜徉在山间小路,绿色点缀在一片片红色与黄色中,犹如各种颜色泼在了画布上。躺在山坡上,展开双臂,拥抱阳光,拥抱美幻的世界。秋风萧瑟,片片落叶随风旋转,吹瘦了整个季节。家乡的亲人们又开始忙碌着收获,田地里满是他们的欢声笑语。那亲切的乡音混着刚刚翻起的泥土的清香弥漫在家乡的空气中,我便卯足了劲大口大口地呼吸着这丰收的气息。
家乡的冬天雪很大,漫天的雪花飘飘洒洒,在地上留了厚厚一层,掩盖了喧杂。冬天家乡的冬天是宁静的,要是稍有喧闹,那也是学校新盖的教学大楼中传来的琅琅的读书声。家乡的冬天是沉思的,似乎人们在回想着这一年的生活,谋划着一个丰收的来年。
一方水土养一方人,家乡给予了我它所能给予的一切,家乡的天空给了我深邃,家乡的山给了我沉稳,家乡的水给了我清灵,家乡的亲人们给了我淳朴。此时的家乡已是春意盎然,看着一座座新式的房屋如雨后春笋般露出那亲切的脸庞,我不由得想大声喊出深藏在我内心的声音:我爱你,我的家乡!
我要用您给我的深邃沉静我的思想,我要用您给我的沉稳扎实学习,我要用您给我的清灵勤奋思考,我要用您给我的淳朴艰苦奋斗,我要为您明天的繁荣努力!我爱你,我的家乡!
谢谢大家!
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少年兴则国兴,少年强则国强。我们要适应时代发展的要求,正确认识祖国的历史和现实,增强爱国的情感和振兴祖国的责任感。读文网小编为大家整理了有关爱国主义精彩演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位领导、各位老师,亲爱的同学们:
大家好!我是xx。很荣幸也很激动今天能站在这里演讲。
一次偶然的机会,让我走进神往已久的天下第一山——井冈山。也许她没有泰山的气势恢宏,没有庐山的风景俊秀,没有峨眉的清新无暇。可是当你走进她的时候,你就会不觉为她那段火红的历史而感染,就会被她那鲜血染红的山脉而征服。
今年是井冈山革命根据地创建80周年纪念年。井冈山既是中国红军的故乡,又是中国革命的摇篮;既是中国红色政权的源头,又是中国革命的发祥地。在艰苦卓绝的井冈山斗争中,毛泽东等一代伟人的文韬武略,革命志士的赤胆忠诚,他们以鲜血、以生命诠释着一种极其宝贵的精神——井冈山精神。这种宝贵的精神后来成为长征精神、延安精神、西柏坡精神等中国革命精神的历史源头。江泽民同志将井冈山精神高度概括为:坚定信念,艰苦奋斗,实事求是,敢闯新路,依靠群众,勇于胜利。
雄伟的井冈山,连着中国共产党辉煌的历史;永远的井冈山,写满了中国人民的光荣与梦想。井冈山不愧为“天下第一山”,她有着其她名山大川所没有的“红”:红,是八万先烈用鲜血换来的自由与幸福;红,是在险峻环境中开创出的第一个革命根据地;更红的是用鲜血和生命锻造出来的革命精神;她还有着无可比拟的“绿”:绿在黄洋界的奇峰险石,绿在五龙潭的怡人山水、在彩虹瀑的雄伟壮丽,更绿在历经敌人的刀与火,而依然挺拔的青青翠竹和永伴烈士们的苍劲松柏。红,是井冈的召唤,是先烈对我们的召唤;绿,是井冈的希望,是祖国对我们年轻一代的希望。
在井冈山上的红色之旅,每一个脚步似乎都承载了烈士们的记忆,每一个动作都昭示着历史对我们的寄语,每一种声音都一种无可比拟的红色文化对于我们的召唤。
在那个血与火的年代,革命先烈在解放事业中凭着一股勇气一身热血,为国家杀出一条血路,在黑暗面前没有半点的退缩,勇往直前。他们用鲜血染红大地,用生命换来光明,用对祖国的热爱、对事业的追求、对天下的情怀,无私地奋斗着。
作为新一代的青年学子,历史再现,缅怀着他们的英雄事迹,继承着他们的革命传统,学习先烈们的优良品德。我要用他们的信念鼓舞我前行,用他们的精神鞭笞自己成才,用他们的爱国热情点燃自己的报国之志。
作为改革开放大潮中的一代青年学子,要更加珍惜今天来之不易的和平生活,勤于思考、善于创造、甘于奉献,用我们的满腔热情投入到伟大祖国的建设事业中来。
作为一名外语专业的学生,爱国主义教育尤为重要。在与外国人交往中,我们更要不卑不亢、有礼有节。我们要抓住机遇,努力学好专业知识,把五千年的华夏文明进一步推向世界,让世界人民了解中国、了解更多的中华文化,让我们伟大的祖国屹立于世界强国之列。
同学们,在不久的将来我们都将成为社会主义的接班人。成为合格的接班人,就是要在任何时候都要胸怀宽广、志存高远,坚定理想信念,把个人的理想追求同国家民族的前途命运紧密联系在一起;就是要刻苦学习,勇于实践,不辜负先烈和人民对青年的重托,努力实现人生价值;就是要知荣明辱,奋发有为,与祖国共奋进,与时代齐发展。
同学们,今天我们在这里,举办这样一次爱国主义教育演讲比赛,让我们一起来回顾历史,缅怀先烈。牢记党和人民的重托,努力成为“四个新一代”的有为青年,自觉担负振兴中华和创建“和谐社会”的时代重任,用我们的无悔青春去铸造新时代的不朽丰碑!
谢谢大家!
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爱情,是心中的情丝绵延,是对爱的述说,是用文字堆积的感情!令你欢喜,令你忧!这就是爱情的魅力!它就像一根细细的红线,在无形中钩住了你的心。在无数个白昼之间转辗反侧,却甘之如饴!爱情,一笔一划皆入眼成痴、成情。读文网小编为大家整理了关于爱情的演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的老师、同学:
大家下午好!我是来自交通土木工程系路桥1003班的张海庆,今天我演讲的题目是爱情是无私的。爱情这个名词对于我们九零后的我们来说是一个比较敏感的话题了,而且在座的各位同学都希望有一份纯真的爱情。其实不光是我们对这个名词也很敏感,从古至今,男女老少都很敏感,可以这么说,只要有感情,有思想的人都很敏感。
那么爱情究竟是什么呢?爱情到底是自私的还是无私的?有人说是自私的,因为你得到了,别人就不能拥;也有人是这么说的,爱情是无私的,如果真爱一个热播,就应该给她自由,让他快乐!不管人们是怎样说的,总之,我认为爱情是无私的!最近在报纸上看到这样一个片段:主人公叫00的女孩和一个叫00的男孩,听到这两个名字感觉挺有默契。故事是这样的,00在读高三,而00读在上大学,而他们挺有感情,在高三时他们就保持着好朋友的关系,只是好朋友,其实对方都明白彼此都喜欢着对方。但由于谭亮考虑到怕影响到谭静的学习,所以只好先把爱苦苦收回。还是保持着以前那种关系。当他们彼此开始新的学业以后,那女孩给男孩说你是我心中的白马王子!永远都是!多情的男孩终于耐不住寂寞,变得主动,向女孩表白。但那女孩并没有答应,她说,我们现在是不同层次的人了,我感觉离你很遥远,高不可攀,因为你在上大学,我不能对不起你,最终没有答应。男孩问道,你要是得不到你心中的白马王子,那你觉得心中有意义吗?女孩坚定的回答道,有意义,永远都有意义,我是真心爱你的,就因该让你过自由得生活,去为自己的理想发展、奋斗,即使没有得到你,我会把你永远记在心里,永远都是我的白马王子,男孩流泪了!
爱情是无私的,这个片段是对爱情是无私的最好见证和诠释!
其实鉴证爱情的故事很多,梁山伯与祝英台、罗密欧与朱丽叶都是对爱情的最好见证和肯定,都证明了爱情的伟大和无私,虽然结局都不是很美好,但是彼此都为爱情付出了很多!甚至放弃了生命诸如此类,在天愿做比翼鸟,在地愿为连理枝;两情若是久长时,又岂在朝朝暮暮等这些都说明爱情无私的、伟大的。甚至是不屑于亲情和友情。我认为爱情不单单是男女之间的关系,他还包括了亲情和友情所以说爱情不屑于亲情和友情。但与之相反的也有,我曾经目睹了一个男人用高贵的手打了妻子一巴掌,试问这是爱情吗?
前一个片段把爱情表现的如此纯真和纯洁,而后一个则是在玷污爱情,玷污了无私、伟大、圣神和纯洁。爱情的摸样:
有时候,明明知道爱上她是一个错误,却还是死心塌地的爱了!
有时候,明明知道这样做事不好的,却还是执迷不悟的做了!
有时候,明明知道他的心不在你这,却心甘情愿的把心给了!
有时候,明明知道自己的付出得不到她的回头,却还是无怨无悔的付出着!
这是什么?这是爱情的力量,这是爱情的伟大和无私!
同学们,爱情就是这样,无私,毫无怨言的为对方付出!纵使没有结果!
记得有人这样说过,女人是用来爱的,爱她就要对她负责,就要用心去呵护她。
有人也说过,一个成功男人的背后有一个可爱的女人,这说明他把工作态度放在用来爱情上,对爱人的负责和呵护!
同学们,爱就要爱的轰轰烈烈,要知道女人是用来爱的!
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莲,因洁而尊;人,因廉而正。水清则明,人清则廉。那关于廉洁的演讲稿有哪些?读文网小编为大家整理了四年级学生廉洁演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
说到廉洁这个词,使我们联想到过去一个被老百姓广为流传的为民做主的青天大老爷包青天。他是古代为官者明镜高悬,清正廉明的典型代表。他那刚正不阿、不畏权势,两袖清风、一身正气,为后人所景仰。
今天,廉洁这个词走进了我们校园。可能许多同学都认为“廉洁是大人们应该去做的事,学生的主要任务自然就是学习”。可是,廉洁教育进入校园后,我们理解了廉洁教育的意义,认识到廉洁必须从我们每个人自身做起,从现在做起。
作为中华渊源文化的传承,对廉洁的崇尚一直在我们的生活、文化和传统中延续着。“出淤泥而不染,濯清涟而不妖”说的是莲花的高洁;“粉身碎骨浑不怕,要留清白在人间”赞美的是白石灰的骨气;“问渠那得清如许,为有源头活水来”描述的是清泉的洁净;“大雪压青松,青松挺且直,要知松高洁,待到雪化时”告诉我们青松的品质。
以物喻人,这些千古绝句都是要告诉我们做人要做有骨气的人,有品质、一身正气、洁身自好、堂堂正正的人。
在这一点上,我们敬爱的周就是我们的榜样。他饮食清淡,每餐只吃一荤一素,而且这顿吃剩的饭还要留到下一顿吃,从不浪费一米一菜。不仅如此,他还要求领导干部们把“严以律己,廉洁奉公”这八个字常记心头,周还说“我们领导干部应该知足常乐。要使艰苦朴素的风格成为我们的美德,更应该以人民疾苦为忧,为祖国的前途着想。”看,我们的周从一点一滴小事做起,用他的高尚品质影响带动着身边的人。
如今,我们经常可以从报刊上,他们贪得无厌,骄奢淫逸,以权为势,追求享乐,谋取利益,给国家形象和人民财产带来严重损失。他们必然被人民被历史所不齿,所唾弃。
开国领袖毛泽东说过:“青少年是早晨八九点钟的太阳,未来必将是你们的。”我们青少年正是祖国的希望,民族的未来。我们的内心是否有廉洁自律的信念,将直接影响我们的人生观与世界观的形成,将间接影响到社会廉政之风。所以,为了自己,为了祖国,我们应从小在内心树立起“敬崇廉洁,传承美德”的美好品质;拥有胸怀大志,为民为公的理念;时刻胸怀诚实、节俭、有责任心的道德观念。让廉洁成为我们心灵的天平,衡量着我们每个人的心灵,只要我们能够保持它的平衡状态,那么,我们人人都会成为廉洁奉公的人。让我们一起行动吧,从我做起,从现在做起,让廉洁之花开遍中华大地的每一个角落!
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“清如秋菊何妨瘦,廉似梅花不畏寒”,无论历史如何变迁,无论时代怎样发展,廉洁永远是时代的需要,正气永远是人民的期盼。读文网小编为大家整理了金融系统清正廉洁演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的各位领导、各位同事:大家好!
我叫,是信用社的一名信贷员,今天有幸能和大家一起歌颂清廉,我感觉无比的荣幸和自豪!今天,我为大家演讲的题目是《让廉洁在我们的信合事业中闪光》,也许我的年龄还不能领悟清政廉洁的深刻内涵。但在这个喧嚣浮躁的时代,面对一个个贪官纷纷落马,下水,我不禁问自己:“清廉在人们心中的位置到底有多重?清廉是否正在离我们远去?”然而,一个个发生在身边的故事让我找到了答案。无论历史如何变迁,无论时代怎样发展,廉洁清正永远是时代的呼唤,勤政廉政永远是人民的期盼。随着社会的大踏步前进,尤其在物欲横流的冲击下,有的人依然选择做人的清清白白、坦坦荡荡;有的人却选择了一条精神家园日益颓废的道路,在金钱和权利面前情愿顶礼膜拜、俯首称臣,一旦瞄好机会,即刻该出手就出手,国家钱财就此惨重流失。但,凌厉的正义神箭又岂能容忍他们的肆无忌惮?瞧,一个个反腐大案浮出了水面,一个个贪官污吏纷纷落马。在经济高速发展的今天,在我们银行界,有很大一批曾经忠实奉献的干部,没有经受住诱惑而不惜违纪违法,将自己钉上人生的耻辱柱,让自己和国家蒙羞蒙耻。还有其它发生在我们身边的许多案例,都在令人扼腕的一次次给我们敲响警钟。时刻刻刻提醒着我们,必须勤政廉洁。
今天,我在这里要讲的就是我们信用社主任,他作为一名信合人,一个经常与客户和社会打交道的信用社基层网点负责人、管理者,他能把握其实质和内涵,不抱怨,不放弃,不气馁!从身边的点点滴滴小事做起,从本职工作做起,踏踏实实做人,本本份份做事,不贪慕虚荣,不贪图享受,用自己的实际行动,用高尚的人品和操守,用实实在在的人生,来为信合基层事业贡献自己一份微薄的力量。记的来信用社的第一天,就和我们说,大家能在一起就是缘份,要好好的为了信合而工作,那么要想工作好,大家首先就得端自己 “五官”要端正: “手不长”:不贪污受贿,得利忘义;“嘴不馋”:不用公款吃喝,不因权势请吃; “耳不偏”:不偏听偏信,一切从实际出发;“腿不懒”:不高高在上,不脱离群众,不搞主观武断,要勤下乡调查研究; “心不邪”:不损公肥私,不损人利己,努力树立一个“公”字,定要去一个“贪”字,他是这么说的也是这么做的。
金融业同样的制度,同样的环境,在得与失、廉与贪之间,经过一番吹拉弹唱之后,听到的是风格迥异的曲子。有的人勤字当头,唱一首《爱拼才会赢》;有的人以奉献开路,谱一曲《生命在于奉献》;而有的人却贪字挂帅,奏一段《致命害虫》。同样的八小时之外,有的人选择腾云驾雾、杯盆狼藉,而有的人选择潜心学习、加班加点,也有的人选择文武并举、张弛有道,而有的人却选择出线越位、腐化堕落。
今年的廉政风暴带给每一位信合人的触动是空前的、思考是深入的。风暴过后相信每一位对自己对家庭负责的同志,都进行了深刻的反思。
面对世界科技进步的日新月异和市场经济的激烈竞争,作为一名新时代的信合员工,我们将学习不断,以全新的知识来提升自己的文化技术素质;我们将创新不止,在工作的实践中,提高信合的竞争力;我们将创业不停,在掌握行业先进业务技能的同时,更要创造属于自己的新技能,促进信合的后续能力。从自己做起,从小事做起,加强自身修养,加强人格锻炼,弘扬社会新风,努力塑造完美人格,守住本分,守住清贫,守住灵魂,守住忠诚,守住廉洁,那么,我们的头顶就一定会是一片光辉灿烂的晴空!社会更加和谐,我们的信合将会更加辉煌!
最后,就让这廉洁与自律的警钟伴随着我们这些年轻的信合人员,在廉洁为民、无私奉献中度过人生中最美丽的季节,让我们的青春在廉洁中绽放出无比绚丽的光彩!
谢谢大家,我的演讲完毕!
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“清如秋菊何妨瘦,廉似梅花不畏寒”,无论历史如何变迁,无论时代怎样发展,廉洁永远是时代的需要,正气永远是人民的期盼。读文网小编为大家整理了小学生关于清正廉洁演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
各位尊敬的评委、老师,亲爱的同学们:
大家好!我叫***,来自襄樊市第**中学小学五(二)班,今天我为大家演讲的题目是《树廉洁意识从小抓起,建和谐社会人人有责》。
听说学校要举行“廉洁故事”演讲比赛,很多同学都问:“廉洁”是什么意思?其实“廉洁”包含了一个人好的品质与崇高的精神。也许还有的同学会问:这和作为新一代中学生的我们有什么关系呢?其实,这也是衡量一位学生是否具有高尚道德品质的标准之一。
人生起步,从小受到健康正确的廉洁事例教育,将会受益终生。记得上小学时,老师教我们学习了一篇课文,名叫《钓鱼的启示》。虽然文章篇幅不长,但文中的人物却我给我留下了深刻的印象。文中的父亲和孩子在捕捞鲈鱼开放日的前一个晚上去钓鱼。他们好不容易钓到了一条从没有见过的既漂亮又特别大的鲈鱼。大家应该知道鲈鱼是四大名鱼之一。此时距离捕捞鲈鱼开放时间还差两个小时,按照规定不能将钓到的鱼带回家。他们钓鱼时四周异常的安静,没有一个人知道这件事,而且像小男孩钓得那么大的鱼,更是千载难逢。在这种情况下父亲完全可以和孩子一起将那条大鲈鱼据为己有。但是父亲没有这样做,而是遵守钓鱼的规则让孩子把好不容易钓到的那条大鲈鱼放回湖里了。这件事虽小,表面上看来,孩子和父亲失去了一条大鲈鱼,但是在孩子的内心从父亲那里受到的教育却比那条大鲈鱼更珍贵无数倍,那就是明白了做人应该讲究廉洁与诚信,要经得起好东西的诱惑,不该做个贪图小利的人。我们在校的每一个小伙伴,都应该从这件事中有所启示,因为一个班级、一个学校要想优秀,都离不开我们每一个份子的廉洁尊贵的品质。只有我们做到了廉洁,我们的学校才会变得和谐,我们生活的环境才会和谐。
是啊,廉洁是绽放于人类之树的一朵鲜花,是做人之本、立事之根。所以一个国家要想富强,也离不开公正廉洁的社会风尚。
原毛泽东就是我们学习的榜样。他在“家庭小事”上丝毫不糊涂,亲自抓家庭经济收支帐目,把好个人和家庭生活的大大小小关口,保证家里每笔经济收支都做到公私分明,不管收入怎么紧也绝不沾国家的一分便宜,就连在人民大会堂、钓鱼台接见外宾喝茶也按规定缴钱。今年十一期间,我和爸爸、妈妈一起去北京参观了中国革命军事博物馆,在这里,我目睹了毛主席的衬衣、床单和拖鞋,都是补丁摞补丁;三年自然灾害期间,毛主席带头不吃肉;让儿子毛岸英入朝鲜参战,直到牺牲等等。看到这里,我和讲解员一起流泪,内心的震撼无以伦比,这也是他老人家留给我们的一份宝贵的精神财富——廉洁自律。毛主席身为,难道没有钱吃穿吗?论功劳,谁能功盖毛泽东;论权利,中国哪一个人有他地位高?所以我觉得看一个人是不是廉洁,只要看一看他的衣食住行和对亲属的安排就一目了然了。
21世纪的今天,建设和谐社会是我们国家的主旋律,廉洁奉公是国家要求各级领导干部的基本行为规范,但廉洁意识也是我们这些中学生的基本行为准则。
在我们的日常行为之中,只要你留心,到处都可以感受的到廉洁文化:当你在课余时间玩耍时,有时会偶尔捡到一元钱,这时我们走进办公室,走进廉洁文明,我们会把它交给老师,不是吗?虽然我们失去了一时的金钱财富,可我们换来的却是比金钱财富更可贵的精神财富,此时此刻,我们脸上挂满了微笑;学校里考试分数下来了,老师多给了分,没人知道,怎么办呢?告诉老师把分数改过来;过马路时,红灯亮了,但周围没有交警叔叔,我们是冲过去,还是等一等?这些小事在我们的生活中会经常碰到。古人云:“勿以善小而不为,勿以恶小而为之。”我们应当自觉抵制各种诱惑,努力培养自己的廉洁意识,让廉洁文化在我们心中共存。
伙伴们,廉洁永远是时代的呼唤,廉洁永远是人民的期盼。让我们手拉着手,肩并着肩,共同树立廉洁意识,从我做起,从现在做起。在和谐之海中乘风破浪,奋勇前进吧!
我的演讲到此结束,谢谢大家!
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刘备曾说过:勿以恶小而之,勿以善小而不为。作为学生的我们,应该怎样善处廉政文化进校园的问题呢?读文网小编为大家整理了小学生廉洁教育演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
各位尊敬的评委、老师,亲爱的同学们:
大家好!我叫***,来自襄樊市第**中学小学五(二)班,今天我为大家演讲的题目是《树廉洁意识从小抓起,建和谐社会人人有责》。
听说学校要举行“廉洁故事”演讲比赛,很多同学都问:“廉洁”是什么意思?其实“廉洁”包含了一个人好的品质与崇高的精神。也许还有的同学会问:这和作为新一代中学生的我们有什么关系呢?其实,这也是衡量一位学生是否具有高尚道德品质的标准之一。
人生起步,从小受到健康正确的廉洁事例教育,将会受益终生。记得上小学时,老师教我们学习了一篇课文,名叫《钓鱼的启示》。虽然文章篇幅不长,但文中的人物却我给我留下了深刻的印象。文中的父亲和孩子在捕捞鲈鱼开放日的前一个晚上去钓鱼。他们好不容易钓到了一条从没有见过的既漂亮又特别大的鲈鱼。大家应该知道鲈鱼是四大名鱼之一。此时距离捕捞鲈鱼开放时间还差两个小时,按照规定不能将钓到的鱼带回家。他们钓鱼时四周异常的安静,没有一个人知道这件事,而且像小男孩钓得那么大的鱼,更是千载难逢。在这种情况下父亲完全可以和孩子一起将那条大鲈鱼据为己有。但是父亲没有这样做,而是遵守钓鱼的规则让孩子把好不容易钓到的那条大鲈鱼放回湖里了。这件事虽小,表面上看来,孩子和父亲失去了一条大鲈鱼,但是在孩子的内心从父亲那里受到的教育却比那条大鲈鱼更珍贵无数倍,那就是明白了做人应该讲究廉洁与诚信,要经得起好东西的诱惑,不该做个贪图小利的人。我们在校的每一个小伙伴,都应该从这件事中有所启示,因为一个班级、一个学校要想优秀,都离不开我们每一个份子的廉洁尊贵的品质。只有我们做到了廉洁,我们的学校才会变得和谐,我们生活的环境才会和谐。
是啊,廉洁是绽放于人类之树的一朵鲜花,是做人之本、立事之根。所以一个国家要想富强,也离不开公正廉洁的社会风尚。
原国家主席毛泽东就是我们学习的榜样。他在“家庭小事”上丝毫不糊涂,亲自抓家庭经济收支帐目,把好个人和家庭生活的大大小小关口,保证家里每笔经济收支都做到公私分明,不管收入怎么紧也绝不沾国家的一分便宜,就连在人民大会堂、钓鱼台接见外宾喝茶也按规定缴钱。今年十一期间,我和爸爸、妈妈一起去北京参观了中国革命军事博物馆,在这里,我目睹了毛主席的衬衣、床单和拖鞋,都是补丁摞补丁;三年自然灾害期间,毛主席带头不吃肉;让儿子毛岸英入朝鲜参战,直到牺牲等等。看到这里,我和讲解员一起流泪,内心的震撼无以伦比,这也是他老人家留给我们的一份宝贵的精神财富——廉洁自律。毛主席身为国家主席,难道没有钱吃穿吗?论功劳,谁能功盖毛泽东;论权利,中国哪一个人有他地位高?所以我觉得看一个人是不是廉洁,只要看一看他的衣食住行和对亲属的安排就一目了然了。
21世纪的今天,建设和谐社会是我们国家的主旋律,廉洁奉公是国家要求各级领导干部的基本行为规范,但廉洁意识也是我们这些中学生的基本行为准则。
在我们的日常行为之中,只要你留心,到处都可以感受的到廉洁文化:当你在课余时间玩耍时,有时会偶尔捡到一元钱,这时我们走进办公室,走进廉洁文明,我们会把它交给老师,不是吗?虽然我们失去了一时的金钱财富,可我们换来的却是比金钱财富更可贵的精神财富,此时此刻,我们脸上挂满了微笑;学校里考试分数下来了,老师多给了分,没人知道,怎么办呢?告诉老师把分数改过来;过马路时,红灯亮了,但周围没有交警叔叔,我们是冲过去,还是等一等?这些小事在我们的生活中会经常碰到。古人云:“勿以善小而不为,勿以恶小而为之。”我们应当自觉抵制各种诱惑,努力培养自己的廉洁意识,让廉洁文化在我们心中共存。
伙伴们,廉洁永远是时代的呼唤,廉洁永远是人民的期盼。让我们手拉着手,肩并着肩,共同树立廉洁意识,从我做起,从现在做起。在和谐之海中乘风破浪,奋勇前进吧!
我的演讲到此结束,谢谢大家!
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很多同学都问:“廉洁”是什么意思?其实“廉洁”包含了一个人好的品质与崇高的精神。读文网小编为大家整理了小学生关于廉洁故事演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
翻开历史长卷,倾听历史回声,那遥远而悠长的警钟萦绕耳畔。而近在咫尺、鲜活生动的廉洁故事,更能触动我们心弦。
以前的我,总认为 廉洁如天山雪莲,与我们隔着千山万水,让我们寻觅着、寻觅着那一缕“芳香”。哪曾想,“众里寻他千百度,蓦然回首,那人却在灯火阑珊处”!廉洁——就在我们的身边。
王伯伯在政府部门工作,手中有一定的权力,托他办事的人也挺多的,经常有人请他吃饭,有的还往他家送礼呢。每次遇到这样的情况,王伯伯总是客气但坚定地拒绝!
前几天,我和爸爸到王伯伯家做客。刚进门不久,王伯伯家的门铃(叮咚)响了。伯伯开门一看,原来是他以前的一个同事来约他吃饭。伯伯客气地问:“你有什么事吗?” 那位叔叔装作毫不在意地说:“也不是什么大事,尤其对您来说,更是小事一桩啦。”原来,他开车违反了交通规则,驾照被交警扣留了,要培训学习,一个月以后才能拿回。驾照被扣就不能开车,对一个习惯了以车代步的人来说,是多么痛苦的事啊!那叔叔知道 王伯伯和交通部门有一定的关系,所以,想请王伯伯帮忙拿回驾照。“原来如此….”,王伯伯的脸色有点儿变了,严肃地说:“今天你约我,如果是一起坐一坐、聊聊天,那——这顿饭我请,我买单!可是,你想请我吃饭,是要我去拿回你被扣的驾照,那我不是在拿手中的权力和你做交易吗?你说,违法的事,我能做吗?这样的饭局,我能去吗? 再说,你违反交通规则,不好好接受处罚、吸取教训,对你今后开车也没有好处啊!” 那位叔叔听完王伯伯的这番话,惭愧地低下了头。
王伯伯经常说:吃人家的嘴软,拿人家的手短!人家请客送礼是看中我手中的权力。要知道,这权力是国家的,不是我个人的!
你看,王伯伯就是这样一个不为利益驱使,不为金钱所动的廉洁干部,他不正是我们追寻的那一缕“芳香”、那堂堂正正、顶天立地的廉洁之星吗?
同学们,其实在我们的身边 像王伯伯这样的人 又何止一个呢?他们 都有着一对理想的翅膀、信仰的翅膀,他们廉洁自律、刚正不阿,是我们学习的楷模!
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把廉洁作为一种价值信念坚守,建立起自己的行事原则和底线,就能够“稳得住心神、管得住行为、守得住清白”。读文网小编为大家整理了关于廉洁自律的演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
各位领导、各位评委、朋友们:
大家好!
我叫XXX,很高兴能够在这秋高气爽的季节里和大家探讨“清正廉洁、争先创优”这个话题,我的演讲题目是《以廉为镜正己身,以勤为舟传美德》。
游路尽头处,顾盼浏览中,有多少清正廉洁、务实开拓的清官受到人民的爱戴;踱来荡去间,趋退俯仰时,有多少克己奉公、刚正严明的廉吏得到百姓的褒扬。碾去岁月的尘埃,追忆先贤的伟绩,他们的光辉形象铸成了永恒的民族灵魂,他们的雄伟英姿构成了坚贞的中华脊梁。
“清如秋菊何妨瘦,廉似梅花不畏寒”,无论历史如何变迁,无论时代怎样发展,廉洁永远是时代的需要,正气永远是人民的期盼。
古时如春秋时宋国执政大臣子罕的“不贪为宝”,三国时吴国广西郁林太守陆绩的“压船廉石”,南北朝时的中书通事舍人顾协的“棒打赂者”,东汉杨震“天知,地知,我知,你知,何谓无知”的“深夜拒金”,宋朝赵卞出任成都转运使时随身携带的“一琴一鹤”,宋时在朝中身居要职的刘温臾的“厚谢婉拒”,明朝于谦入京城时的“两袖清风”,清代直隶巡抚于成龙的“立檄拒礼”……无不折射出古代廉吏洁身自好的高尚节操。
滔滔的黄河奔涌不息,时代的车轮滚滚向前。弹指间我们已跨入一个崭新的时代,在我们中国共产党带领全国各族人民革命、建设、改革的历史征程中,清廉勤政、亲民爱民是我们战胜艰难险阻、完成历史使命、实现民族发展的一条主线。一代又一代的共产党员始终恪守“全心全意为人民服务”的人生信条,清清白白做人,明明白白当官,他们廉洁奉公的浩然正气,在历史的长河中熠熠生辉。党的好儿子、好干部孔繁森,人民的好公仆、好书记郑培民,还有焦裕禄、牛玉儒、汪洋湖等等,这一个个响亮的名字,已成为时代的号角,召唤着任长霞、龙清秀等一个个优秀的党员干部在清政廉政的道路上前仆后继,他们严于律己的崇高品德影响着一代又一代的后人。
“无欲则刚,刚则能强,强则能直,直则能勇,刚强直勇,你就会一身正气;无欲则公,公则能正,正则能廉,廉则能明,公正廉明,你就会两袖清风”。这不仅是时代赋予我们广大干部的光荣使命,更是对我们的殷切期盼。作为新时代的党员干部,要把廉洁作为一面镜子,时刻提醒着自己,照耀着自己,抵得住诱惑、守得住清贫、耐得住寂寞,两袖清风、一身正气。要把廉洁勤政作为传颂美德的方舟,传颂廉洁勤政为民的党员风范,铸就清廉务实的党员铮骨,培育出刚健峻拔的民族品格,塑造出自信、自谦、自律的廉洁精神。
太阳熊熊燃烧,因为它选择了辉煌!梅花凌寒怒放,因为它选择了坚强!大山直插苍穹,因为它选择了刚毅!我们每个人的生命都是曲精心铺就的乐章,这乐章的主旋律是高贵或低贱,是幸福或痛苦,全在于我们自己的选择。愿每一位领导干部都坚定不移地选择“全心全意为人民服务”作为主旋律,让生命的乐章轰轰烈烈、可歌可泣、流传千古!
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廉洁自律,是我们新一代的责任,是我们年轻人的使命。读文网小编为大家整理了廉洁自律演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的老师,亲爱的同学们下午好!
我演讲的题目是:廉洁修身。
古语有云;正心,修身,齐家,治国,平天下。廉洁修身乃齐家之始,治国之源,平天下之基。
从古至今,有多少清正廉洁、务实为民的清官廉吏受到百姓的崇敬与爱戴,他们的形象深入人心,他们的故事久久传颂。人民公仆孔繁森,任长霞的事迹震撼人心,影响甚广。是的,无论历史如何变迁,无论时代怎样发展,廉洁清正永远是时代的呼唤,勤政廉政永远是人民的期盼。
在生活中,我们要像周那样艰苦朴素。在学习上,我们要向张海迪那样拼搏进取。
少年兴则国兴,少年强则国强。学生肩负着民族和祖国的未来,任重而道远,我们要求学生学习、学习、在学习。用成绩来回报老师辛勤的耕耘,用所学的知识为社会创造财富。
人生有诚信才更加灿烂,世界有了诚信才更加精彩。同学们,为了创造和谐的美好明天,让我们从现在做起,让敬廉崇洁、诚信守法的清风永远飘荡在我们心中,永远飘扬在我们校园的上空吧!
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反腐倡廉对我们来说似乎还过早,但我们正处在人生观、道德观、价值观和世界观的形成阶段,最容易受外来不良思想的侵袭,及早进行廉洁教育,就如同提前为我们筑起一道“防腐墙”,让廉洁“植根”在我们的心田,让我们扬起敬廉崇洁之风,立下勤廉报国之志。读文网小编为大家整理了廉洁教育中学生演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的老师,亲爱的同学们,大家早上好!今天我演讲的题目是“廉洁奉公,遵纪守法”。
所谓廉洁,原意为清白不污,纯正不苟。所谓廉洁教育,就是通过对公民进行廉洁方面的教育,来营造廉洁奉公,诚信守法的社会氛围,以达到规范和约束个体行为的目的。当前,在各个学校开展科学系统的廉洁教育已是全球共识。国家教育部发出的《关于在大中小学全面开展廉洁教育的意见》要求“从2007年起,在全国大中小学校开展廉洁教育。”在《建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系2008-2012年工作规划》中,进一步强调:要按照《关于在大中小学全面开展廉洁教育的意见》,在学校德育教育中深入开展廉洁教育,丰富青少年思想道德实践活动。我们作为有道德的十三中人,更应亲身参与到活动中去。
首先要坚持以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导,全面落实科学发展观,切实贯彻《建立健全教育、制度、监督并重的惩治和预防腐-败体系实施纲要》精神,以社会主义核心价值体系为根本,以社会主义荣辱观为主线,健康成长,努力成为中国特色社会主义事业合格建设者和可靠接班人;其次努力学习加强自身的修养,艰苦奋斗,养成自律的品质,做事有底线,做人有底线,多参加社会实践,在实践中去培养廉洁意思。只有不断加强学习才能提高自身素质和能力,不学习思想就无法进步,能力就无法提高,学习方法就无法改进。许多东西只有静心研读,才能有所思,有所获。活生生的事实还告诉我们,不学习,思想就得不到改造,心就不静,心不静,欲望就容易膨胀,就拒绝不了诱惑,因此,我们必须要经常认真学习,从书本上学,从实践中学,学到真本领。再其次,教师应多参加廉洁专题教育,并组织开展以廉洁教育为主要内容的综合实践活动,通过内容丰富、形式新颖和吸引力强的实践活动来加强自身的修养。通过身边人、身边事来充实自己的信念。
我的演讲到此结束,谢谢。
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震撼人心的英语演讲必然离不开一份优秀的英语演讲稿,读文网小编为大家整理了英语精彩演讲稿3篇,欢迎大家阅读。
Today, I have a speech for everyone, "I grew up with books." Book, allowing you more intelligent; books, textbooks can not tell you things. After reading a book, like a piece of mining wealth. As you book the most loyal friends, but also a one of your other textbooks, books, can tell you that learning, knowledge, life insights, the book that lets you knowledgeable.
What kind of books to choose, often vary from person to person. We can according to their own interests and hobbies, choose suitable reading materials. Of course, a person's interests and hobbies can be adopted to develop the study.
Book back to me a lot of inspiration. I "on its own success" in the know to step up a second time, when to have a normal heart; I am from the "little story of great wisdom" to know a lot of celebrities in the growth of experience and growth allow people to feel admiration for the story.
Book is your friend, your family. As long as you are willing to find that is willing to explore. You must be from the book of Revelation that many textbooks have not learned so much knowledge! Let us work together in the book world book of knowledge as small fish, like sea travel it together!
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一篇好的英语演讲稿能够打动评委的心灵,而且在演讲时也朗朗上口。读文网小编为大家整理了精彩英语励志演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
《Winston Churchill's Iron Curtain Speech》
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, “The Sinews of Peace”.
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
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