为您找到与克林顿总统就职演说相关的共65个结果:
当乔治华盛顿第一次发出我刚才宣誓信守的誓言时,消息缓慢地通过骑马传遍大陆和乘船漂洋过海。而今,这个仪式的情景和声音可以立即向全世界数十亿人广播。以下是读文网小编给大家整理的美国总统克林顿首任就职演说,希望能帮到你!
Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.
This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.
A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.
When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change.
Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals—life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.
Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.
On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America.
And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.
Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.
Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.
When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.
Communications and commerce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is now universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.
Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.
This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom; and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead—we have not made change our friend.
We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.
Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people. We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.
From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.
Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time. Let us embrace it.
Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.
And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift—a new season of American renewal has begun.
To renew America, we must be bold.
We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity.
It will not be easy; it will require sacrifice. But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake. We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.
Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come—the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility.
We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.
It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country.
To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.#p#副标题#e#
This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation. Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.
Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better. And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people. Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America.
Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called "bold, persistent experimentation," a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.
Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.
To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home. There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic—the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race—they affect us all.
Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable. Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers. Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.
While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world. Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.
When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act—with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary. The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.
But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world, we see them embraced—and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America's cause.
The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus. You have cast your votes in historic numbers. And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself. Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring. Now, we must do the work the season demands.
To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office. I ask the Congress to join with me. But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone. My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal. I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service—to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities. There is so much to be done—enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.
In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth—we need each other. And we must care for one another. Today, we do more than celebrate America; we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.
An idea born in revolution and renewed through centuries of challenge. An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate, we—the fortunate and the unfortunate—might have been each other. An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity. An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.
And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done. The scripture says, "And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not."
From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.
Thank you and God bless you all.#p#副标题#e#
译文
同胞们:
今天,我们庆祝振兴美国这件令人感到异常惊奇的事。
尽管这个仪式在隆冬举行,但是,我们所说的话,我们向全世界所显示的面貌,将促使春天的早日来临。春天重新降临到这个世界上最古老的民主国家,它给我们带来了重新塑造美国的构想和勇气。
当我们的缔造者们大胆地向全世界宣布美国的独立,向上帝宣布我们的目的时,他们知道,美国要长久地存在下去,就必须改革。我们不是为改革而改革,而是为了保持美国的理想——生活、自由和追求幸福。虽然我们伴随着时代的乐曲前进,我们的使命却是永恒的。每一代美国人都必须明确作为一个美国人意味着什么。
我的前任布什总统为美国服务了半个世纪,在此,我代表我们的国家向他致以崇高的敬意。
我还要向千百万人民表示感谢,他们以坚定的信念和牺牲战胜了经济萧条、法西斯主义。今天,在冷战的阴影下成长起来的一代人在世界上已肩负起新的责任。这个世界虽然沐浴在自由的阳光下,但仍然面临着旧的仇恨和新的灾祸的威胁。
我们在无与伦比的繁荣中成长,继承了一个仍然是世界上最强大经济,但是,商业失败、工资停滞、不平等加剧,以及我们自己的人民四分五裂,削弱了这个经济。
当乔治华盛顿第一次发出我刚才宣誓信守的誓言时,消息缓慢地通过骑马传遍大陆和乘船漂洋过海。而今,这个仪式的情景和声音可以立即向全世界数十亿人广播。
通讯和商业是全球性的,投资是流动性的,技术几乎是神秘的,而要求改善生活的强烈愿望是全世界人民共同的。今天,我们美国人是和全世界人民在和平竞争中谋求我们的生计。
各种根深蒂固和强大的势力正在动摇和重新塑造我们的世界。我们时代迫切需要解决的问题是,我们能否使改革成为我们的朋友,而不是我们的敌人。
尽管这个新的世界已经使千百万能够在其中竞争并取胜的美国人富裕起来了,但是,在大多数人更加拼命地工作而收入却在减少的时候,在还有人根本找不到工作的时候,在卫生保健费用使许多人倾家荡产、使大大小小的企业行将倒闭的时候,在恐惧犯罪而使奉公守法的公民丧失自由的时候,在千百万贫困儿童甚至难以想象我们正召唤他们去过的那种生活的时候,我们却还没有使改革成为我们的朋友。
我们知道,我们必须正视严酷的现实并且采取有力的措施,但是,我们没有这样做。相反,我们所奉行的是放任自流的政策,这种政策已经削弱了我们的力量,破坏了我们的经济,动摇了我们的信心。
虽然我们的挑战是可畏的,但我们的力量也是可畏的。美国人民从来就是一个不甘寂寞、勇于探索和充满希望的人民。我们必须使我们今天的任务体现我们前人的远见和意志。
从美国革命到南北战争,到大萧条,到民权运动,我们的人民总是下定决心,从这些危机中摆脱出来去建立我们历史的支柱。
托马斯杰斐逊认为,要保持我们国家的基础,我们就需要不时地进行改革。同胞们,这是我们的时代,让我们去拥抱它。
我们的民主制度不仅要为全世界所仰慕,还必须成为我们自我振兴的发动机。美国完全有能力自己解救自己。
因此,今天我们决心结束这个僵持停顿和放任自流的时代。一个振兴美国的新时代已经到来。要振兴美国,我们必须有足够的勇气和胆量。我们必须对自己的人民——对他们的工作和对他们的未来——增加投资,同时削减我们的巨额债务。在一个我们必须靠竞争才能获得每个机会的世界上,我们一定要这样做。虽然,这不是一件轻而易举的事,它需要作出牺牲。但是,我们能够做到,而且能够做得很好。我们不是为了牺牲而牺牲,而是为我们自己的利益而牺牲。我们必须像一个家庭抚育它的孩子那样抚育我们的国家。
我们的缔造者们是从子孙后代的角度来审视他们自己的行为。我们也必须这样做。任何曾经注意过孩子的双眼朦胧进入梦乡的人,都知道后代是什么。后代是未来的世界。为了他们,我们满怀理想。从他们那里,我们借用了这块地球,对他们,我们负有神圣的责任。我们必须尽美国之所能:向所有人提供更多的机会,要求所有人承担更多的责任。
现在,已经到了该破除那种只望政府或别人给予,而自己不愿付出的坏习惯的时候了。让我们大家都担负起更多的责任,不光是为我们自己和我们的家庭,而且是我们的社会和我们的国家。为振兴美国,我们必须给我们的民主制度带来新的活力。
这个美丽的首都,就像文明出现以来的所有首都一样,往往是一个搞阴谋诡计和勾心斗角的地方。达官贵族们玩弄权术、争名夺利,随时都在担心谁进谁出、谁升谁降,忘记了那些用辛勤和汗水把我们送到这里,并为我们承担费用的人。
美国人应当生活得更好。今天,在这座城市里,人们希望把事情办得更好。所以,我要向在场的诸位说,让我们下定决心改革我们的政治,使人民的呼声不再被权力和特权所压倒。让我们抛开个人利益,这样,我们便能感受到美国的痛苦,也看到美国的希望。让我们下定决心,使我们的政府成为一个富兰克林罗斯福所说的,进行“大胆而持久的实验”的地方,即是说,成为一个着眼于未来,而不是留恋过去的政府。让我们把这个首都还给她所属的人民。
为了振兴美国,我们必须迎接来自国内、国外的种种挑战。在什么是国外和什么是国内之间已不再有明确的界线。全球经济、全球环境、全球艾滋病危机和全球军备竞赛,这一切影响着所有的人。
今天,随着旧秩序被打破,新的世界更加自由,但又更加不稳定。共产主义的崩溃激起了旧的仇恨和新的危险。显然,美国必须继续领导这个我们曾经付出巨大努力而创造的世界。
当我们致力于重建美国的时候,我们不会在这个新世界的挑战面前退缩,也不会坐失良机。我们将同我们的朋友和盟国一道,努力确定改革和发展方向,以免被改革所吞没。
当我们的国家利益受到挑战,或者国际社会的意志及公德遭到蔑视的时候,我们将尽可能地通过和平外交手段去解决。必要时也可以诉诸武力。今天,在波斯湾,在索马里,在其他地方,那些为国效力的美国勇士们都证明了我们的决心。
然而,我们最大的实力是我们的思想力量。在许多国家,美国的思想还是一种新生力量。看到这些思想为世界各国所接受,我们感到由衷的高兴。我们的希望、我们的心,我们的手,同五大洲正在建设民主和自由的人民是联在一起的。他们的事业就是美国的事业。
美国人民呼唤我们今天庆祝的变革。你们异口同声地提高了自己的呼声。你们以前所未有的人数参加了投票。你们改变了国会、总统以及政治进程本身的面貌。同胞们,是的,你们已经促使春天提前到来了。现在,我们必须致力于这个时期所赋予我们的任务。
为了这个任务,我将充分行使我的职权。我请求国会同我合作。但是,任何一位总统,任何一个国会,任何一届政府,都无法独自承担这一使命。同胞们,你们也必须在国家的振兴中发挥作用。我要求新一代美国青年按照你们的理想行动起来,帮助困难儿童,同患难者休戚与共,把我们这个四分五裂的社会重新凝为一体,为祖国贡献你们的力量。要做的事情太多——确实足以使千百万精神上依然年轻的其他人也投身其中。
在振兴祖国的事业中,我们认识到一个简单而强有力的真理。我们不仅彼此需要,还必须相互关心。今天,我们不只是在庆祝美国,而且是在重新献身于美国的思想。
这种思想是一种在革命中诞生、经过两个世纪的挑战而获得新生的思想。一种经受过这种认识锤炼的思想,即我们这些幸运者和不幸者,若非因为命运的安排,可能已经变换位置。一种因为这种信念而变得崇高的思想,即相信我们的国家能够从无数的分歧中求得最大程度的团结一致。一种充满信心的思想,即相信美国漫长而英勇的旅程定会永远向上。
为此,同胞们,在即将跨入21世纪的时候,让我们重新开始,鼓起勇气、满怀希望、坚定信念、遵守纪律,把我们的事业进行到底。《圣经》说:“我们行善,不可丧志,只要坚持,终有收获。”
在这个欢庆的高山之巅,我们听到山谷里传来为国效力的召唤。我们听到了号声。我们已经换岗。现在,我们每个人都必须以自己的方式在上帝的帮助下响应这一号召。
谢谢你们。愿上帝保佑大家。
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毫无疑问,我们可以从我们的过去获取力量。但是即便是最辉煌的历史也不足以保证我们拥有更美好的生活。下面读文网小编给大家分享普金总统就职演说(中俄英文对照),欢迎阅读:
Dear citizens of Russia,
Dear friends,
The words of the Presidential Oath have just now been spoken. Now I would like to stress the main idea of the Oath and say: the President’s obligations to look after the state and faithfully serve the people will henceforward be sacred for me and will be above all else as before.
As before, I consider that the help and backing of the citizens of Russia constitute the primary and most reliable support for the President’s work.
Today I would like to thank all those who placed such great trust in me by electing me to the post of head of Russian state and all those who, through their work, made their contribution to the results our country has achieved over these last four years.
As during the previous years, I will work actively, openly and honestly and will do all I can, all that is within my power to justify the hopes that millions of people have placed in me.
* * *
The last four years were not easy years for us all. To be frank, they were years of serious trials. Back then, in 2000, it seemed that we were facing a great number of simply irresolvable problems.
But the people of Russia demonstrated their best qualities as patriots and citizens during these critical moments, coming together in the struggle to ensure the country’s territorial integrity and keep our land united, creating a foundation for Russia’s economic growth through their labor and determined efforts.
Together we have achieved a lot and we have achieved it through our only own efforts.
It was we who achieved high economic growth rates, we who overcame difficult ideological confrontation and are now gradually forging a truly united nation.
It was we who stood firm against the attacks of international terrorism and saved the country from the very real threat of collapse.
Together we have made our Motherland a country that is open to the world, a country that seeks broad and equal cooperation, a country that has strengthened its positions on the international stage and has learned how to use peaceful means to stand up for its lawful interests in a rapidly changing world.
The main objective of the coming four years is now to transform the potential we have built up into a new development energy and to use it to bring about a fundamentally new quality of life for our people and a real, tangible increase in their prosperity.
It is often said here that the head of state in Russia answers and will always answer for everything. This is still the case. But today, although I have a deep awareness of my own personal responsibility, I nevertheless want to emphasize that Russia’s success and prosperity cannot and should not depend on one single person or one political party, or political force alone. We need a broad base for developing democracy in our country and for continuing the transformations we have begun.
It is my conviction that a mature civil society is the best guarantee that this development will continue.
Only free people in a free country can be genuinely successful. This is the foundation for both economic growth and political stability in Russia.
We will do all we can to ensure that everyone here can realize their talents and abilities, to ensure that a genuinely multiparty system develops and that personal freedoms are strengthened. We will make every effort to ensure that all people in Russia have access to good education and social and medical assistance, and that all people have lives free from want and are able to pass on the fruits of their own labor to their children. And, of course, that they could be proud of their strong but peace-loving country and its authority.
Dear friends,
We still have much, very much, to do – for our country, for ourselves and for our children. We have all the opportunities we need to achieve the goals we have set. We have the resources, we have our experience and we have complete understanding of our development priorities which have been tried and tested by the positive practical experience of the last four years. We have enormous creative energy and a people with great intellectual potential.
We all are the inheritors of Russia and its thousand years of history, the inheritors of this land that has given birth to exceptional sons and daughters, workers, warriors, and creators. They have passed down to us this huge, great state.
There is no doubt that we can draw strength from our past. But even the most glorious history is not enough to ensure us a better life. Today’s generations of Russians must reinforce this grandeur through their own acts .
Only then will our descendents be able to feel pride in these pages that we are writing in the history of our great nation.
Thank you for your attention.#p#副标题#e#
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总统肩负着治理国家的重任,而国民是国家命运的真正主宰。希望各位国民与我一起,为祖国的建设献计献策。下面是韩国总统朴槿惠就职演说(中英对照),希望读文网小编整理的对你有用,欢迎阅读:
韩国总统朴槿惠就职演说(中英对照)
尊敬的各位国民、700万海外侨胞们:
我今天站在这里,满怀开创希望新时代的决心与憧憬,正式就任大韩民国第十八任总统。
感谢各位国民赋予我如此重大的历史使命,感谢出席就职仪式的李明博总统、各位前任总统,以及世界各国的恭贺使节和海内外来宾们。
作为大韩民国的总统,我将顺应民意,实现我国经济复兴、国民幸福、文化昌盛的伟大梦想,为建设一个国富民安的大韩民国而不懈努力。
尊敬的各位国民!今天的大韩民国是各位用鲜血与汗水孕育而成的。各位以坚强的意志与魄力完成了我国工业与民主化建设,实现了伟大的历史变革。“汉江奇迹”的出现正是因为有你们,那些在德国矿山里,在中东沙漠中,在零下几十度的战争前线坚守的人们,千千万万为家庭与祖国奉献一生的我国国民。感谢你们!
尊敬的各位国民!在风云激荡的近代史中,大韩民国在苦难与逆境中奋发崛起,走向现代。然而当前全球经济危机余波未平,朝鲜核问题悬而未决,资本主义市场面临新的挑战。克服危机需要努力开拓新的道路,这谈何容易!但是我相信我们的国民,相信我国国民在困难时期所迸发出的坚强、勇气与活力。
让我们携手面对挑战,共同开创希望的新时代,创造我国“第二个汉江奇迹”!在希望的新时代里,个人的幸福推动国家综合实力的提升,而一个强大的国家则永远属于建设她的国民。
尊敬的各位国民!新一届政府将通过经济复兴、国民幸福、文化昌盛三大梦想的实现开创一个新的时代。首先,为实现经济复兴,政府将大力推进创造经济和经济民主化的建设。其次,为实现国民幸福,政府将进一步增加社会福利,确保人人老有所养、少有所乐。最后,在文化昌盛方面,将加强精神文化建设,营造一个文化气息浓郁的社会环境。
韩国总统朴槿惠就职演说
尊敬的各位国民!从今天起,我将正式履行大韩民国第十八任总统的职责。总统肩负着治理国家的重任,而国民是国家命运的真正主宰。希望各位国民与我一起,为祖国的建设献计献策。
新一届政府即将扬帆起航,国家发展与国民幸福紧密相连。唯有政府与国民相互信任、相互扶持,未来的路才能越走越好。我将全力打造一个公开透明、务实有为的政府,坚决维护民众对政府的信赖。
尊敬的各位国民,希望各位在做好本职工作的同时,对他人、对社会多一份温情与责任。这是我们不变的传统美德与民族精神,也是资本主义社会迷失途中的指向标。
尊敬的各位国民!希望各位与我一起,与政府一起,共同开创希望的新时代,重现新时代的“汉江奇迹”!
Inauguration Address by President Park Geun-hye
Feb 25, 2013
My fellow Koreans and seven million fellow compatriots overseas,
As I take office as the 18th-term President of the Republic of Korea, I stand before you today determined to open a new era of hope.
I am profoundly grateful to the Korean people for entrusting this historic mission to me. I also thank President Lee Myung-bak, former Presidents, dignitaries who have come from abroad to celebrate this occasion, and other distinguished guests for their presence.
As President of the Republic of Korea, I will live up to the will of the people by achieving economic rejuvenation, the happiness of the people, and the flourishing of our culture.
I will do my utmost to building a Republic of Korea that is prosperous and where happiness is felt by all Koreans.
Fellow citizens,
The Republic of Korea as we know it today has been built on the blood, toil, and sweat of the people.
We have written a new history of extraordinary achievement combining industrialization and democratization based on the unwavering “can do” spirit of our people and matching resolve.
The Korean saga that is often referred to as the “Miracle on the Han River” was written on the heels of our citizens who worked tirelessly in the mines of Germany, in the torrid deserts of the Middle East, in factories and laboratories where the lights were never turned off, and in the freezing frontlines safeguarding our national defense.
This miracle was only possible due to the outstanding caliber of our people and their unstinting devotion to both family and country.
I pay my heartfelt tribute to all fellow Koreans who have made the Republic of Korea what it is today.
Fellow citizens,
Throughout the vortex of our turbulent contemporary history we always prevailed over countless hardships and adversities.
Today, we are confronted anew with a global economic crisis and outstanding security challenges such as North Korea’s nuclear threat.
At the same time, capitalism confronts new challenges in the aftermath of the global financial crisis. The tasks we face today are unlike any we have confronted before. And they can only be overcome by charting a new pathway by ourselves.
Forging a new path is seldom an easy task.
But I have faith in the Korean people.
I believe in their resilience and the potential of our dynamic nation.
And so I pledge to embark on the making of a “Second Miracle on the Han River” premised on a new era of hope hand-in-hand with the Korean people.
I will usher in a new era of hope whereby the happiness of each citizen becomes the bedrock of our nation’s strength which in turn is shared by and benefits all Koreans.
Economic Revival
My fellow countrymen,
Today, I would like to propose a new way forward fostered on a mutually reinforcing cycle of national advancement and the happiness of our people.
The new administration will usher in a new era of hope premised on a revitalizing economy, the happiness of our people, and the blossoming of our culture.
To begin with, economic revitalization is going to be propelled by a creative economy and economic democratization.
Across the world, we are witnessing an economic paradigm shift.
A creative economy is defined by the convergence of science and technology with industry, the fusion of culture with industry, and the blossoming of creativity in the very borders that were once permeated by barriers.
It is about going beyond the rudimentary expansion of existing markets, and creating new markets and new jobs by building on the bedrock of convergence.
At the very heart of a creative economy lie science technology and the IT industry, areas that I have earmarked as key priorities.
I will raise our science and technology to world-class levels. And a creative economy will be brought to fruition by applying the results of such endeavors across the board.
The new administration’s Ministry of Future Planning and Science will be tasked to lead the emergence of a creative economy in tandem with this new paradigm.
People are the nucleus of a creative economy. We live in an age where a single individual can raise the value of an entire nation and even help in rescuing the economy.
New opportunities to serve their country will be opened to numerous talented Koreans thriving across the global village. And to those who are equally enabled at the home front, efforts will be enhanced to allow them to become convergence leaders imbued with creativity and passion as pillars of a future Korea.
In order for a creative economy to truly blossom, economic democratization must be achieved.
I believe strongly that only when a fair market is firmly in place ,can everyone dream of a better future and work to their fullest potential.
One of my critical economic goals is to ensure that anyone that works hard can stand on their own two feet and where, through the support of policies designed to strengthen small and medium-sized enterprises, such businesses can prosper alongside large companies.
By rooting out various unfair practices and rectifying the misguided habits of the past which have frustrated small business owners and small and medium-sized enterprises, we will provide active support to ensure that everyone can live up to their fullest potential, regardless of where they work or what they do for a living.
It is precisely when the major players in our economy come together as one and pool their strengths that we can bring happiness to the people and enhance our nation’s competitiveness.
It is on this foundation that I will breathe new energy into our economy and realize a “Second Miracle on the Han River” that culminates in the happiness of the Korean people.
Happiness of the People
Fellow Koreans,
No matter how much the country advances, such gains would be meaningless if the lives of the people remained insecure.
A genuine era of happiness is only possible when we aren’t clouded by the uncertainties of aging and when bearing and raising children is truly considered a blessing.
No citizen should be left to fear that he or she might not be able to meet the basic requirements of life.
A new paradigm of tailored welfare will free citizens from anxieties and allow them to prosper in their own professions, maximize their potentials, and also contribute to the nation’s development.
I believe that enabling people to fulfill their dreams and opening a new era of hope begins with education.
We need to provide active support so that education brings out the best of an individual’s latent abilities and we need to establish a new system that fosters national development through the stepping stones of each individual’s capabilities.
There is a saying that someone you know is not as good as someone you like, and someone you like is not as good as someone you enjoy being with.
The day of true happiness will only come when an increasing number of people are able to enjoy what they learn, and love what they do.
The most important asset for any country is its people.
The future holds little promise when individual ability is stifled and when the only name of the game is rigid competition that smothers creativity.
Ever since childhood, I have held the conviction that harnessing the potential of every student will be the force that propels a nation forward.
Our educational system will be improved so that students can discover their talents and strengths, fulfill their precious dreams and are judged on that bases. This will enable them to make the best use of their talent upon entering society.
There is no place for an individual’s dreams, talents or hopes in a society where everything is determined by one’s academic background and list of credentials.
We will transform our society from one that stresses academic credentials to one that is merit-based so that each individual’s dreams and flair can bear fruit.
It goes without saying that protecting the lives and ensuring the safety of the people is a critical element of a happy nation.
The new government will focus its efforts on building a safe society where women, people with disabilities, or anyone else for that matter, can feel at ease as they carry on with their lives, no matter where they are in the country.
We will build a society where fair laws prevail rather than the heavy hand of power and where the law serves as a shield of justice for society’s underprivileged.
A Flourishing Culture
Fellow Koreans!
In the 21st century, culture is power. It is an era where an individual’s imagination becomes creative contents.
Across the world, the “Korean Wave” is welcomed with great affection that not only triggers happiness and joy but one that instills abiding pride in all Koreans.
This is a result of a foundation created by the convergence of both tangible and intangible heritages of five thousand years of Korea’s cultural splendor as well as our spiritual ethos.
The new administration will elevate the sanctity of our spiritual ethos so that they can permeate every facet of society and in so doing, enable all of our citizens to enjoy life enriched by culture.
We will harness the innate value of culture in order to heal social conflicts and bridging cultural divides separating different regions, generations, and social strata.
We will build a nation that becomes happier through culture, where culture becomes a fabric of daily life, and a welfare system that embodies cultural values.
Creative activities across wide-ranging genres will be supported, while the contents industry which merges culture with advanced technology will be nurtured. In so doing, we will ignite the engine of a creative economy and create new jobs.
Together with the Korean people we will foster a new cultural renaissance or a culture that transcends ethnicity and languages, overcomes ideologies and customs, contributes to the peaceful development of humanity, and is connected by the ability to share happiness.
My Fellow Koreans,
Happiness can only flourish when people feel comfortable and secure. I pledge to you today that I will not tolerate any action that threatens the lives of our people and the security of our nation.
North Korea’s recent nuclear test is a challenge to the survival and future of the Korean people, and there should be no mistake that the biggest victim will be none other than North Korea itself.
I urge North Korea to abandon its nuclear ambitions without delay and embark on the path to peace and shared development.
It is my sincere hope that North Korea can progress together as a responsible member of the international community instead of wasting its resources on nuclear and missile development and continuing to turn its back to the world in self-imposed isolation.
There is no doubt that we are faced today with an extremely serious security environment but neither can we afford to remain where we are.
Through a trust-building process on the Korean Peninsula I intend to lay the groundwork for an era of harmonious unification where all Koreans can lead more prosperous and freer lives and where their dreams can come true.
I will move forward step-by-step on the basis of credible deterrence to build trust between the South and the North.
Trust can be built through dialogue and by honoring promises that have already been made. It is my hope that North Korea will abide by international norms and make the right choice so that the trust-building process on the Korean Peninsula can move forward.
The era of happiness that I envision is one that simultaneously unlocks an era of happiness on the Korean Peninsula while also contributing to ushering in an era of happiness throughout the global community.
To ease tensions and conflicts and further spread peace and cooperation in Asia, I will work to strengthen trust with countries in the region including the United States, China, Japan, Russia and other Asian and Oceanic countries.
Moreover, I envision a Korea that shares more deeply the travails of others while also contributing to the resolution of key global issues.
Fellow citizens!
Today I assume my duties as the 18th-term President of the Republic of Korea. Let me assure you that I will journey with the people who have bestowed this tremendous responsibility upon me to truly open a new era of hope.
The responsibility for governing the nation falls on the shoulders of the President, and the fate of the nation is determined by the people. I ask for your strength and support as we take the Republic of Korea on a new path.
We stand on the threshold of a new era where our nation and people must walk in unison and where the nation’s development and the people’s happiness jointly form a virtuous cycle.
The success of our journey hinges on mutual confidence and trust between the government and the people, and their ability to move forward in partnership.
I will earn the trust of the people by ensuring that our government remains clean, transparent and competent. I will endeavor to shed popular distrust of government and strive to elevate the capital of trust.
I humbly ask for your support, wherever you may be, not only in the service of your own individual interests, but also in answering the call of the common good.
In the needy days of our past, we shared with each other whatever we had. Even in the midst of their hardship, our ancestors had the generosity of mind to leave aside a few persimmons for the magpies during the harvest season. We are a people that had long led a life of communal sharing.
Reviving that spirit once again and building a society flowing with responsibility and consideration for others will allow us to be confident that a new era of happiness that all of us dream of is truly within our reach.
Such a spirit will offer a new model for capitalism that is in search of a new compass and set an example for addressing the uncertain future that confronts our world.
I ask that you place your trust in me and my government, and join us along the path to a new future.
Let us all work together towards a new era of happiness and hope, so that we can all become partners in another miracle or a new chapter in the “Miracle on the Han River.”
Thank you very much.
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托马斯•杰斐逊认为,为了维护我国的根基,我们需要时常进行激动人心的变革。下面读文网小编给大家分享美国总统克林顿就职演讲,欢迎阅读:
January 20, 1993
My fellow citizens :
Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.
This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring. A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.
When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change. Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals; life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.
On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America. And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.
Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.
Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.
When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.
Communications and commerce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is now universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.
Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.
This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom; and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.
We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.
Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people. We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.
From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.
Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time. Let us embrace it.
Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.
And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift; a new season of American renewal has begun. To renew America, we must be bold. We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity. It will not be easy; it will require sacrifice. But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake. We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.
Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come; the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility. We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.
It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country. To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.
This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation. Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.
Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better. And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people. Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America. Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called "bold, persistent experimentation," a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays. Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.
To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home. There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic; the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race; they affect us all.
Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable. Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers. Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.
While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world. Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.
When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act; with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary. The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.
But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America's cause.
The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus. You have cast your votes in historic numbers. And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself. Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring. Now, we must do the work the season demands.
To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office. I ask the Congress to join with me. But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone. My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal. I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service; to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities. There is so much to be done; enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.
In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other. And we must care for one another. Today, we do more than celebrate America; we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.
An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge. An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other. An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity. An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.
And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done. The scripture says, "And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not."
From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.
Thank you, and God bless you all.
比尔•克林顿 第一次就职演讲
星期三,1993年1月20日
同胞们:
今天,我们庆祝美国复兴的奇迹。这个仪式虽在隆冬举行,然而,我们通过自己的言语和向世界展示的面容、却促使春回大地--回到了世界上这个最古老的民主国家,并带来了重新创造美国的远见和勇气。
当我国的缔造者勇敢地向世界宣布美国独立,并向上帝表明自 己的目的时,他们知道,美国若要永存,就必须变革。不是为变革而变革,而是为了维护美国的理想--为了生命、自由和追求幸福而变革。尽管我们随着当今时代 的节拍前进,但我们的使命永恒不变。每一代美国人,部必须为作为一个美国人意味着什么下定义。今天,在冷战阴影下成长起来的一代人,在世界上负起了新的责 任。这个世界虽然沐浴着自由的阳光,但仍受到旧仇宿怨和新的祸患的威胁。
我们在无与伦比的繁荣中长大,继承了仍然是世界上最强大的经济。但由于企业倒闭,工资增长停滞、不平等状况加剧,人民的分歧加深,我们的经济已经削弱。
当乔治•华盛顿第一次宣读我刚才宜读的誓言时,人们骑马把 那个信息缓慢地传遍大地,继而又来船把它传过海洋。而现在,这个仪式的情景和声音即刻向全球几十亿人播放。通信和商务具有全球性,投资具有流动性;技术几 乎具有魔力;改善生活的理想现在具有普遍性。今天,我们美国人通过同世界各地人民进行和平竞争来谋求生存。各种深远而强大的力量正在震撼和改造我们的世 界,当今时代的当务之急是我们能否使变革成为我们的朋友,而不是成为我们的敌人。
这个新世界已经使几百万能够参与竞争并且取胜的美国人过上 了富裕的生活。但是,当多数人干得越多反而挣得越少的时候,当有些人根本不可能工作的时候,当保健费用的重负使众多家庭不堪承受、使大大小小的企业濒临破 产的时候,当犯罪活动的恐惧使守法公民不能自由行动的时候,当千百万贫穷儿童甚至不能想象我们呼唤他们过的那种生活的时候,我们就没有使变革成为我们的朋 友。我们知道,我们必须面对严酷的事实真相,并采取强有力的步骤。但我们没有这样做,而是听之任之,以致损耗了我们的资源,破坏了我们的经济,动摇了我们 的信心。
我们面临惊人的挑战,但我们同样具有惊人的力量,美国人历来是不安现状、不断追求和充满希望的民族,今天,我们必须把前人的远见卓识和坚强意志带到我们的任务中去。从革命,内战,大萧条,直到民权运动,我国人民总是下定决心,从历次危机中构筑我国历史的支柱。
托马斯•杰斐逊认为,为了维护我国的根基,我们需要时常进行激动人心的变革。美国同胞们,我们的时代就是变革的时代,让我们拥抱这个时代吧!
我们的民主制度不仅要成为举世称羡的目标,而且要成为举国复兴的动力。美国没有任何错误的东西不能被正确的东西所纠正。因此,我们今天立下誓言,要结束这个僵持停顿、放任自流的时代,一个复兴美国的新时代已经开始。
我们要复兴美国,就必须鼓足勇气。我们必须做前人无需做的 事情。我们必须更多地投资于人民,投资于他们的工作和未来,与此同时,我们必须减少巨额债务。而且,我们必须在一个需要为每个机会而竞争的世界上做到这一 切。这样做并不容易:这样做要求作出牺牲。但是,这是做得到的,而且能做得公平合理。我们不是为牺牲而牺牲,我们必须像家庭供养子女那样供养自己的国家。
我国的缔造者是用子孙后代的眼光来审视自己的。我们也必须 这样做。凡是注意过孩子蒙?o人睡的人,都知道后代意味着什么,后代就是将要到来的世界--我们为之坚持自己的理想,我们向之借用这个星球,我们对之负有 神圣的责任。我们必须做美国最拿手的事情:为所有的人提供更多的机会,要所有的人负起更多的责任。
现在是破除只求向政府和别人免费索取的恶习的时候了。让我们大家不仅为自己和家庭,而且为社区和国家担负起更多的责任吧。
我们要复兴美国,就必须恢复我们民主制度的活力。这个美丽的首都,就像文明的曙光出现以来的每一个首都一样,常常是尔虞我诈、明争暗斗之地。大腕人物争权夺势,没完没了地为官员的更替升降而烦神,却忘记了那些用辛勤和汗水把我们送到这里来,并养活了我们的人。
美国人理应得到更好的回报。在这个城市里,今天有人想把事 情办得更好一些。因此,我要时所有在场的人说:让我们下定决心改革政治,使权力和特权的喧嚣不再压倒人民的呼声。让我们撇开个人利益。这样我们就能觉察美 国的病痛,并看到官的希望。让我们下定决心,使政府成为富兰克林•罗斯福所说的进行"大胆而持久试验"的地方,成为一个面向未来而不是留恋过去的政府。让 我们把这个首都归还给它所属于的人民。
我们要复兴美国,就必须迎接国内外的种种挑战。国外和国内事务之间已不再有明确的界限--世界经济,世界环境,世界艾滋病危机,世界军备竞赛,这一切都在影响着我们大家。
我们在国内进行重建的同时,面对这个新世界的挑战不会退缩不前,也下会坐失良机。我们将同盟友一起努力进行变革,以免被变革所吞没。当我们的重要利益受到挑战,或者,当国际社会的意志和良知受到蔑视,我们将采取行动--可能时就采用和平外交手段,必要时就使用武力。
今天,在波斯湾、索马里和任何其他地方为国效力的勇敢的美国人,都证明了我们的决心。
但是,我们最伟大的力量是我们思想的威力。这些思想在许多国家仍然处于萌芽阶段。看到这些思想在世界各地被接受,我们感到欢欣鼓舞。我们的希望,我们的心,与每一个大陆正在建立民主和自由的人们是连在一起的。他们的事业也是美国的事业。
美国人民唤来了我们今天所庆祝的变革。你们毫不含糊地齐声疾呼。你们以前所未有的人数参加了投票。你们使国会、总统职务和政治进程本身全都面目一新。是的,是你们,我的美国同胞们,促使春回大地。
现在,我们必须做这个季节需要做的工作。现在,我就运用我的全部职权转向这项工作。我请求国会同我一道做这项工作。任何总统、任何国会、任何政府都不能单独完成这一使命。同胞们,在我国复兴的过程中,你们也必须发挥作用。
我向新一代美国年轻人挑战,要求你们投入这一奉献的季节--按照你们的理想主义行动起来,使不幸的儿童得到帮助,使贫困的人们得到关怀,使四分五裂的社区恢复联系。要做的事情很多--确实够多的,以至几百万在精神上仍然年轻的人也可作出奉献。
在奉献过程中,我们认识到相互需要这一简单而又强大的真 理。我们必须相互关心.今天,我们不仅是在赞颂美国,我们再一次把自己奉献给美国的理想:这个理想在革命中诞生,在两个世纪的挑战中更新;这个理想经受了 认识的考验,大家认识到,若不是命运的安排,幸运者或不幸者有可能互换位置;这个理想由于一种信念而变得崇高,即我国能够从纷繁的多佯性中实现最深刻的统 一性,这个理想洋溢着一种信:美国漫长而英勇的旅程必将永远继续。同胞们,在我恻即将跨入21世纪之际,让我们以旺盛的精力和满腔的希望,以坚定的信心和 严明的纪律开始工作,直到把工作完成。《圣经》说:"我们行善,不可丧志,若不灰心,到了时候,就要收成。"
在这个欢乐的山巅,我们听见山谷里传来了要我们作出奉献的召唤。我们听到了号角声。我们已经换岗。现在,我们必须以各自的方式,在上帝的帮助下响应这一召唤。
谢谢大家。上帝保佑大家。
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下面是美国总统克林顿两届就职演讲稿,希望读文网小编整理的对你有用,欢迎阅读:
The Second Inaugural Address by Bill Clinton
January 20, 1997
My fellow citizens :
At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the challenges that await us in the next century. It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs, a moment that will define our course, and our character, for decades to come. We must keep our old democracy forever young. Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new promise.
The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal. It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.
Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the American Century.
And what a century it has been. America became the world's mightiest industrial power; saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war; and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.
Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age; built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all; split the atom and explored the heavens; invented the computer and the microchip; and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women.
Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose. We began the 19th century with a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast. We began the 20th century with a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency. Those choices made all the difference.
At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.
When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today. We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.
In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement. America stands alone as the world's indispensable nation. Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment. Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.
And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government. Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution. We,- the American people, we are the solution. Our founders understood that well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.
As times change, so government must change. We need a new government for a new century - humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves; a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less. Yet where it can stand up for our values and interests in the world, and where it can give Americans the power to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less. The preeminent mission of our new government is to give all Americans an opportunity,- not a guarantee, but a real opportunity to build better lives.
Beyond that, my fellow citizens, the future is up to us. Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship. And we need a new sense of responsibility for a new century. There is work to do, work that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read; hiring people off welfare rolls; coming out from behind locked doors and shuttered windows to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime; taking time out of our own lives to serve others.
Each and every one of us, in our own way, must assume personal responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation. Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a new century. For any one of us to succeed, we must succeed as one America.
The challenge of our past remains the challenge of our future, will we be one nation, one people, with one common destiny, or not? Will we all come together, or come apart?
The divide of race has been America's constant curse. And each new wave of immigrants gives new targets to old prejudices. Prejudice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or political conviction are no different. These forces have nearly destroyed our nation in the past. They plague us still. They fuel the fanaticism of terror. And they torment the lives of millions in fractured nations all around the world.
These obsessions cripple both those who hate and, of course, those who are hated, robbing both of what they might become. We cannot, we will not, succumb to the dark impulses that lurk in the far regions of the soul everywhere. We shall overcome them. And we shall replace them with the generous spirit of a people who feel at home with one another.
Our rich texture of racial, religious and political diversity will be a Godsend in the 21st century. Great rewards will come to those who can live together, learn together, work together, forge new ties that bind together.
As this new era approaches we can already see its broad outlines. Ten years ago, the Internet was the mystical province of physicists; today, it is a commonplace encyclopedia for millions of schoolchildren. Scientists now are decoding the blueprint of human life. Cures for our most feared illnesses seem close at hand.
The world is no longer divided into two hostile camps. Instead, now we are building bonds with nations that once were our adversaries. Growing connections of commerce and culture give us a chance to lift the fortunes and spirits of people the world over. And for the very first time in all of history, more people on this planet live under democracy than dictatorship.
My fellow Americans, as we look back at this remarkable century, we may ask, can we hope not just to follow, but even to surpass the achievements of the 20th century in America and to avoid the awful bloodshed that stained its legacy? To that question, every American here and every American in our land today must answer a resounding "Yes."
This is the heart of our task. With a new vision of government, a new sense of responsibility, a new spirit of community, we will sustain America's journey. The promise we sought in a new land we will find again in a land of new promise.#p#副标题#e#
In this new land, education will be every citizen's most prized possession. Our schools will have the highest standards in the world, igniting the spark of possibility in the eyes of every girl and every boy. And the doors of higher education will be open to all. The knowledge and power of the Information Age will be within reach not just of the few, but of every classroom, every library, every child. Parents and children will have time not only to work, but to read and play together. And the plans they make at their kitchen table will be those of a better home, a better job, the certain chance to go to college.
Our streets will echo again with the laughter of our children, because no one will try to shoot them or sell them drugs anymore. Everyone who can work, will work, with today's permanent under class part of tomorrow's growing middle class. New miracles of medicine at last will reach not only those who can claim care now, but the children and hardworking families too long denied.
We will stand mighty for peace and freedom, and maintain a strong defense against terror and destruction. Our children will sleep free from the threat of nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. Ports and airports, farms and factories will thrive with trade and innovation and ideas. And the world's greatest democracy will lead a whole world of democracies.
Our land of new promise will be a nation that meets its obligations, a nation that balances its budget, but never loses the balance of its values. A nation where our grandparents have secure retirement and health care, and their grandchildren know we have made the reforms necessary to sustain those benefits for their time. A nation that fortifies the world's most productive economy even as it protects the great natural bounty of our water, air, and majestic land.
And in this land of new promise, we will have reformed our politics so that the voice of the people will always speak louder than the din of narrow interests, regaining the participation and deserving the trust of all Americans.
Fellow citizens, let us build that America, a nation ever moving forward toward realizing the full potential of all its citizens. Prosperity and power, yes, they are important, and we must maintain them. But let us never forget: The greatest progress we have made, and the greatest progress we have yet to make, is in the human heart. In the end, all the world's wealth and a thousand armies are no match for the strength and decency of the human spirit.
Thirty-four years ago, the man whose life we celebrate today spoke to us down there, at the other end of this Mall, in words that moved the conscience of a nation. Like a prophet of old, he told of his dream that one day America would rise up and treat all its citizens as equals before the law and in the heart. Martin Luther King's dream was the American Dream. His quest is our quest: the ceaseless striving to live out our true creed. Our history has been built on such dreams and labors. And by our dreams and labors we will redeem the promise of America in the 21st century.
To that effort I pledge all my strength and every power of my office. I ask the members of Congress here to join in that pledge. The American people returned to office a President of one party and a Congress of another. Surely, they did not do this to advance the politics of petty bickering and extreme partisanship they plainly deplore. No, they call on us instead to be repairers of the breach, and to move on with America's mission.
America demands and deserves big things from us,- and nothing big ever came from being small. Let us remember the timeless wisdom of Cardinal Bernardin, when facing the end of his own life. He said, "It is wrong to waste the precious gift of time, on acrimony and division."
Fellow citizens, we must not waste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end. But the journey of our America must go on.
And so, my fellow Americans, we must be strong, for there is much to dare. The demands of our time are great and they are different. Let us meet them with faith and courage, with patience and a grateful and happy heart. Let us shape the hope of this day into the noblest chapter in our history. Yes, let us build our bridge. A bridge wide enough and strong enough for every American to cross over to a blessed land of new promise.
May those generations whose faces we cannot yet see, whose names we may never know, say of us here that we led our beloved land into a new century with the American Dream alive for all her children; with the American promise of a more perfect union a reality for all her people; with America's bright flame of freedom spreading throughout all the world.
From the height of this place and the summit of this century, let us go forth. May God strengthen our hands for the good work ahead, and always, always bless our America.
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我们一直想重振俄罗斯雄风,让俄罗斯在世界舞台上能够得到超级大国的地位。接下来由读文网小编为大家推荐普金总统的就职演说,希望对你有所帮助!
2012-05-07,俄罗斯新任总统普京7日在首都莫斯科的克里姆林宫发表讲话并宣誓就职。普京表示,我们一直想重振俄罗斯雄风,让俄罗斯在世界舞台上能够得到超级大国的地位。
普京说,刚刚我已经郑重向俄罗斯人民宣誓,我将把捍卫国家的利益和人民的人权、全心全意为人民服务视为我永远至上和神圣的职责,我不会辜负上百万俄罗斯民众对我的期待,我将用毕生精力为捍卫俄罗斯和服务人民而努力。我们在一起走过特别困难的时期,正是由于这些困难,让我们更加团结。现在取得的成绩都是大家通力合作的结果。我想感谢所有为了国家发展和让人民生活更好而做出贡献的人们,俄罗斯在过去这些年经济已经有明显改善,社会各方面也有了改善。梅德韦杰夫在任期间取得了很多成绩,所以我要感谢他,也要祝愿他在新岗位取得新成绩。在未来6年我们将继续把捍卫国家和人民权益视为最重要工作任务,在经济方面要促进经济大幅增张,这一目标离不开所有人合作和努力。
普京表示,我们一直想重振俄罗斯雄风,让俄罗斯在世界舞台上能够得到超级大国的地位。我们要捍卫俄罗斯的民主,扩大人权的自由,经济的自由。我们有自己的特点,俄罗斯是一个多民族,多宗教信仰的国家。对于这样一个国家来说,捍卫国家凝聚力是非常重要的任务。只有在非常稳定、非常良好的文化和社会基础下,才能渡过一个又一个难关。
普京最后强调,如果我们每一个人都能热爱祖国、热爱我们的人民,想要把俄罗斯变成世界大国,使人民生活更好,那么我们就会走得更顺。俄罗斯是一个民主的国家,在这样一个国家内,我希望能够通过自己的努力,能够让每个人各司其职,各尽其能。我非常确认,我和我的同仁们有共同的目标,那就是让俄罗斯大步地发展,让国家更加公正、公平。我们的国家在历史上创造过许多辉煌,正是由于这样的历史,我们的人民才能创造一个又一个的奇迹。感谢在座的各位。
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以下读文网小编整理的克林顿总统英语演讲稿,供大家参考,希望大家能够有所收获!
First, I'd like to thank the commission and my opponents for participating in these debates and making them possible. I think the real winners of the debates were the American people. I was especially moved in Richmond a few days ago, when 209 of our fellow citizens got to ask us questions. They went a long way toward reclaiming this election for the American people and taking their country back. I want to say, since this is the last time, I'll be on platform with my opponents, that even though, I disagree with Mr. Perot on how fast we can reduce the deficit and how much we can increase taxes in the middle class, I really respect what he's done in this campaign to bring the issue of deficit reduction to our attention. I'd like to say that Mr. Bush even though I have got profound differences with him, I do honor his service to our country. I appreciate his efforts and I wish him well. I just believe it's time to change.
I offer a new approach. It's not trickle-down economics. It's been tried for 12 years and it's failed. More people are working harder, for less, 100,000 people a month losing their health insurance, unemployment going up, our economics slowing down. We can do better, and it's not tax and spend economics. It's invest and grow, put our people first, control health care costs and provide basic health care to all Americans, have an education system second to none, and revitalize the private economy. That is my commitment to you. It is the kind of change that can open up a whole world of opportunities toward the 21st century.
I want a country where people, who work hard and play by the rules, are rewarded, not punished. I want a country where people are coming together across the lines of race and region and income. I know we can do better. It won't take miracles and it won't happen overnight, but we can do much, much better, if we have the courage to change.
Thank you very much.
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接下来由读文网小编为大家推荐美国总统乔治 布什2001年就职演说,希望对你有所帮助!
January 20, 2001
President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:
The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation; and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story. A story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story. A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws; and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along; and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth; and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation; and this is my solemn pledge, "I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity." I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them; and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character. America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness. Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small. But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous. Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives; we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent; we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans; we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge; and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests; we will show purpose without arrogance; we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength; and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.#p#副标题#e#
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise. Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love. The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls. Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless. Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws. Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. I can pledge our nation to a goal, "When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side."
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected. Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom. Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone. I will live and lead by these principles, "to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well." In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens. Citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?" Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, "our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity."
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose. Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
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乔治·沃克·布什,是美国第43任总统(第54-55届)。那么你想知道美国总统小布什在就职时是怎么发言的?以下是读文网小编给大家分享了美国总统小布什就职演说中英文,希望大家有帮助。
Following one of the most controversial presidential elections in United States history, newly elected president George W. Bush gave the following inaugural address on January 20, 2001, in Washington, D.C. After thanking his opponent in the election, Democratic vice president Al Gore,“for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace,” the Republican Bush went on to echo many of the themes of his campaign, including his philosophy of “compassionate conservatism.(温情保守主义)”
President Clinton, distinguished guests, and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story—a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story—a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion, and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens; not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?”
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
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俄罗斯是一个民主的国家,在这样的一个国家内,我希望通过我的努力能够让每个人都能够各尽其职,各思其能。以下是读文网小编给大家整理的俄罗斯总统普金就职演说,希望能帮到你!
普京说,对于我来说刚刚我已经郑重的向全俄罗斯的民众宣誓,我将把捍卫国家的利益还有人民的人权,全心全意的为人民服务永远是视为我最为神圣而至上的这样一个职责,我不会辜负我们俄罗斯民众几百万人对我的这样一份厚爱和期待。我将用我毕生的精力去捍卫俄罗斯、服务人民而努力。
我们在一起经历很多,我们共同走过以前特别困难的那一段历史,也正是由于这些困难,我们所有的这些人变得更加的团结,我们永远站在一起。
那么现在,我们取得了一些成绩,我想说这都是我们大家通力合作的结果,我非常想感谢所有的人,所有那些为了我们的国家发展,人民生活更好而做出贡献的人们。那么现在,俄罗斯在过去这些年当中,我们的经济已经有了很明显的改善,社会各方面也有了一定的改善,在梅德韦杰夫上任总统执政期间,俄罗斯社会各个方面都取得了一定的成绩,所以我要感谢他。
我也是要祝愿梅德韦杰夫在新的这样一个岗位上,能够取得新的成绩。
我们在未来的六年当中,我将会继续的把捍卫国家权益、人民权益视为最重要的工作任务。那么在经济方面保持经济的大幅增长,这一项目标是离不开大家所有人的通力合作和努力的,我们一直想重振俄罗斯的雄风,让俄罗斯在世界的舞台上能够得到超级大国这样一个地位。
我们也要捍卫俄罗斯的民主,扩大人权的自由还有经济的自由,我们俄罗斯有自己的特点,因为它是多民族、多宗教信仰,所以我想对于这样一个国家来说,捍卫这个国家的凝聚力是一个非常重要的任务。那么只有在非常稳定的、非常良好的这样一个文化和社会的基础下,我们才能渡过一个又一个的难关。
我想说,如果我们每一个人都能够热爱我们的祖国,热爱我们的人民,在把俄罗斯变成世界大国,使人民生活得更好的这条道路上,我们就会走得更顺。俄罗斯是一个民主的国家,在这样的一个国家内,我希望通过我的努力能够让每个人都能够各尽其职,各思其能。我非常相信、确认我跟我的这些同仁们我们有共同的目标,那就是让俄罗斯能够大步的发展,能够让国家更加的公正、更加的公平,那么我们的国家在历史上创造了这样辉煌的一页又一页,正是由于这样辉煌的历史,我们的人民才能创造一个又一个的奇迹,我很感谢在座的各位,谢谢大家。
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同胞们,让我们建设这样的美国,一个永远前进,以充分发挥全民潜力的国家。下面是读文网小编为大家整理的美国总统克林顿连任就职演讲稿,希望大家能够从中有所收获!
The Second Inaugural Address by Bill Clinton
January 20, 1997
My fellow citizens :
At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the challenges that await us in the next century. It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs, a moment that will define our course, and our character, for decades to come. We must keep our old democracy forever young. Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new promise.
The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal. It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.
Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the American Century.
And what a century it has been. America became the world's mightiest industrial power; saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war; and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.
Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age; built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all; split the atom and explored the heavens; invented the computer and the microchip; and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women.
Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose. We began the 19th century with a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast. We began the 20th century with a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency. Those choices made all the difference.
At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.
When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today. We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.
In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement. America stands alone as the world's indispensable nation. Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment. Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.
And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government. Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution. We,- the American people, we are the solution. Our founders understood that well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.
As times change, so government must change. We need a new government for a new century - humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves; a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less. Yet where it can stand up for our values and interests in the world, and where it can give Americans the power to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less. The preeminent mission of our new government is to give all Americans an opportunity,- not a guarantee, but a real opportunity to build better lives.#p#副标题#e#
Beyond that, my fellow citizens, the future is up to us. Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship. And we need a new sense of responsibility for a new century. There is work to do, work that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read; hiring people off welfare rolls; coming out from behind locked doors and shuttered windows to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime; taking time out of our own lives to serve others.
Each and every one of us, in our own way, must assume personal responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation. Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a new century. For any one of us to succeed, we must succeed as one America.
The challenge of our past remains the challenge of our future, will we be one nation, one people, with one common destiny, or not? Will we all come together, or come apart?
The divide of race has been America's constant curse. And each new wave of immigrants gives new targets to old prejudices. Prejudice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or political conviction are no different. These forces have nearly destroyed our nation in the past. They plague us still. They fuel the fanaticism of terror. And they torment the lives of millions in fractured nations all around the world.
These obsessions cripple both those who hate and, of course, those who are hated, robbing both of what they might become. We cannot, we will not, succumb to the dark impulses that lurk in the far regions of the soul everywhere. We shall overcome them. And we shall replace them with the generous spirit of a people who feel at home with one another.
Our rich texture of racial, religious and political diversity will be a Godsend in the 21st century. Great rewards will come to those who can live together, learn together, work together, forge new ties that bind together.
As this new era approaches we can already see its broad outlines. Ten years ago, the Internet was the mystical province of physicists; today, it is a commonplace encyclopedia for millions of schoolchildren. Scientists now are decoding the blueprint of human life. Cures for our most feared illnesses seem close at hand.
The world is no longer divided into two hostile camps. Instead, now we are building bonds with nations that once were our adversaries. Growing connections of commerce and culture give us a chance to lift the fortunes and spirits of people the world over. And for the very first time in all of history, more people on this planet live under democracy than dictatorship.
My fellow Americans, as we look back at this remarkable century, we may ask, can we hope not just to follow, but even to surpass the achievements of the 20th century in America and to avoid the awful bloodshed that stained its legacy? To that question, every American here and every American in our land today must answer a resounding "Yes."
This is the heart of our task. With a new vision of government, a new sense of responsibility, a new spirit of community, we will sustain America's journey. The promise we sought in a new land we will find again in a land of new promise.
In this new land, education will be every citizen's most prized possession. Our schools will have the highest standards in the world, igniting the spark of possibility in the eyes of every girl and every boy. And the doors of higher education will be open to all. The knowledge and power of the Information Age will be within reach not just of the few, but of every classroom, every library, every child. Parents and children will have time not only to work, but to read and play together. And the plans they make at their kitchen table will be those of a better home, a better job, the certain chance to go to college.
Our streets will echo again with the laughter of our children, because no one will try to shoot them or sell them drugs anymore. Everyone who can work, will work, with today's permanent under class part of tomorrow's growing middle class. New miracles of medicine at last will reach not only those who can claim care now, but the children and hardworking families too long denied.
We will stand mighty for peace and freedom, and maintain a strong defense against terror and destruction. Our children will sleep free from the threat of nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. Ports and airports, farms and factories will thrive with trade and innovation and ideas. And the world's greatest democracy will lead a whole world of democracies.
Our land of new promise will be a nation that meets its obligations, a nation that balances its budget, but never loses the balance of its values. A nation where our grandparents have secure retirement and health care, and their grandchildren know we have made the reforms necessary to sustain those benefits for their time. A nation that fortifies the world's most productive economy even as it protects the great natural bounty of our water, air, and majestic land.
And in this land of new promise, we will have reformed our politics so that the voice of the people will always speak louder than the din of narrow interests, regaining the participation and deserving the trust of all Americans.
Fellow citizens, let us build that America, a nation ever moving forward toward realizing the full potential of all its citizens. Prosperity and power, yes, they are important, and we must maintain them. But let us never forget: The greatest progress we have made, and the greatest progress we have yet to make, is in the human heart. In the end, all the world's wealth and a thousand armies are no match for the strength and decency of the human spirit.
Thirty-four years ago, the man whose life we celebrate today spoke to us down there, at the other end of this Mall, in words that moved the conscience of a nation. Like a prophet of old, he told of his dream that one day America would rise up and treat all its citizens as equals before the law and in the heart. Martin Luther King's dream was the American Dream. His quest is our quest: the ceaseless striving to live out our true creed. Our history has been built on such dreams and labors. And by our dreams and labors we will redeem the promise of America in the 21st century.
To that effort I pledge all my strength and every power of my office. I ask the members of Congress here to join in that pledge. The American people returned to office a President of one party and a Congress of another. Surely, they did not do this to advance the politics of petty bickering and extreme partisanship they plainly deplore. No, they call on us instead to be repairers of the breach, and to move on with America's mission.
America demands and deserves big things from us,- and nothing big ever came from being small. Let us remember the timeless wisdom of Cardinal Bernardin, when facing the end of his own life. He said, "It is wrong to waste the precious gift of time, on acrimony and division."
Fellow citizens, we must not waste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end. But the journey of our America must go on.
And so, my fellow Americans, we must be strong, for there is much to dare. The demands of our time are great and they are different. Let us meet them with faith and courage, with patience and a grateful and happy heart. Let us shape the hope of this day into the noblest chapter in our history. Yes, let us build our bridge. A bridge wide enough and strong enough for every American to cross over to a blessed land of new promise.
May those generations whose faces we cannot yet see, whose names we may never know, say of us here that we led our beloved land into a new century with the American Dream alive for all her children; with the American promise of a more perfect union a reality for all her people; with America's bright flame of freedom spreading throughout all the world.
From the height of this place and the summit of this century, let us go forth. May God strengthen our hands for the good work ahead, and always, always bless our America.#p#副标题#e#
【中文译文】:
克林顿第二次就职演说
同胞们:
藉此二十世纪最后一届总统就职演说之际,让我们睁开眼睛迎接下一世纪我们将面临的挑战。所幸的是,时间和机遇不仅将我们置身于一个新世纪的边缘,一个新的千周年,而且将我们置身于人类事业一个崭新新的、光辉的边缘——一个决定我们未来数十年方向和地位的时刻。我们必须使我们古老的民主永葆青春。在“希望之乡”这一古老憧憬的指引下,让我们着眼于新的“希望之乡”。
美国的希望源于十八世纪一种无畏的信念:人生来皆平等。在十九世纪,我们的国家横跨大陆,拯救了联邦,废除了恐怖的奴隶制的蹂躏。
这一信念得以流传和扩展。然后,在辛劳和胜利之中,这种希望奔上了世界的舞台,使本世纪成为美国的世纪。
这是怎样的一个世纪啊。美国成为世界上最强大的工业大国,它把世界从两次世界大战和旷日持久的冷战的暴虐中拯救出来,并且一再向全球上百万像我们一样渴望自由赐福的人们伸出援助之手。
在这一进程中,美国产生 了庞大的中产阶级和老年人保险制度,建立了无与伦比的学习中心,并对全民开放公立学校,分裂了原子且探索了太空,发明了计算机和微芯片,通过发起一场非裔美国人和少数民族的民权革命,及扩大妇女的公民权利,就业机会和人身尊严,而深掘了正义之泉。
现在,也是第三次,一个新世纪来到我们面前,这又是一个选择的时候,我们进入十九世纪时有一个选择,使得我们国家从一个海岸扩展到另一个海岸,我们进入二十世纪时又有一个选择,使得工业革命能符合我们的价值观,即自由经营,水土保持,和恪守人类正义,这些选择使得一切迥然不同。
在二十一世纪曙光来临之际,一个自由的民族必须做出选择,去打造信息时代和全球一体化的力量。去释放全民无尽的潜能,并且,去成就一个更完美的联邦国家。
上次我们在此相聚时,我们向这个新未来的进军似乎没有今天这么明确,我们那时曾宣誓 确立新的道路,复兴我们的国家。
在这四年中,我们感到悲剧带来的触动,挑战带来的兴奋,成就带来的增强,美国作为世界不可缺少的国家巍然挺立,再一次, 我们的经济是世界上最强大的经济,再一次,我们建设着更牢固的家庭,繁荣的社区,更好的教育机会,更清洁的环境,曾经似乎注定要恶化的问题现在也屈服于我们的努力,我们的街道更安全,我们的同胞有创记录的人数已从福利走向工作。
再一次,我们解决了当前关于政府角色问题的巨大争论。 今天我们可以宣告:政府不是问题的产生者,政府也不是问题的解决者,我们-美国人民-我们才是问题的解决者,我们的缔造者深深地了解这一点,他们给予我们的民主强壮的足以持续几个世纪。柔韧地足以在每一新的日子里迎接我们共同的挑战并推进我们共同的梦想。
同胞们,让我们建设这样的美国,一个永远前进,以充分发挥全民潜力的国家。是的,我们必须保持繁荣强大。但是,我们不能忘记:我们已取得的伟大成就,我们将取得的伟大的成就,就在人民心中。到最后,整个世界的财富和千支军队都无法与人类精神力量和精神文明相匹敌。
三十四年前,有一个人,他的一生为我们今天所歌颂,他就在那边,在广场的另一端对我们演讲,他的话打动了国民的良知。像是一个古时的预言家,他诉说着他的梦想:有一天美国终会站起来,在法律面前和人们心中所有公民都将得到平等对待。马丁·路德·金的梦是美国之梦。他的要求就是我们的要求,即不断努力实现我们生活信条。我们的历史就建立在这样的梦想和努力上。通过我们的梦想和努力,我们重赎二十一世纪美国的希望。
同胞们,我们不能浪费当前宝贵的时机。因为我们大家都在生命的同一旅途上,我们的旅途会有终点。但我们的美国之路必须走下去。
我们还看不到我们的后代的面孔,也永远不会知道他们的名字,但是当他们谈论到我们的时候,希望他们会说我们把祖国领进了新的世纪,把有活力的美国梦留给了所有的子孙
让我们从此地之峰,从世纪之巅前进。愿上帝给我们强有力的双手,做好未来的工作——并且,永远,永远保佑我们美国。
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愿上帝给我们强有力的双手,做好未来的工作。下面读文网小编给大家分享克林顿第二次就职演说,欢迎阅读:
January 20, 1993, Inaugural Address of William J. Clinton (克林顿1993年就职演讲)
My fellow citizens :(同胞们)
Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.
今天,我们庆祝振兴美国这件令人感到异常惊奇的事。
This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring. A spring reborn in the
world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.
尽管这个仪式在隆冬举行,但是,我们所说的话,我们向全世界所显示的面貌,将促使春天的早日来临。春天重新降临到这个世界上最古老的民主国家,它给我们带来了重新塑造美国的构想和勇气。
When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change. Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals; life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.
当我们的缔造者们大胆地向全世界宣布美国的独立,向上帝宣布我们的目的时,他们知道,美国要长久地存在下去,就必须改革。我们不是为改革而改革,而是为了保持美国的理想——生活、自由和追求幸福。虽然我们伴随着时代的乐曲前进,我们的使命却是永恒的。每一代美国人都必须明确作为一个美国人意味着什么。
On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his
half-century of service to America. And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.
我的前任布什总统为美国服务了半个世纪,在此,我代表我们的国家向他致以崇高的敬意。
Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.
我还要向千百万人民表示感谢,他们以坚定的信念和牺牲战胜了经济萧条、法西斯主义。今天,在冷战的阴影下成长起来的一代人在世界上已肩负起新的责任。这个世界虽然沐浴在自由的阳光下,但仍然面临着旧的仇恨和新的灾祸的威胁。
Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.
我们在无与伦比的繁荣中成长,继承了一个仍然是世界上最强大经济,但是,商业失败、工资停滞、不平等加剧,以及我们自己的人民四分五裂,削弱了这个经济。
When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.
当乔治华盛顿第一次发出我刚才宣誓信守的誓言时,消息缓慢地通过骑马传遍大陆和乘船漂洋过海。而今,这个仪式的情景和声音可以立即向全世界数十亿人广播。
Communications and commerce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is now universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.
通讯和商业是全球性的,投资是流动性的,技术几乎是神秘的,而要求改善生活的强烈愿望是全世界人民共同的。今天,我们美国人是和全世界人民在和平竞争中谋求我们的生计。
Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.
各种根深蒂固和强大的势力正在动摇和重新塑造我们的世界。我们时代迫切需要解决的问题是,我们能否使改革成为我们的朋友,而不是我们的敌人。
This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom; and when
millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.
尽管这个新的世界已经使千百万能够在其中竞争并取胜的美国人富裕起来了,但是,在大多数人更加拼命地工作而收入却在减少的时候,在还有人根本找不到工作的时候,在卫生保健费用使许多人倾家荡产、使大大小小的企业行将倒闭的时候,在恐惧犯罪而使奉公守法的公民丧失自由的时候,在千百万贫困儿童甚至难以想象我们正召唤他们去过的那种生活的时候,我们却还没有使改革成为我们的朋友。
We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.
我们知道,我们必须正视严酷的现实并且采取有力的措施,但是,我们没有这样做。相反,我们所奉行的是放任自流的政策,这种政策已经削弱了我们的力量,破坏了我们的经济,动摇了我们的信心。#p#副标题#e#
Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people. We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.
虽然我们的挑战是可畏的,但我们的力量也是可畏的。美国人民从来就是一个不甘寂寞、勇于探索和充满希望的人民。我们必须使我们今天的任务体现我们前人的远见和意志。
From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.
从美国革命到南北战争,到大萧条,到民权运动,我们的人民总是下定决心,从这些危机中摆脱出来去建立我们历史的支柱。
Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time. Let us embrace it.
托马斯杰斐逊认为,要保持我们国家的基础,我们就需要不时地进行改革。同胞们,这是我们的时代,让我们去拥抱它。
Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.
我们的民主制度不仅要为全世界所仰慕,还必须成为我们自我振兴的发动机。美国完全有能力自己解救自己。
And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift; a new season of American renewal has begun. To renew America, we must be bold. We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every
opportunity. It will not be easy; it will require sacrifice. But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake. We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.
因此,今天我们决心结束这个僵持停顿和放任自流的时代。一个振兴美国的新时代已经到来。要振兴美国,我们必须有足够的勇气和胆量。我们必须对自己的人民——对他们的工作和对他们的未来——增加投资,同时削减我们的巨额债务。在一个我们必须靠竞争才能获得每个机会的世界上,我们一定要这样做。虽然,这不是一件轻而易举的事,它需要作出牺牲。但是,我们能够做到,而且能够做得很好。我们不是为了牺牲而牺牲,而是为我们自己的利益而牺牲。我们必须像一个家庭抚育它的孩子那样抚育我们的国家。
Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come; the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility. We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.
我们的缔造者们是从子孙后代的角度来审视他们自己的行为。我们也必须这样做。任何曾经注意过孩子的双眼朦胧进入梦乡的人,都知道后代是什么。后代是未来的世界。为了他们,我们满怀理想。从他们那里,我们借用了这块地球,对他们,我们负有神圣的责任。我们必须尽美国之所能:向所有人提供更多的机会,要求所有人承担更多的责任。
It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country. To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.
现在,已经到了该破除那种只望政府或别人给予,而自己不愿付出的坏习惯的时候了。让我们大家都担负起更多的责任,不光是为我们自己和我们的家庭,而且是我们的社会和我们的国家。为振兴美国,我们必须给我们的民主制度带来新的活力。
This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation. Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.
这个美丽的首都,就像文明出现以来的所有首都一样,往往是一个搞阴谋诡计和勾心斗角的地方。达官贵族们玩弄权术、争名夺利,随时都在担心谁进谁出、谁升谁降,忘记了那些用辛勤和汗水把我们送到这里,并为我们承担费用的人。
Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better. And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people. Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America. Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called "bold, persistent experimentation," a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays. Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.
美国人应当生活得更好。今天,在这座城市里,人们希望把事情办得更好。所以,我要向在场的诸位说,让我们下定决心改革我们的政治,使人民的呼声不再被权力和特权所压倒。让我们抛开个人利益,这样,我们便能感受到美国的痛苦,也看到美国的希望。让我们下定决心,使我们的政府成为一个富兰克林罗斯福所说的,进行“大胆而持久的实验”的地方,即是说,成为一个着眼于未来,而不是留恋过去的政府。让我们把这个首都还给她所属的人民。#p#副标题#e#
To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home. There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic; the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race; they affect us all.
为了振兴美国,我们必须迎接来自国内、国外的种种挑战。在什么是国外和什么是国内之间已不再有明确的界线。全球经济、全球环境、全球艾滋病危机和全球军备竞赛,这一切影响着所有的人。
Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable. Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers. Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.
今天,随着旧秩序被打破,新的世界更加自由,但又更加不稳定。共产主义的崩溃激起了旧的仇恨和新的危险。显然,美国必须继续领导这个我们曾经付出巨大努力而创造的世界。
While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world. Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.
当我们致力于重建美国的时候,我们不会在这个新世界的挑战面前退缩,也不会坐失良机。我们将同我们的朋友和盟国一道,努力确定改革和发展方向,以免被改革所吞没。
When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act; with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary. The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.
当我们的国家利益受到挑战,或者国际社会的意志及公德遭到蔑视的时候,我们将尽可能地通过和平外交手段去解决。必要时也可以诉诸武力。今天,在波斯湾,在索马里,在其他地方,那些为国效力的美国勇士们都证明了我们的决心。
But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America's cause.
然而,我们最大的实力是我们的思想力量。在许多国家,美国的思想还是一种新生力量。看到这些思想为世界各国所接受,我们感到由衷的高兴。我们的希望、我们的心,我们的手,同五大洲正在建设民主和自由的人民是联在一起的。他们的事业就是美国的事业。
The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus. You have cast your votes in historic numbers. And you have changed the face of Congress, the
presidency and the political process itself. Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring. Now, we must do the work the season demands.
美国人民呼唤我们今天庆祝的变革。你们异口同声地提高了自己的呼声。你们以前所未有的人数参加了投票。你们改变了国会、总统以及政治进程本身的面貌。同胞们,是的,你们已经促使春天提前到来了。现在,我们必须致力于这个时期所赋予我们的任务。
To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office. I ask the Congress to join with me. But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone. My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal. I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of
service; to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities. There is so much to be done; enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.
为了这个任务,我将充分行使我的职权。我请求国会同我合作。但是,任何一位总统,任何一个国会,任何一届政府,都无法独自承担这一使命。同胞们,你们也必须在国家的振兴中发挥作用。我要求新一代美国青年按照你们的理想行动起来,帮助困难儿童,同患难者休戚与共,把我们这个四分五裂的社会重新凝为一体,为祖国贡献你们的力量。要做的事情太多——确实足以使千百万精神上依然年轻的其他人也投身其中。
In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other. And we must care for one another. Today, we do more than celebrate America; we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.
在振兴祖国的事业中,我们认识到一个简单而强有力的真理。我们不仅彼此需要,还必须相互关心。今天,我们不只是在庆祝美国,而且是在重新献身于美国的思想。
An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge. An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other. An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity. An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.
这种思想是一种在革命中诞生、经过两个世纪的挑战而获得新生的思想。一种经受过这种认识锤炼的思想,即我们这些幸运者和不幸者,若非因为命运的安排,可能已经变换位置。一种因为这种信念而变得崇高的思想,即相信我们的国家能够从无数的分歧中求得最大程度的团结一致。一种充满信心的思想,即相信美国漫长而英勇的旅程定会永远向上。
And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done. The scripture says, "And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not."
为此,同胞们,在即将跨入21世纪的时候,让我们重新开始,鼓起勇气、满怀希望、坚定信念、遵守纪律,把我们的事业进行到底。《圣经》说:“我们行善,不可丧志,只要坚持,终有收获。”
From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.
在这个欢庆的高山之巅,我们听到山谷里传来为国效力的召唤。我们听到了号声。我们已经换岗。现在,我们每个人都必须以自己的方式在上帝的帮助下响应这一号召。
Thank you, and God bless you all.
谢谢你们。愿上帝保佑大家。
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奥巴马总统在巴黎气候变化大会上说了什么?想必大家也想了解吧!读文网小编为大家整理了奥巴马总统在巴黎气候变化大会上英语演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
President Hollande, Mr. Secretary General, fellow leaders,
We have come to Paris to show our resolve.
We offer our condolences to the people of France for the barbaric attacks on this beautiful city. We stand united in solidarity not only to deliver justice to the terrorist network responsible for those attacks but to protect our people and uphold the enduring values that keep us strong and keep us free. And we salute the people of Paris for insisting this crucial conference go on – an act of defiance that proves nothing will deter us from building the future we want for our children. What greater rejection of those who would tear down our world than marshaling our best efforts to save it?
Nearly 200 nations have assembled here this week – a declaration that for all the challenges we face, the growing threat of climate change could define the contours of this century more dramatically than any other. What should give us hope that this is a turning point, that this is the moment we finally determined we would save our planet, is the fact that our nations share a sense of urgency about this challenge and a growing realization that it is within our power to do something about it.
Our understanding of the ways human beings disrupt the climate advances by the day. Fourteen of the fifteen warmest years on record have occurred since the year 2000 – and 2015 is on pace to be the warmest year of all. No nation – large or small, wealthy or poor – is immune to what this means.
This summer, I saw the effects of climate change firsthand in our northernmost state, Alaska, where the sea is already swallowing villages and eroding shorelines; where permafrost thaws and the tundra burns; where glaciers are melting at a pace unprecedented in modern times. And it was a preview of one possible future – a glimpse of our children's fate if the climate keeps changing faster than our efforts to address it. Submerged countries. Abandoned cities. Fields that no longer grow. Political disruptions that trigger new conflict, and even more floods of desperate peoples seeking the sanctuary of nations not their own.
That future is not one of strong economies, nor is it one where fragile states can find their footing. That future is one that we have the power to change. Right here. Right now. But only if we rise to this moment. As one of America's governors has said, “We are the first generation to feel the impact of climate change, and the last generation that can do something about it.”
I've come here personally, as the leader of the world's largest economy and the second-largest emitter, to say that the United States of America not only recognizes our role in creating this problem, we embrace our responsibility to do something about it.
Over the last seven years, we've made ambitious investments in clean energy, and ambitious reductions in our carbon emissions. We've multiplied wind power threefold, and solar power more than twentyfold, helping create parts of America where these clean power sources are finally cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. We've invested in energy efficiency in every way imaginable. We've said no to infrastructure that would pull high-carbon fossil fuels from the ground, and we've said yes to the first-ever set of national standards limiting the amount of carbon pollution our power plants can release into the sky.
The advances we've made have helped drive our economic output to all-time highs, and driveour carbon pollution to its lowest levels in nearly two decades.
But the good news is this is not an American trend alone. Last year, the global economy grewwhile global carbon emissions from burning fossil fuels stayed flat. And what this means can'tbe overstated. We have broken the old arguments for inaction. We have proved that strongeconomic growth and a safer environment no longer have to conflict with one another; theycan work in concert with one another.
And that should give us hope. One of the enemies that we'll be fighting at this conference iscynicism, the notion we can't do anything about climate change. Our progress should give ushope during these two weeks – hope that is rooted in collective action.
Earlier this month in Dubai, after years of delay, the world agreed to work together to cut thesuper-pollutants known as HFCs. That's progress. Already, prior to Paris, more than 180countries representing nearly 95 percent of global emissions have put forward their ownclimate targets. That is progress. For our part, America is on track to reach the emissionstargets that I set six years ago in Copenhagen – we will reduce our carbon emissions in therange of 17 percent below 2005 levels by 2020. And that's why, last year, I set a new target:America will reduce our emissions 26 to 28 percent below 2005 levels within 10 years from now.
So our task here in Paris is to turn these achievements into an enduring framework forhuman progress – not a stopgap solution, but a long-term strategy that gives the worldconfidence in a low-carbon future.
Here, in Paris, let's secure an agreement that builds in ambition, where progress paves theway for regularly updated targets – targets that are not set for each of us but by each of us,taking into account the differences that each nation is facing.
Here in Paris, let's agree to a strong system of transparency that gives each of us theconfidence that all of us are meeting our commitments. And let's make sure that the countrieswho don't yet have the full capacity to report on their targets receive the support that theyneed.
Here in Paris, let's reaffirm our commitment that resources will be there for countries willingto do their part to skip the dirty phase of development. And I recognize this will not be easy.It will take a commitment to innovation and the capital to continue driving down the cost ofclean energy. And that's why, this afternoon, I'll join many of you to announce an historicjoint effort to accelerate public and private clean energy innovation on a global scale.
Here in Paris, let's also make sure that these resources flow to the countries that need helppreparing for the impacts of climate change that we can no longer avoid. We know the truththat many nations have contributed little to climate change but will be the first to feel its mostdestructive effects. For some, particularly island nations – whose leaders I'll meet withtomorrow – climate change is a threat to their very existence. And that's why today, in concertwith other nations, America confirms our strong and ongoing commitment to the LeastDeveloped Countries Fund. And tomorrow, we'll pledge new contributions to risk insuranceinitiatives that help vulnerable populations rebuild stronger after climate-related disasters.
And finally, here in Paris, let's show businesses and investors that the global economy is on afirm path towards a low-carbon future. If we put the right rules and incentives in place, we'llunleash the creative power of our best scientists and engineers and entrepreneurs to deployclean energy technologies and the new jobs and new opportunities that they create all aroundthe world. There are hundreds of billions of dollars ready to deploy to countries around theworld if they get the signal that we mean business this time. Let's send that signal.
That's what we seek in these next two weeks. Not simply an agreement to roll back thepollution we put into our skies, but an agreement that helps us lift people from povertywithout condemning the next generation to a planet that's beyond its capacity to repair. Here,in Paris, we can show the world what is possible when we come together, united in commoneffort and by a common purpose.
And let there be no doubt, the next generation is watching what we do. Just over a week ago, Iwas in Malaysia, where I held a town hall with young people, and the first question I receivedwas from a young Indonesian woman. And it wasn't about terrorism, it wasn't about theeconomy, it wasn't about human rights. It was about climate change. And she asked whether Iwas optimistic about what we can achieve here in Paris, and what young people like her coulddo to help.
I want our actions to show her that we're listening. I want our actions to be big enough to drawon the talents of all our people – men and women, rich and poor – I want to show herpassionate, idealistic young generation that we care about their future.
For I believe, in the words of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., that there is such a thing as being toolate. And when it comes to climate change, that hour is almost upon us. But if we act here, ifwe act now, if we place our own short-term interests behind the air that our young people willbreathe, and the food that they will eat, and the water that they will drink, and the hopes anddreams that sustain their lives, then we won't be too late for them.
And, my fellow leaders, accepting this challenge will not reward us with moments of victorythat are clear or quick. Our progress will be measured differently – in the suffering that isaverted, and a planet that's preserved. And that's what's always made this so hard. Ourgeneration may not even live to see the full realization of what we do here. But the knowledgethat the next generation will be better off for what we do here – can we imagine a more worthyreward than that? Passing that on to our children and our grandchildren, so that when they lookback and they see what we did here in Paris, they can take pride in our achievement.
Let that be the common purpose here in Paris. A world that is worthy of our children. A worldthat is marked not by conflict, but by cooperation; and not by human suffering, but byhuman progress. A world that's safer, and more prosperous, and more secure, and more freethan the one that we inherited.
Let's get to work. Thank you very much.
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韩国总统朴槿惠曾访问清华大学,在那里做了一场演讲。读文网小编为大家整理了朴槿惠总统中国清华大学演讲稿,欢迎大家阅读。
尊敬的陈吉宁校长、教职员、清华大学的同学们:
大家好!
今天到中国著名学府清华大学与大家见面,我十分高兴。
我见到各位清华大学的学子们,想起中国古籍《管子》中的一段话:“一年之计,莫如树谷;十年之计,莫如树木;百年之计,莫如树人。”据我所知,清华大学的校训是“自强不息、厚德载物”,就像这个校训一样,不断进取,涵养品德的结果,清华大学培育出了包括主席在内的许多政治领导人,并培养出中国数位诺贝尔奖获奖者。我相信,今后各位的想法和热情将会给中国开启美好的未来。今天我很高兴和大家一起谈谈韩中两国要共同开启的未来。
同学们,韩国与中国在数千年的历史中,共同进行了多样的文化和思想交流,所以在很多方面心思相同,文化相通。虽然,自1992年始,韩中建交仅仅20年,但是两国间友好合作的发展速度是世界上史无前例的事情。在此期间,两国间贸易额增加了40倍, 每天往返于中韩之间的飞机和船舶数量过百。两国有约6万名学生正在互相的国家中留学,在清华大学,就有1千400多名韩国同学们正在这里学习。
很多韩国国民们自小就接触了《三国志》和《水浒传》、《楚汉志》等古典书籍和漫画书。因此,韩国人来中国观光的话,就像来到熟悉的地方一样具有一种亲近感。我以前也去过苏州,切身感受到了“上有天堂,下有苏杭”,我确有同感,而且在各处都有一种亲切的感觉。
如易地思之,管鲍之交、三顾茅庐等中国成语,韩国人在日常生活中广泛使用。
我是两国在短短20年之后,就如此迅速亲近,我想,其原因也在于文化缘分的根深蒂固,这此共识才是真正的可贵的,不是吗?昨天晚上我出席了在北京召开的中韩友谊的音乐会。韩国的K-POP歌手和中国的流行歌手们同台演出,看到两国的青年人在文化上融为一体的现场,真让人感到开心。我个人也读了很多中国先贤的书籍和文章, 但也很喜欢唱中国歌,我认为,这样通过文化的共识,才会真正使心灵变得亲近,并成为朋友。
同学们,我认为,现在的韩中关系更加成熟,并且还要发展丰富的伙伴关系。我从政,最重要的考虑国民的信任,我在外交方面也以“信任外交”为基础。两国人民之间、领导人之间如能加强信任,两国关系肯定会更加密切。我和主席在2005初次见面,当时,他任浙江省委书记,见面时就 “新村运动和新农村运动”在内的很多难题进行了很多交流。
我想要通过此次首脑会谈,与主席建立了深厚信任,以此为基础,今后将开展更有前瞻性的对话与合作。因此,过去的20年间韩中关系取得了成功,新的20年的信任之旅程已经开始。
两天前我与共同签署的《韩中未来展望共同声明》,这是两国关系发展的远景路线图。
目前,两国政府正在进行关于自由贸易的协商。韩中自由贸易协定的签订,如果两国签定自由贸易协定,两国的经济关系将进入更加成熟的发展阶段阶段。将为实现新的经济腾飞奠定基础。乃至成为东北亚共同繁荣和区域经济一体化的火车头。另外,还要加强在气候变化和环境等全球性领域的合作
我国的年轻人已经自发开展了合作的事业。比如,“韩中未来林’就是两国民间团体和年轻人一起,从2006年开始在内蒙古沙漠地区开始种植树木,至今共植树600万棵。
为了阻止中国内陆的沙漠化,减少沙尘暴,两国进行了良好的合作,今后这种合作模式,应该进一步扩大。
两国拥有根深蒂固的文化财富和力量,在韩国兴起了汉风、在中国兴起了韩流,这些新的文化交流使两国国民的心更加接近,今后韩中美丽的文化之花朵将开放得更加艳丽,并为人类带来更多的祝福。
同学们,现在全世界都在关注着亚洲。包括韩国和中国在内的亚洲国家如果在多方面加强互相合作的话,会产生更大的协同效果。但目前包括韩半岛在内的东北亚局势非常不稳定。域内国家之间在经济上相互依存增加,但围绕着历史和安保问题的矛盾和互不信任,导致政治、安保合作仍然不够。
我提出这个称为“亚洲悖论”的现象,目前为了克服东北亚区域内国家间的这种现象,增进和平与合作,多边安全机制仍然缺失。
重要名言说 “君子之道,譬如行远必自迩,譬如登高必自卑”。
国家间也需要一种增进互信,共度患难。取得成效也需要一个过程。
我认为,东北亚区域内国家可以从气候变化和环境、灾难救助、核能安全等软课题合作开始,以此逐渐增加信任。
所以,逐渐将合作范围扩大到政治、安保领域,在准备多边对话过程中需要这种信念, 这次在韩中首脑会谈中,讨论了包含“东北亚和平合作构想”这样的理念。
我期待,今后韩国与中国作为信任伙伴,共同创造“新的东北亚”。
清华大学的同学们,我认为,真正实现东北亚和平与合作,最为紧迫的课题是创造一个“新的韩半岛”。
实现和平,落实南北成员自由来往,为创造安定、富饶的亚洲做出贡献,这是我勾画的“新韩半岛”的愿景。
我希望韩半岛发生真正变化。尽管现在韩朝双方没有从互不信任和对立的恶性循环中摆脱出来,但是我希望新的南北关系可以创造韩半岛。
要想做到这一点,最重要的是解决韩半岛和东北亚面临的和平威胁,并解决北核问题,北韩成为对国际社会负有责任的一员是最重要的。
国际社会不会接受北韩拥有核武器,这是我所听到的国际社会的一致呼声。
为了挽救经济,必须与世界进行交流,吸收国际社会的投资。但是世界上哪个国家想投资进行核开发的北朝鲜呢?正因为如此,北韩提出的核武器开发和建设经济并行的路线根本就是不可能的事,这是一条走向自我孤立的道路。
如果,北韩放弃核武器,成为国际社会负责任的一员,走上这条变革之路,那么韩国会积极帮助北韩,整个东北亚将共同生存发展。
那么,如果实现韩半岛和平,南北韩人员自由往来的话,也将有助于包括东北三省开发在内的中国繁荣发展。
如此,消除了北韩问题地缘政治风险的东北亚地区,拥有丰富的劳动力和世界顶级资本和技术相结合,将成为带动世界经济发展的“地球村增长引擎”。也将为各位的生活提 供富有活力的、丰富的成功机会。韩国和中国的年轻人们一起来创造远大的未来吧。
在座的清华大学的各位同仁,让我们成为伙伴,共同创造“新的韩半岛”和“新的东北亚”。
同学们,韩国和中国的江水大同一个在大海上相会。中国的江从西向东流,而韩国的江自东向西流,最终在西海汇合。目前,中国在以主席的领导下,向着中国梦奋力前进。韩国也向着国民幸福时代和为人类和平做出贡献的韩半岛的韩国梦迈进,韩国和中国正朝着“国民幸福”、“人民幸福”这一目标携手并进,中国梦与韩国梦是一致的。两个国家的江水在同一海域汇合,中国梦和韩国梦也紧密相连。
我相信,如果韩国梦和中国梦共同实现的话,新的东北亚之梦也可以实现。同时,韩国与中国的共同梦想是美好的,韩国和中国共同未来的未来也一定是光明的。
同学们,年轻的各位,在今后的生活中可能会遇到多种困难挫折的考验。我年轻时期也历经艰辛和痛苦。
我的梦想是专攻电子工学,成为国家产业的骨干,但随着母亲发生意外,我的人生之路发生重大转折,父亲发生意外时,经历了无限的痛苦和种种磨难。
为了度过艰难的时期,我读了很多哲学书和古典书籍,读的时候,将好的字句记在笔记本上,并仔细阅读。同时,战胜痛苦找回心灵的和平,找到了人生的重要价值。
其中,记忆最深的文章之一就是诸葛亮在写给儿子的关于学习和请教的相关文章。 “非淡泊无以明志,非宁静无以致远”。其内容发自内心。在我人生的艰难时期,点醒我,人生一世,终归成土。既使享年百岁,在历史长河中也不过是短暂一瞬。
因此,真诚地生活是非常重要的。既使经受艰难曲折,也要把真诚的当成灯塔,最终即使是绝望也是一个锻炼的机会。
诸位,无论碰到什么困难,都不要放弃梦想,随着一天天梦想,构成了更远的未来,迈向更广阔的世界,勇敢地向希望前进。
最后,中国和韩国的年轻人,希望今后通过文化和人文交流,使两国间的关系更加密切,也祝愿各位的有一个光明的未来。
谢谢。
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“我们的教育,我们的未来”。读文网小编为大家整理了奥巴马总统对全国学生在线演讲的讲稿全文,欢迎大家阅读。
大家好,大家今天都好吗?我现在是和弗吉尼亚州韦柯菲尔德高中的学生在一起。全国各地的学生,从幼儿园到12年级,也都在收听。我很高兴你们大家今天都参与了进来。
我知道对你们中的很多人来说,今天是开学第一天。而对于那些在幼儿园或是刚刚开始初中或高中生涯的你来说,今天还是你们在新学校的第一天,所以你们难免会有一点紧张,这是很可以理解的。我还想象着今天会有一些高年级学生这会儿可能感觉挺不错的,因为还有一年就可以毕业了。不管现在你们上几年级了,有些人可能希望现在还是夏天,今天早上可能还会有点不想起床。
我完全理解这种感觉。在我小的时候,我们家在印度尼西亚生活过几年。那时候我妈妈没有足够的钱送我去全是美国孩子念书的学校。所以她决定自己给我额外补一些课,开始于周一到周五的每天早上4:30。
起这么早我可是不怎么有愉快的心情。很多次,我就趴在厨房的桌子上睡着了。但是每一次我要抱怨的时候,我妈妈就会那样看着我说:“这对我来说也不是什么享受,小家伙。”
所以我知道你们中有一些人还在调整自己重返学校。但是我今天在这里的原因是有一些重要的事情想和你们商讨。我在这里是因为想和你们谈谈你们的学习,在新学年里对大家的期望。
关于教育我做了很多次演讲了。而且有关责任我也谈了很多。我已经谈过了你们的教师启发你们,推动你们学习的责任。我讲过了你们的父母让你们坚持学习,做家庭作业,不要整天看电视,玩Xbox的责任。我讲了很多政府制定高标准,支持教师和校长,改善那些运转不良以至于学生得不到应有机会的那些学校的责任。
但是最后,我们可以有最专注的教师,最支持的父母,以及世界上最好的学校,而只有当你们都履行了你们的责任时,这些因素才能发挥作用。只有你们到学校来上课,注意听老师讲课,听父母,祖父母以及其他大人的话,努力学习,才能成功。
这就是今天我想重点讲的主题:你们每一个人对你们的教育所负有的责任。我想先讲讲你们对自己的责任。
你们每一个人都有自己的擅长。你们每一个人都可以贡献一些东西。你们有责任自己发现这些究竟是什么。这是教育可以提供的机会。
可能你能够成为一名出色的作家,可能可以写本书或为报纸撰稿,但是你只有在英语课上完成你的文章才能发现这一点。可能你会成为一名革新者或者发明家,可能你的作品可以和下一个iPhone比美,还可能研制出新的药物或疫苗,但是只有当你实践科学课上的项目才会发现这一点。可能你会成为市长,参议员或者最高法庭大法官,但是只有参加学生自治或辩论小组你才会发现这一点。
不管你将来想做什么,我保证你都需要教育才能实现。你想成为医生,教师或是警官吗?你想成为护士,建筑师,律师或是军中的一员吗?要想从事其中的任何一种职业,都需要接受良好的教育。不辍学完成学业才能找到一份理想的工作。你们必须为之努力,为之接受培训,为之学习相关的知识。
而且这不仅对你自己的生活,你自己的将来来说是重要的。你们怎样完成教育将会决定这个国家的未来。你们今天在学校学习的东西将会决定我们作为一个国家能否接受未来的挑战。
你们将会需要科学和数学课上所学的知识和解决问题的技巧来治疗象癌症和艾滋病这样的病症,来开发新的能源技术,保护我们的环境。你将需要在历史课和社会学课上所学的洞察力和批判性思考来和贫穷,无家可归,犯罪和歧视作斗争,使我们的国家变得更加公正自由。你们将会需要在所有课程中锻炼出来的创造性和独创性来建立新的公司,创造新的工作机会,推动我们的经济发展。
我们需要你们中的每一个人发展自己的聪明才智,这样你们才能帮助我们解决最困难的一些问题。如果你们不这样做,如果你们辍学,你们放弃的不仅是自己的未来,还是你们国家的未来。
我知道要想在学校表现得好并非易事。我知道你们中很多人的生活中现在正面临着挑战,是你们很难集中精力于学业。
我知道,我了解这是怎样的滋味。我父亲在我两岁的时候离开了我的家庭,我是由作为单亲母亲的妈妈养大的,她曾经为了生活苦苦挣扎,没有那么多钱给我们买别的孩子通常都会有的东西。我曾经怀念在我的生活中有父亲的那段日子。我也曾经孤独寂寞,感到自己很难适应。
所以有时候我可能没能专注于学业。我做了一些令自己惭愧的事情,使自己陷入了更多的麻烦。我的生活很可能转变得很糟糕。
但是我很幸运。我的人生中有很多第二次机会,而又有机会上了大学,上了法学院,实现自己的梦想。我的妻子,我们的第一夫人米歇尔奥巴马,她与我有着相似的经历。她的父母都没有机会上大学,而且也不富裕。但是他们都很努力,这样她才有机会上了美国最好的大学。
你们中的有些人可能没有这些有利条件。可能你的长辈并没有能给与你所需要的支持。可能你的家庭现在失业了,经济出现了困顿。可能你居住的地区并不安全,或者有一些朋友强迫你做一些你知道是错误的事情。
但是,说到底,你生活的环境,你的外表,你的家乡,你有多少钱,你埋怨家里的什么,这些都不能成为你不做家庭作业,态度消极的借口。没有任何借口可以和老师顶撞,翘课或是辍学。这些都不能成为你没有努力尝试的借口。
你现在是什么样子不能决定你将来会是什么样子。没有人能决定你的命运。在美国,你的命运掌握在你的手里,由你自己来书写。你决定自己的未来。
这就是遍布全国各地的你们,现在每一天正在做的事情。
德克萨斯州Roma的杰兹明 皮瑞兹(Jazmin Perez)就是你们当中的一员。杰兹明刚开始上学的时候不会说英语。在她的故乡,几乎没有人上过大学,她的父母也没上过大学。但是她学习非常刻苦,成绩优秀,拿到了布朗大学的奖学金,现在正在研究生院学习公共卫生,将会成为杰兹明?皮瑞兹医生。
我还想到了来自加利福尼亚州Los Altos的安东尼 斯楚茨(Andoni Schultz),他从三岁起就开始和脑癌作斗争。他经受了各种各样的治疗和手术,其中有一次影响了他的记忆,所以他需要花更长的时间来作作业,几百个小时的额外时间。但是他的学业从来没有落后过,今年秋季,他就要上大学了。
还有来自我的故乡伊利诺斯州芝加哥的 山泰尔 史蒂夫(Shantell Steve)。尽管不断在最恶劣地区的一个收养家庭到另一个收养家庭间转换,她还是设法在当地医疗中心找到了一份工作,开创了一个项目来使年轻人脱离帮会。她将要从高中荣誉毕业,去上大学。
他们三个人和你们都一样。他们和你们一样面临着各自生活中的挑战。但是他们决不会屈服。他们选择承担起自己在教育中的责任,树立了自己的人生目标。我期待你们也能和他们一样。
这就是为什么今天,我号召你们每一个人树立自己的教育目标,然后尽自己最大的努力实现这些目标。你们的目标可以是一些很简单的事情,比如完成所有的作业,课堂上注意听讲,或者每天花时间读一本书。可能你们会决定参加课外活动,或参加社区的自愿者活动。或许你们会支持那些因为自己的身份或外貌受到欺负的孩子,因为你们和我一样相信每一个孩子都应该有安全的环境来看书学习。或许你们决定更好的照顾自己,以便更好的学习。除此之外,我还希望你们能够勤洗手,不舒服的时候就不要来上课,这样我们就可以共同抵抗秋冬季节的流感。
不管你决定做什么,我都希望你能真正致力于这些事情,为之努力。我知道有些时候,你可能会从一些电视节目得到这样的印象,我们可以不用付出很多努力就变得富有成功,你们通过成为说唱歌手,或者篮球明星,或者现实电视节目明星就可以取得成功。而很可能是你们不可能成为这其中的任何一种人。
真实情况是,成功并非易事,需要付出艰苦的努力。你不会爱好每一门课程,喜欢每一位老师。并不是每一份家庭作业当下看起来都很重要。而且你第一次尝试做某事时,并不一定都会成功。
这些都没有关系。世界上一些最成功的人士恰恰就是那些失败次数最多的人。JK Rowling写的第一部哈里波特小说在最后终于出版之前,被拒绝了12次。迈克尔 乔丹被高中篮球队裁掉,在职业生涯中输了数百场比赛,数千次投球未中。但是他有一次说,“我在一生中经历了一次又一次的失败。这就是我成功的原因。”
这些人之所以能够成功是因为他们知道不能让失败所左右,而要从失败中学习到成功之道。你必须从中懂得下一次该怎样做。如果你身陷麻烦之中,这并不意味着你是个制造麻烦的人,只是意味着你需要更加努力。如果你的成绩不佳,这并不意味着你不够聪明,只是意味着你需要在学习上花更多的时间。
没有人生而知之,必须通过努力获得。你不会第一次从事一个项目就能成为大学校队成员。你不会第一次唱歌就唱准所有的音符。你必须不断地练习。学业也是同样的道理。你可能会数遍尝试解一道数学题,才能最后得到正确答案,或者数遍读一段文字才能最后理解其中的含义,或者打很多遍草稿才能最后把作文上交。
不要怕问问题。在需要时,不要怕寻求帮助。我每天都会问问题,寻求帮助。寻求帮助并不是弱小的表现,而是力量的表现。这显示了你有勇气承认自己不会的地方,就能学到新的知识。所以找到一位信任的长辈,父母,祖父母,老师,教练或者咨询者,让他们帮助你来实现自己的目标。
就算在苦苦奋斗,心灰意冷,好像别人都放弃了你的时候,自己也不要轻言放弃。因为你放弃了自己,就是放弃了你们的国家。
美国人可不是轻易在困难时候就放弃了的民族。美国人是永远坚持,不断尝试,深深热爱自己的祖国并为之尽自己全力的民族。
美国的历史讲述了250年前的学生坐在今天你们坐着的地方,发起了革命,建立了今天的国家。75年前的学生就坐在今天你们坐着的地方,战胜了经济大萧条,赢得了世界大战的胜利,为公民权力而战,把一位宇航员送上了月球。20年前的学生就坐在今天你们坐着的地方,创建了Google, Twitter和Facebook,改变了今天我们的交流方式。
所以今天,我想问问你们,你们的贡献将会是什么?你们将会解决什么问题?你们将会有什么探索发现?20年,50年,或者是100年后的总统会站在这里,讲述你们为国家做出的什么贡献?
你们的家庭,你们的老师还有我尽我们最大的努力来确保你们得到回答这些问题所需要的教育。我正在努力修整你们的教室,使你们得到学习需要的课本,设备和计算机。但是你们也要做好自己应尽的职责。所以我希望你们今年能认真思索,尽全力做好每一件事情。我希望你们每一个人都能有骄人的成绩。所以不要辜负我们的期望,不要辜负你的家庭,你的国家,以及你自己的期望。让我们都为你而自豪吧。我知道你们一定能做到。
谢谢你们,上帝保佑你们,上帝保佑美国。
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奥巴马总统,美国民主党籍政治家,第44任美国总统,为美国历史上第一位非洲裔总统。下面是由读文网小编整理的2012年奥巴马总统竞选演讲稿(中英文),欢迎阅读。
Four years ago as I had the privilege to travel all across the country and meet Americans from all walks of life. I decided nobody else should have to endure the heartbreak of a broken health care system. No one in the wealthiest nation on earth should go because they get sick. Nobody should have to tell their daughters or sons the decisions they can and cannot make for themselves are constrained because of some politicians in Washington.
四年前我有幸周游了全国,遇到了各行各业的人们。我下定了决心不让任何人由于医疗保健系统的不健全而心碎,不让这个世界上最富有的的国家的任何人因为疾病而穷困潦倒。不让任何人需要告诉自己的子女,他们能做什么,不能做什么,会由华盛顿的某些政客而左右。
And thanks to you, we’ve made a difference in people’s lives. Thanks to you. There are folks that I meet today who have gotten care and their cancer’s been caught. And they’ve got treatment. And they are living full lives and it happened because of you.
感谢你们,人们的生活才有了更多不同。感谢你们,让今天的我遇到的很多人得到了关怀,得到了治疗。他们能够继续完整地生活,这些都离不开你们。
We've come too far to turn back now. We've got too much work to do to implement health care. We've got too much work to do to create good jobs. We've got too many teachers that we've got to hire. We've got too many schools that we've got to rebuild. We've got too many students who still need affordable higher education.
我们已经经历了那么多,现在不该回头。要落实医疗改革,要创造就业机会,我们还有太多要做。有太多老师等着我们去征集,有太多学校需要我们去重建,有太多学生需要让他们负担得起的大学。
There's more homegrown energy to generate. There are more troops that we've got to bring home. There are more doors of opportunity we've got to open to anybody who is willing to work hard and walk through those doors. We've got to keep building an economy. Or no matter what you look like or where you come from, you can make it here if you try. And you can leave something behind for the next generation. That's what at stake right now in Colorado. That's why I'm running for President of the United States of America. That's why I'm asking for your vote.
有太多本土能源要去生产,有更多的军队需要回归祖国,有更多的机会之门需要我们去打开,让那些愿意努力工作的人们有机会成功。我们要继续发展经济。做到无论你是何种肤色,来自何方,只要你努力就可以成功。你就可以为下一代创造更好的条件。这是我们在科罗拉多州要争夺的。这是为什么我要竞选美国总统。这是为什么我希望你们投票给我。
I still believe in you. And if you still believe in me, and if you're willing to stand with me, and knock on some doors with me, and make some phone calls with me, and talk to your neighbors and friends about what's at stake, we will win this election. We will finish what we started. And we'll remind the world why America is the greatest nation on earth.
我依旧相信你们。如果你们依旧相信我,如果你们愿意支持我,和我一起去叩门拜访,和我一起打电话,告诉你的邻居和朋友们,我们在争取什么,那我们就能在这场竞选中获得胜利。我们就会像上次那样赢得最终胜利。
God bless you and God bless the United States of America.
上帝护佑你,上帝护佑美利坚合众国。
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贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马,出生于1961年8月4日,美国民主党籍政治家,第44任美国总统,第一位非裔美国总统,同时拥有黑(卢欧族)白(英德爱混血)黄(切罗基族)血统。以下是读文网小编给大家分享了美国第44届当选总统奥巴马就职演讲稿中英文,希望大家有帮助。
My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.#p#副标题#e#
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."
America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
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President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.#p#副标题#e#
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.
We must act. We must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.
We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.
It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.
May He protect each and every one of us.
May He guide me in the days to come.
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